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r.rjrr^.U  ..  ••      -".•: 

T\t  .M  f*  I  C\/^  I  -I* 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


THE 

LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OF 


NELSON  DINGLEY,  Jr. 


ILLUSTRATED 


PUBLISHED  BT  SUBSCRIPTION 


KALAMAZOO,     MICHIGAN 

IHLING  BROS.  &  EVERARD 
1902 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


COPYRIGHT,  1902. 
BY  EDWARD  NELSON  DINGLEY. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I.  Page. 

Birth— Childhood— Attending  School— Early  Interest  in  Politics  and 
Temperance — Teaching  School.  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

At  Waterville  Academy— Debating  Society— Early  Political  Activity- 
Entered  Waterville  College  15 

CHAPTER  III. 

A  Freshman— Interest  in  Religion— A  Local  Political  Leader— Twenty- 
one  Years  of  Age— Left  Waterville  College— Entered  Dartmouth  College— 
A  Leader  in  College— First  Newspaper  Work— Graduated  From  College.  22 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Studying  Law— Editor  of  Lewiston  Journal— First  Speech— First  and 
Only  Law  Case — A  Western  Trip — Marriage — Purchased  Half  Interest  in 
and  Later  all  of  Lewiston  Journal— Activity  in  Politics— On  the  Stump.  35 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Civil  War— The  Daily  Journal  Launched— Elected  State  Repre 
sentative — Re-elected — Chosen  Speaker  of  the  House.  66 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Kingfleld  Riot — Re-elected  State  Representative— Visits  the  Army 
at  the  Front— Re-elected  Speaker  of  the  House — On  the  Stump  for  Lin 
coln  and  Johnson — Re-elected  State  Representative — Leader  of  the  House — 
Candidate  for  Congress— Interview  with  Grant.  70 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Re-elected  State  Representative — Again  a  Candidate  for  Congress — 
Active  in  the  Lecture  Field— Death  of  His  Mother— On  the  Stump— Elected 
State  Representative  for  the  Sixth  Time.  87 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Elected  Governor  Two  Terms  Successively— Laws  Taxing  Railroads- 
Amending  State  Constitution.  101 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Member  of  the  Brooklyn  Council  in  Beecher  Case — Head  of  Maine 
Delegation  to  Republican  National  Convention — Advocate  of  Temperance 
and  Prohibition.  122 

CHAPTER  X. 

Fighting  Greenbackism — Fusion  Victory — A  Trip  Abroad  in  Search  of 
Health.  134 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Attempt  to  Count  Out  Republican  Officials — Excitement  at  Augusta — 
Indignation  Meetings— The  State  Under  Martial  Law— Two  Legislatures — 
Decision  of  Court.  149 


Page 
CHAPTER  XII. 

Active  in  Politics  and  Editorial  work — Urged  Blaine  to  Enter  Gar- 
field's  Cabinet— Supported  Frye  for  United  States  Senator— Elected  to 
Lower  House  of  Congress  180 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

In  the  Forty-Seventh  Congress — Interest  in  Shipping,  Currency,  Bank- 
Ing  and  Tariff — Member  of  Shipping  Commission.  198 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

In  the  Forty-Eighth  Congress— The  Shipping  Bill— The  Tariff  Bill— At 
Republican      National       Convention— Promoted      Elaine's       Nomination — 
— Western  Stumping  Tour — Sorrow  Over  Elaine's  Defeat.  231 

CHAPTER  XV. 

In  the  Forty-Ninth  Congress— Legislative  Reunion  at  Augusta— Ship 
ping  Bill— The  Fisheries— Opposed  Morrison  Tariff  Bill — Active  in  Temper 
ance  Movements.  261 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

In  the  Fiftieth  Congress— The  Fisheries  Treaty— Opposed  the  Mills 
Tariff  Bill— On  the  Stump— Centennial  Address  at  His  Birthplace,  Dur 
ham,  Maine.  286 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

In  the  Fifty- First  Congress— Excitement  Over  Counting  a  Quorum — 
Active  in  Framing  Tariff  Bill — Opposition  to  Free  Silver.  315 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

In  the  Fifty- Second  Congress— Regret  Over  Elaine's  Failure  to  Secure 
Presidential  Nomination— Defends  McKinley  Tariff — Prophesies  McKin- 
ley's  Nomination  for  President — Sorrow  Over  Death  of  Blaine — Travels  in 
Europe.  340 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

In  Fifty-Third  Qongress— Put  Forward  to  Stem  the  Tide  of  Free  Silver 
—Leads  Opposition  to  Wilson  Tariff — Given  Degree  of  LL.  D.  by  Dart 
mouth  College — Author  of  an  Historical  Document.  364 

CHAPTER  XX. 

In  Fifty-Fourth  Congress— The  Bayard  Episode — Made  Chairman  of 
the  Ways  and  Means  Committee — Leader  on  the  Floor  of  the  House — Ar 
resting  the  National  Deficit — Fighting  the  Free  Silver  Amendment  to  Bond 
Bill— Steering  the  Cuban  Resolution— His  Comment  on  William  McKin- 
ley's  Nomination  for  President — A  Western  Stumping  Tour — Summoned  to 
Canton,  Ohio.  388 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Tendered  Portfolio  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury— Declined  the 
Honor— Preparation  of  the  Dingley  Tariff  Bill  Begun— His  Arduous  Work 
on  the  Committee — Extra  Session  of  Congress — The  Dingley  Tariff  Bill  in 
House — Opened  the  Debate— Passed  the  House.  410 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Dingley  Tariff  Bill  Amended  in  the  Senate— In  Conference— Senate 
Yielded  on  All  Important  Points — Conference  Agreement  Reported  and 
Adopted— President  McKinley  Signed  the  Bill  and  it  Became  a  Law— Con 
gratulations— Death  of  Mr.  Dingley's  Father— Dingley  Tariff  Law  Well 
Received — Addressed  Home  Market  Club,  Boston.  430 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Restored  Public  Confidence— Fighting  Free  Silver  Coinage— His  Appeal 
to  the  House  to  Stand  by  the  Nation's  Honor— Excitement  Over  Blowing 


Page 

Up  of  the  War  Ship  Maine— Reported  Bill  "For  National  Defense"— Con 
ference  with  the  President  Over  Probable  War — Assisted  President  Mc- 
Kinley  in  Checking-  the  War  Cry — War  Declared — Master  of  the  House — 
Preparation  of  War  Revenue  Bill  Begun — His  Skill  in  Piloting  the  Bill — 
Final  Triumph  Over  Opposition — A  Vindication.  448 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

The  Joint  High  Commission — Received  an  Ovation  the  Opening  Day  of 
Congress — He  Forecasts  the  Policy  of  Expansion — His  Last  Address- 
Taken  111 — A  Nation's  Anxiety— Heroic  Struggle  for  Life — His  Death — 
Universal  Sorrow — As.  Imposing  Funeral — Tributes  of  Praise — At  Rest.  469 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Nelson  Dingley,  Jr. — Frontispiece. 

William  McKinley,  Jr. 

Thomas  B.  Reed. 

Lyman  J.  Gage. 

John  D.  Long. 

Waterville  Academy — Prof.  J.  H.  Hanson— Waterville  College,  Maine. 

Dartmouth  College,  Hanover,  New  Hampshire. 

Letter  of  recommendation  from  Edwin  D.  Sanborn. 

Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  1855— A  student  at  Dartmouth  College. 

Lot  M.  Merrill — Samuel  Wells— Abner  Coburn. 

Samuel  Cony— Israel  Washburn— Hannibal  Hamlin— Sidney  Perham. 

Nelson  Dingley,  Jr.,  1874-5,  Governor  of  Maine. 

Maine  State  Capitol— Residence  of  James  G.  Elaine,  Augusta,  Maine. 

Joshua  L.  Chamberlain— Daniel  F.  Davis— Alonzo  Carcelon— Selden  Connor— 
H.  M.  Plaisted. 

Forged  election  returns. 

Nelson  Dingley,  Jr.— 1882.  Member  of  Congress. 

Hamilton  House,  Washington,  D.  C.— Summer  Home,  Squirrel  Island,  Maine 
— Lewiston,  Maine,  home,  while  Governor— Lewiston,  Maine,  home  while  member 
of  Congress. 

U.  S.  Grant— W.  S.  Rosecrans— N.  P.  Banks— Joseph  Wheeler. 

James  A.  Garfield— Chester  A.  Arthur— Roscoe  Conkling— J.  Warren  Keifer. 

W.  H.  Morrison— Abram  S.  Hewitt— Hilary  A.  Herbert— Wm.  M.  Springer. 

R.  B.  Hayes— W.  W.  Phelps— W.  S.  Holman— John  A.  Kasson. 

J.  G.  Carlisle— Chas.  H.  Crisp— Joseph  McKenna-Benjamin  Butterworth. 

Grover  Cleveland— W.  L.  Wilson-J.  D.  Richardson-J.  C.  S.  Blackburn. 


Wm.  McKinley— Chas.  H.  Grosvenor— J.  B.  Henderson— J.  G.  Cannon. 

H.  C.  Lodge— R.  R.  Hitt— J.  C.  Burrows— Benton  McMillin. 

John  D.  Long— A.  J.  Hopkins — John  Dalzell— Amos  J.  Cummings. 

W.  J.  Bryan— Jerry  Simpson— W.  P.  Hepburn— C.  A.  Russell. 

D.  B.  Henderson— S.  E.  Payne — J.  A.  Tawney — J.  P.  Dolliver. 

Letter  to  President  McKinley  declining  position  of  Secretary  of  Treasury. 

Maine's  Big  Six— Wm.  P.  Frye — Eugene  Hale — Nelson  Dingley,  Jr. — Thomas 
B.  Reed— Charles  A.  Boutelle— Seth  L.  Milliken. 

National  House  of  Representatives. 

Room  of  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means. 

Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means. 

International  Commission,  Quebec,  August,  1898. 

Steamer  "Governor  Dingley,"  Portland  Steamship  Company. 

Roberti  Dinglei— R.  Dingley,  Esq. — Tomb  of  Francis  Dingley. 

Tomb  of  Francis  Dingley  and  his  wife. 

Crest  of  Francis  Dingley. 

Residence  of  Rev.  Samuel  Dingley — Brass  of  Margaret  Dingley — Charlton 
Manor. 

Dingley  Homestead,  Durham,  Maine — Mr.  Dingley's  mother — Mr.  Dingley's 
father— Lambert  Homestead,  Durham,  Maine  where  Nelson  Dingley,  Jr.,  was 
born. 

Mrs.  Salome  Dingley,  Wife  of  Nelson  Dingley,  Jr. 
Frank  L.  Dingley,  Brother  of  Nelson  Dingley,  Jr. 

Garcelon's  Ferry,  Androscoggin"  River— Resting  Place  of  Nelson  Dingley, 
Jr.,  Auburn,  Maine — Old  Dingley  Burying  Ground,  Durham,  Maine. 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 


To  my  dear  mother,  the  devoted  and  loving  wife  of  Nelson 
Ding-ley,  Jr.,  and  to  my  wife  who  has  given  me  encouragement  and 
inspiration,  this  volume  is  affectionately  dedicated.  In  com 
piling  and  preparing  this  work  for  the  family,  relatives  and  friends 
of  Mr.  Dingley,  and  for  all  others  who  may  be  interested  in  read 
ing  the  story  of  his  singularly  pure,  upright,  useful  and  Christian 
life,  I  have  endeavored  to  confine  myself  to  a  simple  statement  of 
facts,  which  was  the  chief  characteristic  of  Mr.  Dingley's  career. 
His  editorials,  speeches  and  addresses  were  models  of  simplicity. 
He  never  sacrificed  logic  and  force  for  needless  phraseology.  I 
have  also  endeavored  to  bring  out  what  I  deemed  the  salient  points 
of  his  life — his  industry,  perseverence,  studious  habits,  rare  mod 
esty  and  Christian  character.  His  earthly  life  was  a  well  rounded 
career — consistent,  wholesome,  calm  and  forcible.  It  was  a  lofty 
example  of  devotion,  unselfishness  and  earnestness.  As  a  husband 
and  father  he  was  all  that  mortal  can  hope  to  attain.  As  a  public 
man  he  was  filled  with  a  spirit  of  patrotism,  honesty  and  sincerity. 
He  was  an  ideal  Christian  statesman ;  and  his  work  is  a  monument 
more  enduring  than  marble.  He  is  enshrined  in  the  hearts  and  the 
minds  of  a  loving  people.  His  career  was  like  the  building  of  a 
splendid  structure — a  process  of  slow  but  substantial  growth  and 
development. 

I  wish  to  thank  all  to  whom  I  arn  indebted  in  the  preparation  of 
these  volumes,  and  I  also  wish  to  acknowledge  that  I  have  freely 
drawn  upon  published  books  and  documents  for  suggestions.  If 
this  story  of  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,"  is  an  in- 


spiration  to  any  of  these  kind  friends,  they  may  be  comforted  with 
the  thought  that  they  contributed  to  it. 

The  story  of  this  remarkable  life  may  be  a  help  to  those  who 
are  almost  persuaded  that  it  is  impossible  in  these  strenu 
ous  days  to  enter  a  career  of  public  service  without  surrendering 
principle,  honesty  and  sincerity.  Mr.  Dingley's  public  life  proves 
that  a  man  can  be  honest  and  at  the  same  time  a  politician — a  de 
vout  Christian  and  at  the  same  time  a  practical  statesman.  If  it  is 
true  that  none  but  the  unscrupulous  succeed  in  public  life,  then 
there  is  indeed  danger  to  our  Republic.  But  the  public  life  of  Mr. 
Dingley,  pure  and  spotless,  proves  the  contrary.  The  noble  and 
Christian  people  who  are  in  a  majority,  are  ready  and  anxious  to 
crown  him  who,  by  his  conduct,  precept  and  example,  led  the  way 
to  a  higher  and  nobler  citizenship,  a  loftier  conception  of  life  itself. 

The  world  was  made  better  by  the  life  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
and  his  deeds  live  after  him. 

I  trust  that  this  volume  will  prompt  a  further  study  of  the  pub 
lic  life  of  Mr.  Dingley,  for  the  more  minutely  it  is  examined  the 
larger  and  more  substantial  it  grows.  Time  alone  will  reveal  the 
fullness  and  grandeur  of  his  life  and  his  great  service  to  his  country 
and  to  mankind.  As  Stanton  said  of  Lincoln — "He  belongs  to  the 
ages." 

E.  N.  D. 


*  *  *  We  met  for  the  first  time  in  the  Forty-seventy  Con 
gress.  He  took  a  prominent  place  almost  from  the  start  which  he 
strengthened  with  every  session  of  Congress.  He  was  a  leader  of 
the  House  even  before  he  became  Chairman  of  Ways  and  Means. 
He  was  a  wonderful  encyclopedia  of  facts.  His  success  can  be 
largely  attributed  to  his  thorough  knowledge  of  the  important 
subjects  of  national  legislation.  He  never  advocated  a  cause 
without  strengthening  it;  he  never  discussed  a  public  question 
without  illuminating  it.  He  enjoyed  in  the  highest  degree  the  con 
fidence  of  his  party  associates  and  his  integrity  was  always  accepted 
even  by  those  who  differed  from  him.  He  spoke  to  his  subject,  and 


addressed   his   arguments   to  the   members   whose  judgment   he 
sought  to  influence.    He  never  spoke  for  applause. 

He  was  efficient.  He  had  a  habit  of  passing  his  bills ;  and  while 
I  have  made  no  examination  of  it,  I  cannot  be  far  wrong  when  I 
state  that  during  his  term  of  service,  he  placed  upon  the  statute 
books  more  important  laws  than  probably  any  of  his  contempor 
aries. 


The  eminent  and  conspicuous  fitness  of  Governor  Dingley  for 
the  great  position  he  held  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  strikingly 
shown  by  the  complete  acquiescence  with  which  his  appointment 
was  received  by  his  colleagues  and  by  the  people  of  the  country. 

At  the  time  he  was  made  Chairman  of  Ways  and  Means,  Maine 
had  already  the  Speakership,  the  Chairmanship  of  the  Naval  Com 
mittee  and  that  of  Public  Buildings  with  just  four  members  for  her 
representation.  Had  the  appointment  been  an  ordinary  one,  much 
adverse  criticism  would  have  been  deserved  and  encountered ;  but 
the  feeling  was  so  strong  that  the  fitting  thing  had  been  done  that 
nothing  but  high  praise  was  manifest. 


This  new  position  was  under  the  circumstances  of  that  time  the 
most  laborious  and  in  many  ways  the  most  important  in  the  gift  of 
the  Government. 

Governor  Dingley  brought  to  his  new  task  the  powers  of  a  sin 
gularly  keen  intellect  well  trained  as  to  details  as  well  as  a  remark 
able  capacity  for  long  sustained  labor.  Whatever  he  undertook  to 
know  he  mastered  to  the  minutest  particulars.  It  was  a  satisfac 
tion  in  private  conversation  as  well  as  in  public  speech  to  hear  him 
explain  an  involved  and  difficult  question.  It  was  so  evident  from 
the  very  beginning  that  he  had  worked  over  the  whole  subject  that 
you  very  readily  trusted  his  knowledge  for  the  matters  you  did  not 
yourself  know. 

While  he  had  few  of  the  graces  of  oratory,  no  dominating  voice, 
he  had  very  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Washington  the  attention  of  a 
constantly  increasing  number  of  the  members  of  the  House  until  at 
last  he  attained  the  rare  distinction  of  being  always  listened  to  be 
cause  he  always  had  something  to  say  that  all  wanted  to  hear. 

It  is  difficult  for  me  in  so  short  a  space  to  express  suitable  ap 
preciation  of  the  services  Governor  Dingley  rendered  his  country. 
Fortunately  all  know  them  and  any  short  review  could  only  be  a 
reminder  and  not  a  statement 

As  an  adviser  in  times  of  stress  his  wisdom  and  experience  were 
of  great  value,  all  the  greater  because  he  was  invariably  cool  and 
collected,  seldom  or  never  disturbed,  able  at  all  times  to  see  ques 
tions  from  all  standpoints  and  never  deluded  by  his  own  wishes  and 
hopes. 

Without  detracting  in  any  way  from  the  claims  of  the  eminent 
man  who  participated  in  the  making  of  the  last  Tariff  Act  it  is  little 
enough  to  say  that  that  act  owes  its  most  important  features  in 
scope  and  plan  to  the  skill  and  wisdom  of  Governor  Dingley,  and 
its  details  in  large  measure  to  his  untiring  labor. 

That  the  loss  of  Governor  Dingley  was  a  great  national  mis 
fortune,  the  people  of  this  country  have  so  fully  and  amply  testi 
fied  that  all  any  one  of  us  can  add  seems  superfluous. 


My  acquaintance  with  Nelson  Dingley  was  only  for  a  small  part 
of  the  long  time  he  gave  to  the  public  service,  but  he  being  Chair 
man  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  I  had  abundant  opportunity  to  know  him  and  to  learn  his 
worth.  He  was  singularly  gifted  in  having  a  broad  and  compre 
hensive  grasp  of  public  questions,  particularly  those  having  rela 
tion  to  the  Treasury  Department.  There  was  no  part  of  the  great 
field  covered  by  it  with  which  he  was  not  readily  familiar.  He  was 
especially  informed  on  all  subjects  affecting  national  taxation,  the 
public  debt,  and  coinage,  banking  and  currency.  He  was  an  ideal 
man  for  Chairman  of  the  important  committee  over  which  he  pre- 


sided.  The  tariff  law  which  bears  his  name,  and  the  war  revenue 
legislation  of  1898,  to  each  of  which  he  gave  conspicuously  intelli 
gent  direction,  have  met  all  expectations.  The  former  measure 
was  the  first  legislative  move  leading  to  the  season  of  high  prosper 
ity  which  made  the  closing  years  of  the  century  happy  ones  for 
the  American  people.  No  small  part  of  these  great  blessings  may 
be  credited  to  the  devoted  service  of  Mr.  Dingley.  The  state  of 
the  Treasury  on  the  incoming  of  the  administration  of  President 
McKinley  imperatively  demanded  a  change  in  the  revenue  laws. 
In  less  that  five  months  the  Dingley  Bill  became  effective  as  a  law. 
No  other  tariff  measure  was  ever  passed  so  speedily,  and  none  has 
ever  responded  to  the  public  needs  so  adequately  and  completely. 
In  thirty-five  months  of  its  operation  it  produced  a  surplus  of  $45,- 
000,000.  The  restoration  of  public  credit  thus  affected  was  the 
foundation  upon  which  was  subsequently  reared  those  reforms 
which  have  secured  to  us  the  happy  conditions  of  the  present  time. 
Mr.  Dingley's  untimely  death  furnishes  one  of  those  sad  instances 
where  a  faithful  public  servant  did  not  live  to  see  the  full  fruition 
of  his  hopes  and  efforts,  but  if  it  be  true  that, 

"To  live  in  hearts  we  leave  behind 

Is  not  to  die," 

it  is  also  true  that  we  survive  in  the  deeds  we  have  done.  They  are 
imperishable  and  in  this  sense  the  one  who  has  gone  lives  on  amid 
the  things  he  accomplished  when  he  was  among  us. 


*  *  *  My  memory  goes  back  to  the  time  when  he  entered 
public  life  and  when,  having  made  himself  known  all  over  the  State 
as  the  editor  of  the  Lewiston  Journal  entered  the  State  Legisla 
ture,  was  Speaker  of  its  House  of  Representatives  and  afterwards 
became  Governor  of  the  State  of  Maine.  Had  he  taken  no  further 
step  in  the  public  service  he  would  still  be  remembered  as  one  of 
its  most  distinguished  citizens.  But  his  long  career  in  the  National 
House  of  Representatives  made  him  a  national  figure.  I  do  not 
believe  he  was  ever  excelled  in  industry  and  in  the  mastery  of  all 
subjects  pertaining  to  the  legislation  of  his  country.  He  always 
seemed  to  be  an  encyclopedia.  With  none  of  the  arts  of  an  orator, 


yet  such  was  his  thorough  knowledge  of  every  subject  he  discussed 
and  the  confidence  he  had  inspired  that  no  man  on  the  floor  of  Con 
gress  was  listened  to  with  more  attention.  As  Chairman  of  the 
great  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  in  which  position  he  died, 
his  name  of  course  is  associated  with  the  present  operating  reve 
nue  measure,  the  results  of  which  are  a  full  treasury,  the  unlimited 
credit  of  the  United  States,  and  the  bounding  prosperity  of  the  in 
dustries  and  business  of  the  country.  It  is  with  the  highest  respect 
that  I  beg  to  add  the  tribute  of  my  word  to  his  memory. 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

OF 

NELSON  DINGLEY,  JR. 


CHAPTER  I. 
1832—1850. 

It  was  a  cold  night  in  mid-winter.  The  moon  looked  down  on 
a  snow-covered  landscape.  The  horses'  hoofs  crunched  the  frost 
bitten  ground,  while  the  smoke  from  the  farm-house  chimneys 
curled  lazily  heavenward.  The  river  was  covered  with  a  thick  coat 
of  ice,  and  the  pine  trees  looked  like  sentinels  on  watch. 

It  was  a  typical  winter's  eve  in  Maine.  Christmas  had  come 
and  gone;  the  New  Year  had  been  born;  but  a  more  important 
event  than  all  to  the  village  of  Durham,  was  the  birth  of  a  child 
whose  life,  ere  its  close,  was  to  be  linked  with  that  of  humanity  and 
the  world. 

Astrologers  say  that  all  great  men  are  born  under  lucky  stars, 
and  that  this  accounts  for  their  greatness.  Reason  says  that  the 
stars  and  the  planets  in  their  courses,  are  the  lights  on  God's  altar 
illuminating  the  great  souls  of  mothers  through  whom  the  Al 
mighty  creates  in  his  own  image,  and  gives  to  the  world  His  de 
voted  followers. 

There  was  no  bright  star  in  the  east ;  there  was  no  pilgrimage 


2  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  wise  men ;  but  it  was  the  nativity  of  a  true  son  of  God.  Nature 
kept  her  secret  and  revealed  it  only  when  the  revelation  made  man 
ifest  His  divine  plan. 

Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  first  saw  the  light  of  day  in  his  grandfather 
Lambert's  house — a  one  and  a  half  story  cottage  farm  house  situ 
ated  on  the  road  from  Auburn,  Maine  (then  Goff's  Corner)  to  the 
South  West  Bend,  near  the  Androscoggin  River.  Here  his  mother, 
Jane  Lambert,  was  born  August  6,  1809.  Here  she  passed  her 
childhood  and  young  womanhood.  Here  his  mother  and  father 
were  married  in  the  early  part  of  1831,  and  here  his  parents  made 
their  home  for  nearly  two  years  after  their  marriage. 

In  1852,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  then  only  twenty  years  of  age,  thus 
wrote  of  his  birthplace :  "Many  a  time  have  I  gazed  with  raptur 
ous  pleasure  on  the  scenes  of  my  nativity.  How  oft  when  summer 
— queenly  June  sat  on  the  throne,  have  I  contemplated  the  scene 
of  my  birth.  It  was  a  farm  house  a  story  and  a  half  high,  painted 
white,  but  a  few  rods  from  the  gentle  Androscoggin.  Peace  and 
plenty  reigned  triumphant  all  around ;  green  fields  of  grain  waived 
their  loaded  stalks  in  the  breeze,  and  all  spake  of  comfort.  Yes,  it 
was  a  farmer's  home — the  home  of  my  dear,  dear  mother — where 
she  too  was  born  and  reveled  in  the  sports  of  girlhood — where  she 
was  young  and  thoughtless." 

Nelson's  father  was  away  from  home,  engaged  in  peddling,  a 
large  part  of  these  years,  and  during  one  of  his  trips  he  purchased 
a  farm  in  Parkman,  Piscataquis  County,  about  a  mile  from  the 
"Corner"  so  called.  In  January,  1833,  when  the  thermometer  was 
down  to  zero,  the  parents  with  their  infant  child  in  it's  mother's 
arms,  journeyed  to  Parkman,  a  distance  of  over  a  hundred  miles, 
and  there  established  their  new  home.  A  two  horse  team  con 
tained  all  their  worldly  goods.  Two  years  the  father  and  mother 
toiled,  the  former  on  the  farm  and  the  latter  in  the  cottage.  In 
1835,  the  father  entered  into  partnership  with  Isaiah  Vickery. 
They  ran  a  country  hotel  and  store  combined,  while  the  good  wife 
and  mother,  Jane,  performed  successfully  the  arduous  duties  of 
mistress  and  landlady  of  the  hotel. 

Here  Nelson,  the  son,  first  attended  school ;  and  in  his  diary  ke 
records  recollections  of  those  boyhood  days.  While  in  school  one 
day  he  accidentally  pushed  a  slate  pencil  out  of  reach  in  his  ear.  A 
physician's  services  were  required  to  remove  the  pencil ;  and  Nel 
son  beautifully  records  the  sweet  and  tender  ministrations  of  his 
mother.  "He  who  knows  not  the  love  of  a  kind  mother  has  lost 
the  great  link  of  life,"  he  wrote. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  3 

While  attending  school  at  Parkman  he  received  from  his  mother 
the  first  lessons  of  accuracy  and  persistence  that  characterized  his 
whole  life.  His  mother  always  took  him  on  her  knee  before  he 
went  to  school  and  compelled  him  to  recite  his  lesson  to  her  over 
and  over  again  until  he  had  it  perfect.  Even  in  those  boyhood 
days  he  always  did  things  well. 

Young  Nelson  was  not  a  robust  child,  but  was  by  no  means 
sickly.  He  was  very  much  like  other  boys  of  his  age  and  records 
in  his  brief  autobiography  that  he  probably  often  merited  and 
sometimes  received  an  application  of  the  rod  at  the  hands  of  his 
mother. 

In  the  year  1838,  when  Nelson  was  seven  years  old,  his  parents 
removed  to  Unity,  Waldo  County,  a  pretty  village  forty  miles  west 
of  Parkman  on  the  line  of  the  Maine  Central  Railroad  between 
Burnham  and  Belfast.  His  father  conducted  a  general  store,  in 
which  everything  from  molasses  to  calico  was  sold ;  and  here  Nel 
son  received  his  first  experiences  in  real  life. 

It  might  appear  to  the  casual  reader  of  Nelson's  subsequent 
career,  that  he  was  an  unusually  sober  and  serious  lad ;  and  that  he 
never  indulged  in  the  games  and  sports  so  common  in  the  child 
hood  of  every  man.  But  this  is  a  great  mistake.  From  the  time 
that  he  was  seven  years  old  when  he  first  moved  to  Unity,  until  the 
cares  of  public  life  occupied  his  entire  attention,  Nelson  shared 
actively  in  all  games,  sports  and  out-door  events.  He  was  fond  of 
baseball,  and  in  the  pursuits  of  hunting  and  fishing,  and  in  them  all 
had  the  same  enthusiasm  and  zeal  that  characterized  him  in  his 
study.  Here  in  this  quiet  village  with  its  wide-spreading  elms,  its 
shaded  streets  and  wholesome  atmosphere  his  whole  character  was 
formed;  and  it  was  broadened  and  ennobled  by  his  constant  and 
devoted  communion  with  nature.  In  his  diary  he  speaks  of  a 
stream  "to  which  I  often  directed  my  steps  with  hook  and  line." 
When  a  student  at  Waterville  College  l  and  in  a  poetic  frame  of 
mind,  he  wrote  the  following  poem  on  "Sand  Brook" — that  stream 
to  which  when  a  boy  he  "often  directed  his  steps  with  hook  and 
line:" 

"There  is  a  place,  far,  far  away 
More  dear  to  me  than  life's  bright  ray, 
Where  memory  fond  loves  e'er  to  dwell 
And  bring  to  mind  the  parting  knell. 

There  is  a  place  'mid  nature's  lawn 

1— August  21,  1851. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

By  sparkling  waters  drawn  along; 
With  vale  and  meadows  freely  blessed, 
With  nature's  brightest  flowers  dressed. 

There  is  a  place,  I  know  it  well, 
Its  joys  and  beauties,  who  can  tell? 
Where  hopes  of  youth  beat  strong  and  high, 
Where  life  was  free  from  many  a  sigh. 

That  place  is  "Sand  Brook"  known  to  me 
By  boyish  sports  and  dreams  of  glee 
By  playmates  dear  to  youthful  days 
Now  far  away  from  manhood's  gaze. 

The  pond  that  washed  the  northern  bound, 
The  stream  that  flowed  the  village  round, 
Have  oft  been  scenes  of  anxious  looks, 
As  finny  tribes  eyed  well  my  hooks. 


Ah  who  can  tell  how  many  a  time 
Those  scenes  of  youth  have  come  to  mind  ; 
How  oft  I've  sighed  for  their  return, 
And  wondered  long  at  life's  changed  urn." 

The  winter  following  his  parents'  removal  to  Unity  was  an  ex 
citing  one.  It  was  the  year  of  the  famous  "Aroostook  War."  The 
immediate  cause  of  this  war  was  the  "plundering"  of  timber  from 
the  public  lands  of  Maine  by  trespassers  from  New  Brunswick.  To 
protect  the  public  lands,  the  legislature  appropriated  $800.000  and 
ordered  a  draft  of  ten  thousand  men.  Some  of  these  soldiers 
passed  through  Unity  on  their  way  to  Aroostook;  and  Nelson's 
youthful  eyes  gazed  with  astonishment  upon  the  loads  of  huge  can 
non-balls  daily  carried  by;  upon  the  companies  of  gaily  dressed 
troops,  some  of  which  found  quarters  and  rations  at  the  Dingley 
home. 

In  school,  Nelson  was  not  precocious,  but  he  was  even  better 
than  that  —  industrious,  zealous,  rich  in  application,  capable  in  con 
tinuous  study,  faithful  to  his  tasks,  conscientious,  indeed  embody 
ing  at  that  early  age  those  characteristics  which  made  him  so  useful 
in  later  years  -to  both  his  state  and  nation.  The  first  book  he  ever 
owned  was  "Olin's  Travels"  —  a  series  of  vivid  sketches  of  travel  in 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  5 

the  oldest  of  the  continents.  He  was  only  a  lad  of  ten,  and  yet  he 
took  great  delight  in  reading  and  re-reading  the  pages  of  this  vol 
ume.  At  the  age  of  twelve  he  was  devouring  Gibbon's  History  of 
Rome ;  while  Daniel  Webster's  speeches  he  read  as  other  boys  read 
the  stories  of  Scott  and  Dickens. 

His  first  school  teacher  in  Unity  was  Hon.  R.  W.  Files  of 
Thorndike,  a  state  councillor  in  1873  and  1874,  when  Nelson  was 
Governor  of  Maine — "A  severe  disciplinarian  who  made  himself 
felt  in  more  ways  than  one,"  wrote  Nelson  in  after  years.  Of  this 
school  period  Nelson  wrote  in  his  diary:  "Faint  shadows  flit  by 
now  and  then  of  a  piece  of  leather  sewed  together  and  stuffed  with 
hair,  about  a  foot  in  length,  which  at  times  performed  sundry  an 
tics  over  the  backs  of  delinquent  youths." 

In  the  winter  of  1840  Mr.  Whitney  of  Thorndike  was  his 
teacher ;  and  it  is  said  that  Nelson  was  one  of  the  bright  boys  of  the 
village,  largely  due  to  the  extraordinary  care  bestowed  upon  him 
by  his  mother.  On  the  seventh  of  February,  1840,  Nelson's  first 
and  only  brother  (Frank  Lambert)  was  born.  Of  this  event  he 
wrote  later  in  his  diary :  "A  brother!  What  magic  in  the  word — 
another  link  in  the  chain  of  affection  that  binds  man  to  earth." 

Nelson  was  eight  and  a  half  years  old  when  the  whole  country 
was  aroused  over  the  Presidential  contest  of  1840  when  "Tippe- 
canoe  and  Tyler  too"  was  the  watchword;  and  he  wrote' of  that 
period  in  later  years :  "I  recall  even  now  (1874)  an  illumination  in 
the  village  of  Unity  in  honor  of  Harrison's  election." 

In  the  autumn  of  1841  he  began  to  master  the  mysteries  of 
grammar,  and  he  wrote  his  first  composition  which  was  a  repro 
duction  of  a  story  he  had  read.    Here  it  is : 
RALPH  EDWARD. 

"There  was  a  boy  who  lived  in  Connecticut.  His  father  was 
dead  and  he  went  to  school.  One  Saturday  afternoon  he  went 
down  to  a  river  which  was  near,  and  he  saw  a  boy  plunge  into  the 
river  without  taking  off  his  clothes.  Soon  he  began  to  struggle. 
Edward  took  off  his  boots  and  hauled  the  boy  on  shore.  The  boy 
owned  that  he  could  not  swim  and  promised  that  he  would  not  ven 
ture  into  such  deep  water  till  he  had  learned  to  swim.  Edward 
went  home  without  saying  a  word  and  went  into  his  own  little 
chamber  and  shed  tears.  His  mother  went  and  asked  him  what 
was  the  matter.  He  said  he  could  not  help  crying  when  he  thought 
of  that  drowning  boy." 

It  was  in  September  1841  that  Nelson  experienced  his  first  sor 
row,  the  death  of  his  intimate  playmate  John  Osborne  Seavey,  son 


6  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  the  local  hotel  keeper.  For  the  first  time  death  was  brought 
near  to  him,  and  the  sad  incidents  were  indelibly  engraven  on  his 
memory.  Of  this  first  grief  he  wrote:  "Death  was  thus  first 
brought  near  to  me.  The  funeral  services,  the  last  look  at  the 
familiar  face,  the  closing  of  the  coffin  lid,  the  procession  to  the 
churchyard,  the  funeral  hymn,  the  last  farewells — all  these  sad  in 
cidents  are  engraven  on  my  memory,  and  seem  as  fresh  after  the 
lapse  of  more  than  thirty  years  as  though  it  were  but  yesterday." 

During  the  next  three  years  Nelson  attended  school,  worked 
on  his  father's  farm,  fished  and  hunted  and  roamed  in  the  woods 
and  along  the  streams.  Judging  from  the  entries  in  his  diary  he 
did  not  disturb  the  fish  or  game  to  any  great  extent,  for  he  was  ac 
customed  to  lay  down  his  gun  or  his  rod,  stretch  himself  flat  upon 
his  back  and  contemplate  the  beauties  of  nature.  At  thirteen  years 
of  age,  owing  to  his  rapid  growth,  he  became  sickly ;  but  in  another 
year  his  constitution  triumphed  and  health  was  restored. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  he  conceived  the  first  great  impulse 
of  education,  which  led  him  by  twilight  and  candlelight  to  snatch 
every  possible  moment  for  books.  He  was  an  omnivorious  reader. 
He  made  his  own  selections  and  evinced  a  distaste  for  the  floating 
literature  of  the  day  and  sought  works  of  greater  utility — histories, 
biographies  and  books  of  travel.  At  the  age  of  fifteen  he  had  read 
historical  works  comprising  the  whole  world.  At  the  age  of  twenty 
he  wrote  in  his  diary  concerning  his  literary  selections  during  that 
period :  "Since  then,  I  have  seen  the  wisdom  of  my  choice." 

Although  only  fourteen  years  old,  Nelson  began  to  be,  in  a 
sense,  a  public  man.  His  father  was  a  Whig,  and  a  Whig  was  a  de 
voted  follower  of  Daniel  Webster.  The  literature  of  social  and  po 
litical  economy  was  then  very  lean,  and  Nelson  was  obliged  to  en 
ter  original  avenues  of  thought  to  obtain  what  he  conceived  to  be 
the  true  basis  of  political  economy.  Calhoun,  Clay  and  Webster 
were  the  only  authorities  and  masters  of  American  politics.  With 
the  speeches  of  Webster  which  he  digested  and  assimilated,  as  his 
starting  point,  he  slowly  but  surely  evolved  a  practical  political 
economy  of  his  own  which  was  of  such  great  value  to  him  in  after 
years.  In  1845,  ne  spent  much  time  in  his  father's  store.  Every 
spare  moment  while  waiting  for  customers  he  employed  reading 
some  historical  work.  He  had  a  way  of  laying  down  the  book 
every  few  moments  and  quizzing  himself  on  what  he  had  read.  In 
this  way  he  strengthened  his  memory  and  laid  by  a  store  of  useful 
knowledge. 

In  the  winter  of  this  year  an  incident  in  his  school  life  happened 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  7 

that  caused  him  great  shame  at  the  time.  For  turning  his  head 
and  looking  frequently  at  a  girl  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  school 
house  who  looked  captivatingly  towards  his  seat,  Nelson  was  sent 
by  the  teacher  to  sit  by  her  side.  Of  this  incident  he  wrote  later : 
"I  was  deeply  mortified  then  to  receive  the  punishment,  although  I 
have  wondered  why  I  did  not  kiss  the  rod." 

Nelson  was  early  trained  in  habits  of  industry  and  study  both  by 
his  father  and  mother.  They  were  hard  working  people,  devoted 
to  their  children  and  ambitious  for  their  welfare.  Of  his  mother, 
Nelson  wrote  in  later  years:  "Having  naturally  marked  ability 
and  having  received  a  fair  education  and  had  successful  experience 
as  a  teacher  for  several  years  previous  to  her  marriage,  she  im 
pressed  her  own  love  of  intellectual  pursuits  on  her  children;  and 
early  inspired  them  with  an  ambition  to  excel  in  this  direction. 
Her  strong  character,  marked  practical  sense,  and  deep  regard  for 
all  that  is  pure  and  noble,  gave  to  the  household  an  atmosphere 
which  could  not  fail  to  produce  a  lasting  impression.  To  her  early 
and  repeated  inculcations  is  due  the  deep  interest  which  I  have  felt 
from  childhood  in  the  cause  of  temperance."  Of  his  father  he 
wrote :  "Ever  kind  and  indulgent,  although  watchful  and  firm,  we 
owe  to  him,  as  well  as  to  dear  Mother,  that  careful  training  which 
shielded  us  from  the  influence  of  temptation,  made  industrious  and 
virtuous  conduct  a  habit,  and  prepared  us  so  well  for  the  active 
duties  of  life." 

December  3,  1846,  Nelson  began  a  diary  and  maintained  it  until 
within  a  month  of  his  death.  He  was  almost  fifteen  years  old  when 
he  began  this  record  of  his  life,  and  on  that  day  he  entered  a  short 
sketch  of  the  town  of  Unity  and  a  statement  of  the  local,  state  and 
national  government.  He  wrote  that  "the  most  of  the  inhabitants 
are  Democrats.  They  had  a  very  hard  time  choosing  a  representa 
tive  this  fall.  The  man  set  up  by  the  Whigs  was  E.  K.  Vose  of 
Knox,  and  by  the  Democrats  W.  Weed  of  Knox,  and  Abolitionists, 
S.  G.  Stevens  of  Unity.  After  trying  four  times  the  Democrats 
finally  elected  W.  Weed  of  Knox.  *  *  *  The  President  of  this 
nation  is  James  K.  Polk,  Democrat,  and  the  Vice-President  is  Geo. 
M.  Dallas,  Democrat.  This  nation  is  now  at  war  with  Mexico.  So 
far  our  soldiers  have  been  victorious.  They  are  commanded  by  Z. 
Taylor,  an  able  general." 

Thus  early  Nelson  evinced  a  deep  interest  in  politics.  The  vil 
lage  statesmen  were  accustomed  in  those  days  to  gather  around 
the  cracker  barrel  at  his  father's  store  in  the  summer  evenings  and 
settle  great  questions  of  Stc,te.  The  guide  through  those  stormy 


8  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

seas  of  disputation  generally  was  this  lad  of  fourteen  or  fifteen, 
who,  when  the  discussion  became  hot  calmly  stated  the  facts  of  the 
case  which  were  usually  accepted  without  question.  Thus  the 
youthful  oil  was  poured  on  the  troubled  waters. 

The  cause  of  temperance  was  increasing  very  rapidly  in  Maine, 
and  Nelson  at  this  age  took  an  active  and  prominent  part.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  Unity  Washingtonian  Society,  a  temperance  or 
ganization  that  had  its  origin  in  Baltimore  in  1840.  It  spread  over 
the  country  and  had  for  its  chief  promoters  such  men  as  John  H. 
W.  Hawkins,  and  John  B.  Gough.  Nelson  took  part  in  all  the  dis 
cussions  and  debates  in  this  local  temperance  society.  The  first 
topic  was,  "Whether  alcohol  is  necessary  as  a  medicine."  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  the  young  man  stoutly  defended  the  negative. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  a  long  service  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of 
temperance. 

The  winter  of  1846  and  1847  appears  to  have  been  a  very  busy 
one  for  Nelson.  Between  debates  on  temperance,  studies  in  the 
day  school  and  Sunday-school  and  selling  goods  at  his  father's 
store  he  found  time  on  December  24,  1846  to  engage  in  a  little 
business  on  his  own  account.  He  took  a  load  of  potatoes  to  the  mar 
ket  at  Belfast,  twenty  miles  distant,  sold  them,  and  returned  home 
with  his  money  next  day,  much  elated  over  his  good  bargain.  It 
was  his  first  trip  alone  away  from  home,  and  it  was  the  first  time 
that  self-reliance  had  ever  been  developed  in  him  among  strangers ; 
and  instead  of  being  depressed  he  was  encouraged  to  try  other  ven 
tures  of  more  importance  and  greater  magnitude. 

Nelson  was  a  natural  debater;  and  on  January  5  1847  ne  organ 
ized  at  the  school-house,  a  debating  society  called  "The  Unity 
Lyceum;"  and  all  the  important  public  questions  of  the  day  were 
discussed  by  the  boys  who  were  members.  It  was  in  this  lyceum 
that  the  future  statesman  and  legislator  laid  the  foundation  of  his 
forensic  career.  In  the  middle  of  January,  1847,  Governor 
Kent  appeared  in  a  case  of  some  importance  to  the  village,  and  the 
scholars  who  were  members  of  this  lyceum  were  dismissed  in  order 
that  they  might  hear  Gov.  Kent  make  his  argument  and  learn  from 
him  what  true  oratory  was  at  that  time.  Nelson  was  an  attentive 
listener. 

As  further  proof  of  the  fact  that  the  future  Congressman  was, 
as  a  boy,  the  same  as  all  other  boys,  it  may  be  said  that  he  attended 
a  dancing  school  that  winter  and  learned  the  various  figures — "the 
five  positions  up  and  back,  cross  over  and  back,  and  the  chasse 


NELSON  DINGEEY  JR.  9 

step,"  as  he  recorded  in  his  diary;  and  tradition  says  that  he  was  a 
good  dancer. 

In  the  spring  of  1847,  Nelson,  together  with  his  fellows,  formed 
a  military  company.  He  was  chosen  Captain,  and  the  company 
was  the  pride  of  the  town.  The  drills  were  conducted  in  his  father's 
pasture.  Nelson  wrote  later  of  this  event  that  "we  did  not  rest  con 
tent  until  we  had  a  general  muster  with  our  single  company,  on 
which  occasion  I  was  promoted  to  an  imaginary  Colonelcy,  with 
the  command  of  the  field.  Undertaking  to  catch  father's  horse  for 
the  purpose  of  making  an  appearance  to  mount  it,  I  came  near  re 
ceiving  a  severe  kick  from  the  animal ;  whereupon  the  attempt  to 
seek  military  honors  was  abandoned."  Nelson's  father  had  re 
cently  bought  this  horse  and  he  was  an  animal  of  a  great  deal  of 
spirit.  The  suggestion  of  putting  a  saddle  on  the  animal's  back 
was  received  by  the  father  with  a  slight  twinkle  in  his  eye.  But  the 
horse  and  rider  started  off  in  fine  fettle,  and  in  about  half  an  hour 
the  horse  came  snorting  back  alone.  This  was  somewhat  alarm 
ing,  but  the  father  thought  it  was  possible  that  the  lad  had  left  the 
horse  at  the  wayside  to  get  a  drink  at  the  favorite  spring  at  the  foot 
of  the  hill,  and  accordingly  waited  patiently  for  the  boy's  return. 
In  the  course  of  half  an  hour  a  sorry  looking  boy  with  a  bloody 
handkerchief  concealing  a  somewhat  dilapitated  nose,  walked 
slowly  into  the  yard,  saying:  "I'll  be  darned  if  I'll  ever  ride  that 
horse  again."  It  is  no  wonder  that  he  abandoned  all  attempts  to 
seek  military  glory  on  horseback. 

Nelson's  experience  and  success  in  marketing  potatoes  at  Bel 
fast  whetted  his  appetite  for  more  commercial  glory ;  consequently 
on  July  4,  1847  m  company  with  a  playmate  he  started  a  peanut, 
lemonade  and  cracker  stand  in  the  village  square,  which  business 
venture  netted  them  the  large  sum  of  seven  dollars.  His  share  was 
at  once  invested  in  books. 

During  the  winter  of  1847  and  1848  he  progressed  rapidly  with 
his  studies,  and  on  January  18,  the  village  high  school  gave  a  pub 
lic  exhibition.  He  recited  an  original  poem  which  unfortunately 
has  not  been  preserved.  He  continued  in  his  course  of  reading  and 
study,  took  a  still  more  active  part  in  the  local  debating  societies, 
discussed  with  the  statesmen  of  the  village  questions  of  protection, 
finance  and  temperance  with  a  somewhat  precocious  wisdom  born 
not  only  of  a  retentive  memory,  but  of  a  remarkable  aptitude  for 
philosophy,  science  and  logic.  The  foundations  of  the  great  career 
which  was  before  him  were  laid  deeper  and  stronger  than  ever. 
The  science  of  politics  fascinated  him  as  much  then  as  it  did  in  later 


io  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

years.  No  political  speech,  no  event  of  the  hustings,  no  debate  in 
the  school  hall,  no  discussion  in  the  postoffice,  failed,  if  he  were 
present,  to  interest  him  or  to  elict  participation  on  his  part,  if  such 
seemed  to  him  to  be  timely. 

April  25,  1848  a  section  of  the  Cadets  of  Temperance,  known  as 
Litterarius  section,  was  instituted  in  Unity,  and  Nelson  took  an 
active  part  in  maintaining  it.  Among  the  papers  left  by  him,  was 
his  original  copy  of  the  "Constitution  and  By-lays  of  Litterarius 
Section  No.  2  of  the  Cadets  of  Temperance  of  Unity,  instituted 
April  25,  1848 — N.  Dingley,  Jr. — Virtue,  Love,  and  Temperance." 
In  the  preface  of  the  constitution  are  found  these  words:  "The 
vast  utility  of  this  juvenile  organization  is  made  apparent  by  a  very 
superficial  examination  of  its  features.  By  its  operations  we  gather 
within  the  folds  of  a  temperance  influence,  the  elements  of  which 
society  is  composed — the  embryo  men  and  rulers  of  this  great  Re 
public." 

An  amusing  incident  is  told  of  Nelson  when  he  was  President 
of  the  local  Cadets  of  Temperance  of  the  town  of  Unity.  His 
younger  and  only  brother,  Frank,  was  also  a  member  of  the  order, 
and  it  was  charged  that  on  an  occasion  not  long  before  that  date, 
the  lad  was  seen  to  partake  of  sweet  cider,  the  use  of  which  was 
prohibited  by  the  constitution  and  pledge  of  the  Cadets  of  Temper 
ance.  The  brother  was  then  perhaps  seven  or  eight  years  of  age. 
Nelson  was  perhaps  fifteen.  The  latter  invited  those  making  the 
allegations  to  formulate  their  charges  and  present  them  before  the 
order  in  usual  form.  With  great  seriousness  the  investigation  pro 
ceeded,  and  in  due  course,  (the  arguments  being  postponed)  Nel 
son  undertook  an  elaborate  defence,  commenting  on  the  testimony 
with  a  great  deal  of  dignity,  as  though  the  fate  of  both  lads  de 
pended  upon  the  verdict.  In  speaking  of  this  incident  in  later  years 
the  Congressman  said  he  thought  it  was  possible  the  respondent 
was  guilty  but  invoking  the  principle  that  the  prisoner 
should  have  the  benefit  of  the  doubt  and  calling  into  ques 
tion  the  credibility  of  certain  witnesses,  who,  as  he  judged  seemed 
to  be  loaded  with  prejudice,  in  a  discussion  of  more  than  an  hour, 
he  laid  down  the  law,  the  evidence,  and  the  gospel  of  the  situation 
so  forcibly  that  the  jury  returned  a  verdict  of  "Not  Guilty,"  amid 
th«  applause  of  two  or  three  scores  of  youngsters  who  listened  at 
tentively  to  every  word.  Nelson  said  in  later  years  that  his  argu 
ment  was  based  upon  the  fact  that  in  the  first  place  the  young  as 
sailant  of  his  brother's  standing  in  the  Cadets  did  not  know  what 
it  was  that  his  brother  drank,  and  secondly  that  as  a  matter  of  fact, 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  n 

it  was  not  cider  but  apple  juice,  cider  requiring  a  certain  degree  of 
fermentation.  "On  fermentation,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  with  a 
twinkle,  "I  came  out  strong.  I  buried  the  hapless  boy  who  had 
brought  the  charge  under  a  weight  of  scientific  revelation.  I  as 
sailed  his  reputation  for  veracity  and  the  result  was  that  every  vote 
but  one  was  for  acquittal,  and  that  one  was  cast  by  the  boy  who 
brought  the  charge.  Then  brother  Frank  was  led  in  and  trium 
phantly  purged  of  his  contumely."  This  little  incident  displayed 
the  capacity  for  leadership  and  tact^  which  Nelson  early  evinced. 

As  an  indication  of  the  standard  of  social  life  which  was  main 
tained  in  Maine  villages  half  a  century  ago,  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  on  July  9,  1848,  Nelson  entered  into  the  following  "articles  of 
agreement"  duly  signed  and  sealed :  . 

ARTICLES  OF  AGREEMENT 

made  this  day.  Know  all  men  by  these  presents  that  I  will  not  en 
ter  the  bowling  alley  of  J.  L.  Seayey  for  one  month  from  today, 
under  a  penalty  of  25  cents.  To  which  I  bind  myself,  my  executors, 
etc.  Signed  and  sealed  this  ninth  day  of  July,  A.  D.  1848. 

Nelson  Dingley  Jr.    (seal.) 

As  the  bowling  alley  was  evidently  a  resort  for  rowdies,  it  is 
clear  that  the  mother's  advice  and  the  father's  injunction  to  stay 
away  was  followed  in  this  case. 

Nelson  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  fall  election  of  that  year,  not 
only  because  he  followed  closely  all  public  affairs,  but  also  because 
his  father  was  nominated  for  State  Senator  at  Belfast  by  the  Whigs. 
John  W.  Dana  of  Fryeburg  was  the  Democratic  candidate  for  gov 
ernor  and  failed  to  be  elected  by  the  people,  but  was,  however, 
elected  by  the  legislature.  Elijah  L.  Hamlin,  of  the  famous  Ham- 
lin  family,  was  the  Whig  candidate  for  governor.  Samuel  Fessen- 
den  was  the  Whig  candidate  for  gubernatorial  honors.  Abner  Co- 
burn,  afterwards  Governor  of  Maine,  was  the  Whig  candidate  for 
Congress  in  the  5th  District.  Israel  Washburn  Jr.,  of  the  famous 
Washburn  family,  was  the  Whig  candidate  for  Congress  in  the 
sixth  District.  Elbridge  Gerry  was  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
Congress  in  the  first  District  a»d  was  elected.  Nelson's  father  was 
defeated. 

Unity  was  a  Democratic  stronghold  and  the  Whigs  therefore 
rejoiced  all  the  more  over  the  election  of  their  candidate  for  Presi 
dent,  and  Nelson  participated  in  a  grand  jubilation  at  Unity  over 
the  triumph  of  Zachariah  Taylor  in  the  following  November.  He 
recorded  the  full  vote  in  Unity  and  the  State  of  Maine  in  the  Presi 
dential  election  of  November  7,  1848.  The  Town  of  Unity  went 


12  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Democratic  by  49  plurality,  and  the  State  Democratic  by  4088  plur 
ality.  Taylor,  however,  received  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes 
and  was  elected,  and  Nelson  recorded  in  his  diaiy  in  extra  large  let 
ters  and  evidently  with  exultation : 

"Final  results  of  election — Zachariah  Taylor,  President,  Mil- 
lard  Fillmore,  Vice-President,  from  March  4,  1849,  to  March  4, 

1853." 

In  those  days  reports  of  elections  came  in  altogether  by  post; 
and  the  completion  of  a  telegraphic  wire  across  the  southern  por 
tion  of  the  State  of  Maine  explains  the  significance  of  Nelson's 
statement  in  his  diary  November  10,  1848  that  "so  quick  is  news 
circulated  by  means  of  the  telegraph  that  the  election  of  Z.  Taylor 
is  made  certain  tonight."  And  this  was  three  days  after  the  elec 
tion! 

Nelson  was  sixteen  years  old  when  he  taught  his  first  school. 
December  2,  1848,  he  parted  tearfully  from  his  mother  and  in  a 
cold  drizzling  rain  storm  "staged  it"  to  the  village  of  China,  four 
teen  miles  distant.  The  old  stage  coach  drew  up  in  front  of  the 
house  and  his  mother  stood  at  the  door  with  tears  streaming  from 
her  eyes.  She  bade  him  good-bye,  and  he  passed  on.  He  said  in 
after  years  that  he  had  the  utmost  difficulty  to  keep  back  the  tears 
and  control  his  feelings  on  this  occasion — the  first  time  that  he  left 
his  parental  roof.  After  he  had  taken  his  seat  in  the  old  stage 
coach  and  the  door  closed  he  broke  down  in  the  solitude  of  his 
thoughts.  During  the  fourteen  mile  ride  to  China,  he  revolved  in 
his  mind  the  new  and  untried  responsibilities  which  he  was  about  to 
undertake,  and  he  determined  that  for  the  sake  of  his  mother's 
tears  and  his  father's  love  and  sympathy,  he  would  acquit  himself 
well ;  and  as  the  stage  rolled  on  and  the  rain  increased  in  violence 
and  beat  against  the  window  panes  he  became  calm  and  confident, 
resolved  to  overcome  every  weakness  and  every  obstacle  and  prove 
himself  worthy  of  the  love  and  labor  bestowed  upon  him  by  the 
most  affectionate  and  faithful  of  mothers  and  fathers.  Here  he 
taught  school  for  nearly  two  months,  receiving  the  large  sum  of 
$3.25  per  week,  boarding  around  during  the  entire  two  months  on 
fried  pork  and  gingerbread  furnished  in  weekly  doses  by  every  fam 
ily  in  the  district.  In  later  years  he  laughingly  said  that  during 
this  experience  he  ate  three  miles  of  twisted  doughnuts. 

From  the  middle  of  February  1849,  to  the  middle  of  May  1850, 
he  attended  the  village  school,  helped  his  father  in  the  store,  was 
active  in  the  meetings  of  the  Cadets  of  Temperance,  and  altogether 
a  singularly  thoughtful  and  useful  boy  of  seventeen.  He  took  a 


,  NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  13 

deep  interest  in  the  State  election  of  1849,  when  John  Hubbard. 
Democrat,  was  elected  Governor  over  Elijah  L.  Hamlin,  Whig,  and 
George  F.  Talbot,  Free  Soiler.  His  father  was  again  the  Whig 
candidate  for  State  Senator  in  the  5th  district,  but  was  defeated. 
Nelson  entered  in  his  diary  a  detailed  statement  of  the  results  of  the 
election — in  fact  all  the  important  events  in  State  and  National 
politics  were  chronicled  by  him.  To  show  his  deep  interest,  at  this 
early  age,  in  the  progress  of  the  world,  note  what  he  wrote  January 
I,  1850: 

"In  contemplating  the  departure  of  the  year  1849,  we  see  tne 
departure  of  a  year  of  disaster  and  gloom.  The  year  1848  was  a 
year  of  liberty  for  Europe,  but  1849  nas  crushed  their  hopes  and  the 
monarchs  of  Europe  ride  on  their  thrones  in  comparative  security. 
But  the  state  of  things  in  Europe  shows  that  there  must  be  a  great 
struggle  between  the  people  and  the  monarchs  in  which  one  will 
entirely  gain  the  ascendency." 

As  a  further  evidence  of  his  intelligent  knowledge  of  current 
events,  the  independent  attitude  of  his  mind  and  his  interest  in  the 
welfare  of  the  people,  read  what  he  wrote  January  10,  1850,  when 
he  was  only  eighteen  years  old : 

"An  avowal  of  my  belief  in  the  general  government — how  I 
should  vote. 

"Motto — Liberty,  Union,  Equality  and  the  Constitution. 

"First  it  is  my  belief  that  I  should  first  consider  the  capability 
and  honesty  of  the  man  to  be  voted  for  and  not  be  blinded  by  regu 
lar  nominations ;  that  I  should  be  guided  in  the  choice  of  men  by 
those  that  have  the  following  principles  at  heart : 

"That  a  tariff  high  enough  to  protect  our  own  industry  is  an  in 
dispensable  requisite. 

"That  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  or  no  more  slave  territory  is  an  in 
dispensable  thing. 

"External  and  internal  improvements  for  the  better  carrying  on 
of  international  trade. 

"Cheap  postage  for  the  people  in  order  that  the  Tress,'  liber 
ty's  lever,  may  be  better  circulated. 

"Liberty  of  speech,  of  the  press,  of  petition. 
"Abolishing  of  the  slave  traffic  and  holding  of  human  beings  in 
slavery  in  our  Nation's  Capitol  and  the  District  of  Columbia." 

As  a  proof  of  his  moral  character  and  his  strict  regard  for  tem 
perance  and  sobriety,  even  at  this  early  age,  it  is  interesting  to  read 
in  his  diary  January  9,  1850 — this  curious  compact: 

"Know  all  men  by  these  presents  that  we,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr. 


i4  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

and  John  W.  Fernald  of  Unity,  County  of  Waldo,  State  of  Maine, 
are  holden  and  bound  unto  each  other  in  the  sum  of  twenty-five 
cents  to  be  paid  etc.  Provided  that  if  the  said  Dingley  shall  not 
drink  any  tea  or  coffee,  and  that  the  said  Fernald  shall  not  use  any 
tobacco  for  the  space  of  one  week ;  if  such  is  done  then  it  shall  be 
null  and  void,  otherwise  in  full  force  etc. 

N.  Dingley  Jr. 
J.  W.  Fernald." 

July  3,  1849,  was  an  important  day  in  the  life  of  Nelson  and  the 
history  of  that  section,  for  on  that  day  he  witnessed  the  opening  of 
the  railroad  connecting  the  village  of  Winthrop  with  Lewiston. 
This  was  his  first  visit  to  Lewiston  where  he  subsequently  resided 
so  many  years. 


CHAPTER  II. 
1850 — 1852. 

Nelson  had  a  natural  thirst  for  knowledge  and  during  all  these 
years  he  was  carefully  storing  his  mind  with  valuable  information, 
thus  fitting  himself  not  only  for  a  college  but  also  a  national  career. 
May  1 8,  1850,  was  a  red-letter  day  in  his  life.  It  was  then  he  went 
to  Waterville  to  attend  the  Waterville  Academy;  and  of  this  step 
he  wrote  later:  "I  felt  in  some  measure  the  value  of  knowledge 
and  I  wished  to  drink  deep  at  its  fountain.  As  yet  I  have  no  settled 
purpose  in  mind.  It  was  merely  an  indefinite  desire  to  prepare  my 
self  to  fill  whatever  station  Providence  might  alot  to  me." 

Waterville  Academy  was  a  flourishing  institution.  Nelson  thus 
wrote  of  it :  ''The  towering  walls  of  brick  looked  down  imposingly 
on  me,  as  if  to  remind  me  of  the  future.  The  teacher  was  a  pleasant, 
energetic  man.  His  name  was  James  H.  Hanson;  and  the  time 
spent  with  him  will  endear  him  to  my  memory." 

Prof.  Hanson  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  and  successful 
teachers  Maine  ever  had.  He  was  only  thirty-four  years  old  when 
he  was  Nelson's  instructor.  His  enthusiasm,  untiring  devotion  to 
his  pupils,  capacity  for  work,  and  rare  character  as  a  Christian 
scholar  and  gentleman,  put  this  institution  among  the  best 
equipped  and  most  largely  attended  secondary  schools  in  New 
England.  He  died  in  1894;  and  to  him  Nelson  owed  much  of  his 
thorough  and  Christian  training. 

Nelson  at  once  took  high  rank  in  his  studies;  and  one  of  his 
classmates,  l  wrote  that  "when  Mr.  Dingley  entered  the  school  he 
was  about  eighteen;  but  his  thoughtful,  gentlemanly  appearance 

1 — Mrs.  J.  H.  Hanson,  widow  of  Prof.  Hanson,  1899. 


16  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

made  him  seem  much  older.  His  figure  and  presence  were  not  im 
posing,  but  his  friendly  face,  his  interest  in  his  work,  his  quick  per 
ception,  his  conscientious  discharge  of  every  requirement,  his  ex 
ceeding  accuracy,  his  tireless  industry,  his  courteous,  respectful  at 
titude  toward  his  teachers,  soon  gave  him  an  enviable  reputation 
in  the  school.  His  influence  was  always  on  the  right  side,  and  there 
was  no  blur  on  the  line  that  marked  right  from  wrong.  He  re 
frained  from  questionable  indulgences  with  no  air  of  'I  am  holier 
than  thou,'  but  with  an  evident  conviction  that  he  could  not  afford 
the  time  taken  from  things  he  liked  to  do  better.  He  did  not  hesi 
tate  to  show  his  decided  views  in  regard  to  temperance  and  relig 
ion.  He  did  not  preach  but  lived  his  life  in  a  strong,  forceful,  seri 
ous  fashion.  With  him  the  courtesies  of  life  were  the  overflow  of  a 
genuine  spirit  of  kindness.  To  his  school-mates  he  was  genial, 
friendly,  helpful  and  capable.  He  has  left  the  school  as  an  inheri 
tance,  the  influence  of  his  method,  manners  and  morals.  He 
showed  remarkable  capacity  for  work,  and  excellence  in  recitation. 
In  Greek  and  Latin  he  knew  all  the  fine  print,  and  it  was  difficult  to 
find  a  point  he  had  not  examined.  In  the  debating  society,  which 
Mr.  Dingley  with  others  organized,  he  was  interesting  though  not 
brilliant.  His  clear,  simple,  logical  statements,  his  command  of 
choice  language,  his  low,  well-modulated  voice  and  excellent  mem 
ory  were  convincing  and  impressive.  At  a  gathering  of  Maine's 
teachers  in  Augusta,  Me.,  soon  after  Mr.  Dingley  was  married, 
Prof.  Hanson  asked  Mr.  Dingley  how  it  happened  he  was  never 
betrayed  into  neglecting  his  studies  while  at  the  Academy.  He  re 
plied:  'I  sent  my  parents  every  Saturday  night  a  report  of  my 
school  work  and  the  manner  in  which  I  spent  my  time  out  of  school. 
I  was  careful  that  this  report  should  carry  no  anxiety  or  discom 
fort  to  my  mother  to  whose  instruction  and  encouragement  I  owe 
the  ambition  I  had  to  attain  an  education,  or  to  my  father,  whose 
kind,  firm  discipline  taught  me  the  value  of  prompt  obedience, 
fidelity  and  truth.'  " 

Nelson's  correspondence  during  this  period  indicates  very 
clearly  that  his  thoughts  were  high,  his  ambition  great  and  his 
hopes  buoyant.  It  appears  that  he  obtained  much  inspiration  and 
good  advice  from  J.  W.  Fernald,  with  whom  he  made  that  curious 
compact  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  tea,  coffee  and  tobacco.  Young 
Fernald  wrote  him  April  26,  1850:  "I  doubt  not  your  whole  soul 
is  enlisted  in  your  studies.  I  thought  when  I  saw  you  on  the  day 
you  arrived,  your  countenance  bespoke  too  close  application, 
though  no  doubt  hundreds  to  one  regret  non-application  rather 


WATERVILLE  ACADEMY— PROF.  J.  H.  HANSON 
WATERVILLE  COLLEGE,  MAINE. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  17 

than  close  application.  With  a  good  share  of  mental  energy,  fair 
intellectual  powers,  and  well  established  principles,  there  is  no 
station  in  our  Republican  Government,  Legislative  or  Judicial,  to 
which  an  American  need  dispair  of  attaining.  *  *  *  *  When 
Rome  was  in  her  glory  it  was  no  small  thing  to  be  called  a  Roman 
Citizen.  It  was  a  sufficient  protection.  How  much  more  to  be 
called  an  American  Citizen !  I  have  often  thought  what  you  have 
so  frequently  remarked  in  regard  to  our  duties ;  and  the  means  to 
be  used  to  accomplish  the  most  good — in  short  what  you  have  of 
ten  said  in  observance  of  the  Sabbath  Day." 

Later  in  the  year  young  Fernald  wrote  in  reply  to  Nelson's  let 
ter:  "You  are  at  the  beautiful  village  of  Waterville  storing  your 
mind  with  useful  knowledge,  preparing  yourself  to  perform  your 
part  in  the  great  drama  of  human  life ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  you  will 
act  your  part  well.  At  any  rate  you  have  already  laid  a  most  per 
manent  foundation  on  which  to  build  your  structure.  A  young 
man  of  your  age  possessing  intellectual  capacity  governed  by  prin 
ciples  that  shall  ever  sustain  an  unblemished  character,  and  feeling 
his  responsibility  as  a  member  of  a  Republican  compact,  may  justly 
look  forward  to  the  attainment  of  a  high  position  in  the  scale  of 
human  beings  and  human  action.  *  *  *  *  Cut  "high  your  name 
in  the  everlasting  rock,  and  when  your  funeral  bell  shall  toll,  a  peo 
ple  will  say  that  another  of  the  good  and  great  has  gone.  This  I 
say,  may  be  your  picture,  without  flattery."  Prophetic  words! 

Nelson's  taste  for  knowledge  during  this  first  year  at  Water 
ville  Academy  gave  him  a  desire  for  more ;  and  although  his  good 
father  was  in  humble  circumstances,  in  answer  to  a  letter  from  the 
ambitious  young  student,  he  reolied  in  this  kindly  but  brief  man 
ner: 

Unity,  July  14,  1850. 

Yours  of  the  I2th  duly  received.  As  to  your  inquiry  about  attend 
ing  school  at  Waterville  another  term,  I  will  say  that  you  can  if  you 
want  to,  but  must  get  along  as  cheap  as  you  can. 

Your  Father, 
Nelson  Dingley. 

That  year  (1850)  two  important  events  happened — President 
Taylor  died  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  was  elected  to  the  U.  S.  senate. 
The  slavery  question  was  coming  to  the  front,  and  arousing  the 
people  to  a  high  pitch  of  excitement,  and  Nelson  wrote  that  "some 
calamity  seems  to  be  impending  this  Union."  June  27,  the  Free 
Soil  State  Convention  met  in  the  Town  Hall  at  Waterville  and 
nominated  George  F.  Talbot  for  Governor.  Nelson  attended  this 


i8  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

convention — his  first — and  was  much  interested  in  its  proceedings. 
There  was  great  excitement  in  Waterville  and  Unity  and  on  July 
4th,  the  Unity  section  of  Cadets  of  Temperance  took  part  in  a  big 
procession,  and  Nelson  acted  as  marshal.  The  Waterville  Mail 
contained  a  glowing  account  of  the  celebration  written  by  him. 

The  annual  state  election  took  place  September  gih,  and  there 
was  intense  excitement  over  representatives  to  Congress,  and  rep 
resentatives  to  the  State  Legislature.  The  contest  was  between  the 
two  factions  of  the  Democrats,  the  Wild  Cats  and  the  Wool  Heads, 
as  they  were  called.  Nelson  sympathized  with  the  Wool  Heads — 
the  anti-slavery  and  temperance  faction  of  the  Democrats.  John 
Hubbard  was  elected  Governor,  and  Lot  M.  Morrill,  (who  was 
elected  Governor  in  1857, 1858  and  1859,  later  elected  U.  S.  Senator 
when  Hannibal  Hamlin  was  elected  Vice-President,  and  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  i876-'77,)  was  the  Democratic  candi 
date  for  Congress  in  the  3rd  district.  William  Pitt  Fessenden, 
(who  was  elected  U.  S.  Senator  in  1854,  1859  and  1865,  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Peace  Congress  in  1861,  and  appointed  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  succeed  Mr.  Chase,)  was  the  Whig  and  Free  Soil  can 
didate  for  Congress  in  the  2nd  District.  Israel  Washburn,  Maine's 
first  War  Governor  was  the  Whig  candidate  for  Congress  in  the 
7th  district.  Nelson  recorded  in  his  diary  a  complete  statement  of 
the  result  of  this  election.  He  wrote  that  "the  result  of  the  late 
election  has  been  very  encouraging  to  the  Whigs,  who  might  with 
two  or  three  hundred  more  votes,  rightly  distributed,  have  carried 
five  districts,  in  this  state  for  Congress." 

Nelson  returned  to  Waterville  Academy  in  the  fall  of  1850.  He 
turned  his  attention  more  than  ever  to  debating,  and  in  September 
of  that  year,  with  others,  organized  a  mock  court.  Benjamin  Kim- 
ball  was  Judge;  L.  C.  Comfort  was  Clerk;  Nelson  was  Attorney 
General,  and  John  Jones  was  Sheriff.  Students  were  frequently 
tried  for  alleged  crimes  in  the  presence  of  large  audiences.  The 
Philomathean  Society  met  weekly  for  debate,  and  Nelson  always 
took  part.  On  the  evening  of  October  8th  the  question  "Did  Na 
poleon  Bonaparte  do  more  for  the  Liberty  of  France  than  any 
other  ruler  France  ever  had ;  and  was  his  expulsion  from  the  throne 
son  was  one  of  the  leading  speakers  on  the  affirmative  side.  The 
question  was  decided  in  the  negative  by  a  vote  of  6  to  7,  "after  a 
very  good  discussion,"  wrote  Nelson  philosophically  after  his  de 
feat.  October  22,  the  lyceum  discussed  the  question:  "Would 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union  improve  the  condition  of  the  Free 
States?"  Nelson  spoke  vigorously  and  logically  on  the  negative 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  19 

side,  and  the  decision  was  in  his  favor.  Nov.  5th,  the  question  "Is 
slavery  a  greater  evil  to  mankind  than  intemperance?"  was  de 
bated.  Nelson  took  the  negative  and  recorded  in  his  diary  these. 
to  him,  unanswerable  points:  "Facts  in  relation  to  the  monster 
Intemperance.  Intemperance  costs  the  United  States  89  million 
dollars;  Great  Britain,  200  million  dollars;  France,  275  million 
dollars ;  Sweden,  70  million  dollars ;  and  the  rest  of  the  world  300 
million  dollars;  total  925  millions.  Besides  the  cost  of  work 
houses,  prisons,  etc.,  directly  or  indirectly  caused  by  intemperance, 
is  two  thousand  millions.  Total  cost  of  intemperance  per  year 
about  3000  millions." 

Thus  Nelson  acquired  rapidly  the  art  of  thinking  on  his  feet, 
and  in  these  early  debates  laid  the  foundation  for  his  remarkable 
career  as  a  public  debater  on  the  platform  and  in  the  halls  of  legis 
lation.  He  was  always  candid  and  fair  as  well  as  logical;  never 
oratorical  and  never  abusive.  His  strength  was  in  his  clear-cut 
and  truthful  statements.  He  also  mastered  the  philosophy  of  the 
political  events  in  the  state  and  nation  and  rapidly  became  an  au 
thority  in  all  public  matters.  He  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  anti- 
slavery  struggle  and  in  the  debates  that  preceded  it. 

About  this  time  Nelson  fully  made  up  his  mind  to  enter  college. 
November  9th  he  wrote :  "I  think  now  some  of  entering  college 
another  year  if  Providence  permits.  The  task  looks  great ;  and  the 
expense  obectionable.  But  it  may  be  for  my  advantage." 

It  may  appear  to  some  that  Nelson  was  a  book-worm,  never  in 
dulging  in  any  of  the  games  and  sports  prevalent  in  all  academy  and 
college  towns.  But  he  was  human  and  very  much  like  his  fellow- 
students  and  indulged  in  the  good  times  and  the  mild  pranks  that 
relieved  the  monotony  of  the  classic  atmosphere.  He  frequently 
took  long  walks  with  his  girl  school-mates  and  attended  social  en 
tertainments.  He  was  not  entirely  innocent  of  partaking  in  the 
affairs  that  tried  the  patience  of  the  professors  on  exhibition  days. 
But  he  was  always  manly  and  good-natured  about  it,  and  always 
won  the  love  and  respect  of  students  and  professors. 

That  winter  he  taught  school  at  $20  per  month,  an'd  as  usual 
boarded  around.  He  attended  regularly  the  meetings  of  the  Cadets 
of  Temperance  and  took  part  as  a  leader  in  all  the  local  literary 
events.  One  feature  of  the  literary  club  was  a  paper  of  which  he 
was  editor,  full  of  original  and  selected  matter  which  was  read  to 
the  members  of  the  club. 

As  a  teacher,  Nelson  was  a  great  success.  Although  always 
thoughtful  and  studious,  he  was  also  foremost  in  all  sports  and 


20  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

games,  and  a  moral  and  spiritual  example  to  the  boys  in  his  school 
and  the  town.  He  combined  the  vigorous  liveliness  of  a  strong 
youth  with  the  sober  thoughtfulness  of  a  man.  Far  from  being  a 
dreamy  bookish  fellow,  he  was  a  leader  in  all  the  romping,  hunting 
and  fishing,  and  withal  had  time  to  be  foremost  in  the  social  life  of 
the  place.  He  was  kind  hearted  and  generous  and  was  never  too 
busy  to  go  around  to  the  house  of  some  dull  one  at  night  and  help 
him  or  her  with  knotty  problems.  Each  pupil  in  the  school  some 
how  felt  that  the  teacher  was  more  interested  in  him  than  in  any 
body  else,  and  worked  hard  and  conscientiously  as  the  result.  He 
frequently  called  at  the  houses  of  the  pupils  and  interested  their 
parents  in  their  progress.  One  of  his  scholars  now  grown  to  man 
hood  said:  "I  do  not  think  there  was  a  person  in  Unity  well  ac 
quainted  with  this  quiet,  unobtrusive  but  forceful  young  man  who 
did  not  comprehend  that  he  had  before  him  a  great  future." 

Nelson  became  still  more  interested  in  politics  as  the  contest 
over  temperance  and  freedom  progressed.  On  the  loth  of  March 
there  was  a  town  meeting  in  Waterville  and  excitement  ran  very 
high.  Nelson  wrote  that  "there  was  a  great  contest  between  rum 
and  temperance  for  selectmen;  but  temperance  conquered.  The 
whole  board  are  temperance  men.  The  rummies  are  downed." 

Early  in  April  he  had  his  first  experience  as  a  practical  poli 
tician,  and  he  entered  into  the  election  with  his  usual  zeal  and 
thoroughness.  His  father  was  a  candidate  for  selectman ;  and  Nel 
son  distributed  votes  and  took  a  prominent  part  in  arranging  the 
ticket  which  prevailed.  Of  this  event  he  wrote:  "There  was  a 
great  rush  but  we  most  signally  defeated  the  Hunkers." 

He  began  his  last  term  at  Waterville  Academy  the  latter  part 
of  May  1851,  and  paid  the  large  sum  of  $2.00  per  week  for  his 
board.  He  had  obtained  his  father's  consent  to  enter  Waterville 
College  and  on  June  5th  wrote  that  "in  looking  ahead  to  a  college 
course,  it  seems  to  be  a  long  time  to  spend  wholly  in  the  improve 
ment  of  the  mind ;  but  then  it  soon  passes  away.  Hope,  ambition, 
the  thought  that  some  latent  germs  of  greatness  may  lie  concealed, 
spurs  the  student  on  and  buoys  him  up  through  years  of  hard 
study.  Webster,  Clay,  Calhoun,  Benton — they  were  students  once, 
and  pursued  the  same  dark  road  to  greatness.  Who  knows  but 
what  these  same  powers  lie  in  me?  Alas,  time  only  can  tell.  The 
grave  may,  before  that,  claim  me  for  a  victim,  or  deceived,  I  may 
wear  out  my  last  days  in  obscurity.  But  hope,  sweet  hope,  cheers 
the  student  on.  Knowledge  is  a  road  through  which  all  may  attain 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  21 

some  object  if  they  will  only  persevere.  It  is  a  gem  which  will  guide 
the  traveler  in  the  dark." 

How  like  a  prophet  and  a  sage  this  boy  of  nineteen  wrote ! 

Late  in  July  he  was  examined  for  Waterville  College  and  passed 
with  high  honors.  That  summer  he  journeyed  to  Lewiston,  Paris, 
and  the  White  Mountains,  and  wrote  a  glowing  account  of  his  trip 
which  was  published  in  the  Belfast  Signal.  On  the  loth  of  Septem 
ber,  1851,  he  returned  to  Waterville,  and  entered  the  freshman  class 
of  Waterville  college.  Thus  he  was  launched  on  his  college  career. 


CHAPTER  III. 
1852—1855. 

Waterville  College  (now  Colby  University)  was  founded  in  1818 
and  originally  called  the  "Maine  Literary  Theological  School." 
Nelson  entered  the  freshman  class  of  this  college  September  10, 
1851,  and  began  his  college  course  with  high  hopes.  He  still  kept 
up  his  historical  and  biographical  reading ;  and  having  finished  the 
life  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  wrote  of  him :  "His  life  was  a  life  of 
public  service  and  his  death  found  him  at  his  post.  He  had  many 
years  battled  singly  (in  Congress)  for  the  right  of  petition  and  fin 
ally  came  off  victorious.  As  a  scholar  he  had  few  equals,  as  a  states 
man  and  diplomatist  he  excelled  all,  as  a  patriot  governed  by  the 
pure  principles  of  virtue,  morality,  temperance  and  religion,  our 
country  will  long  strive  in  vain  to  fill  his  place.  He  died  full  of 
years  conscious  that  he  had  made  use  of  his  faculties  for  the  im 
provement  of  his  fellow-men  and  uttering  as  his  last  words :  'I  die 
in  peace,  I  am  content.'  Words  of  great  significance  to  be  uttered 
by  a  dying  mortal.  Let  all  emulate  his  virtues !" 

In  addition  to  his  wide  reading  he  was  a  prolific  writer  and  con 
tributed  articles  to  the  literary  societies  and  the  local  papers,  and 
gave  evidence  of  great  literary  ability.  He  wrote  not  only  able 
articles  on  all  literary  topics  and  current  political  events,  but  he 
composed  poetry  of  no  small  merit.  The  original  manuscripts  of 
some  of  these  poems  have  been  preserved.  But  like  all  young 
writers  his  contributions  were  sometimes  rejected;  and  in  this  he 
was  not  alone.  It  is  said  that  Thackery's  early  writings  were  re 
jected  as  worthless  while  Milton  was  unable  to  find  a  publisher  who 
would  risk  his  name  and  money  in  the  publication  of  "Paradise 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  23 

Lost."  The  latter  part  of  October  Nelson  sent  a  poem  to  the  edi 
tor  of  the  Belfast  Signal.  The  editor  replied :  "Sometime  since,  I 
received  from  you  a  communication  in  poetry,  and  the  fact  that  it 
was  mislaid  will  account  for  my  not  noticing  it  sooner.  The  poetry 
is  very  good  but  I  must  decline  to  publish  it." 

Freshmen  were  in  those  days  very  much  the  same  as  freshmen 
are  today;  and  Waterville  College  had  its  share  of  incidents  in 
which  the  sophomores  persecuted  the  freshmen  and  made  their 
lives  miserable.  Nelson  with  other  freshmen  was  mildly  "squibbed" 
or  hazed.  These  squibbings  consisted  largely  of  pouring  pails  of 
water  from  the  third  story  windows  on  the  heads  of  the  unfortu 
nate  freshmen  or  blowing  horns  under  their  windows.  This  year 
Nelson  was  one  of  the  victims,  but  it  is  not  recorded  that  he  re 
frained  from  retaliating  and  indulging  in  the  same  thing  the  suc 
ceeding  year. 

He  had  scarcely  entered  upon  his  college  course  when  he  was 
taken  ill.  About  the  middle  of  October  he  was  stricken  with  ty 
phoid  fever  and  was  taken  to  his  home  in  Unity  where  for  nine 
weeks  he  suffered  from  the  ravages  of  disease.  For  several  days, 
at  the  crisis,  his  life  hung  in  the  balance,  and  one  night  his  death 
was  hourly  expected.  He  was  unconscious  and  apparently  rapidly 
sinking.  His  weeping  parents  stood  by,  watching  over  their  dear 
one.  His  mother,  who  had  constantly  remained  at  his  side,  ut 
tered  a  groan  of  despair  which  seemed  to  arouse  the  sick  boy  for  a 
moment.  That  groan,  which  was  really  a  stifled  prayer,  seemed  to 
snatch  Nelson  from  the  grave.  Nature  triumphed,  and  the  crisis 
was  passed,  but  it  was  ten  weeks  before  he  was  able  to  go  to  his 
father's  store.  During  this  time  his  fond  mother  was  untiring  in 
her  watchful  care;  and  later  Nelson  recorded  in  his  diary:  "For 
the  constant  care,  anxiety,  and  watchfulness  of  mother  and  father 
I  cannot  return  an  equivalent;  but  God  grant  that  I  may  always 
have  in  mind  that  too  much  kindness  cannot  be  shown  them."  The 
first  day  of  March  he  had  recovered  his  health  entirely  and  re 
turned  to  college  to  resume  his  studies.  The  sound  of  the  college 
bell  was  heard  again.  His  old  college  friends  greeted  him ;  and  by 
their  manifestations  of  interest  and  devotion  touched  his  affection 
ate  heart. 

It  was  about  this  time  (March  1851)  that  Nelson  identified  him 
self  with  the  "Zeta  Psi"  fraternity  in  whose  behalf  he  was  active 
throughout  his  college  course.  Of  this  fraternity  he  wrote  in  later 
years :  "The  choicest  affections  of  my  heart  were  withdrawn  from 
the  world  without  and  thrown  around  a  band  of  chosen  brothers. 


24 

A  host  of  friends  rose  up  as  if  by  magic.  *  *  *  *  Never  can  I 
regret  that  my  lot  was  to  be  a  light  which  should  reflect  the  beau 
ties  and  sublimity  of  the  principles  of  the  Zeta  Psi  Society." 

The  young  student. steadily  took  a  more  and  more  serious  and 
thoughtful  view  of  life.  He  was  studious,  and  yet  not  a  book- 
worm.  He  was  reflective  and  yet  not  morose.  His  classmates  ever 
noticed  his  happy  disposition  and  evenly-poised  temperament.  He 
seamed  to  look  upon  life  as  a  trust,  and  appeared  to  have  some  pre 
monition  of  his  useful  and  noble  career.  March  24,  1852,  he  wrote 
in  his  diary :  "In  these  leaves  my  every  day  life  is  entered ;  the  past 
is  already  recorded  and  stands  forth  in  bold  letters,  saying,  'Im 
prove  !'  Cast  off  those  things  in  your  conduct  which  mar  the  beauty 
of  your  life,  and  treasure  up  where  they  will  not  corrupt  the  good 
things  in  your  character  (for  I  thank  Heaven  that  I  feel  as  though 
I  am  not  wholly  given  up  to  evil).  Ah !  what  are  these  pages  to 
tell?  The  future.  The  dark  future  which  no  human  eye  can 
pierce,  and  which  like  the  Sibyline  Books  are  blank  to  mortal  eyes. 
Their  surface  is  now  free  from  a  stain,  and  as  I  truly  record  my 
daily  actions,  God  grant  that  when  I  look  over  its  pages  I  can  say, 
'I  rejoice  for  in  them  I  can  find  no  evil.'  What  can  there  be  more 
precious  to  me  than  these  volumes  which  treasure  up  passing 
thoughts — thoughts  of  youth  and  as  I  hope  of  manhood  for  the 
future.  One  more  incentive  for  good — these  leaves,  though  now 
known  to  the  Supreme  God,  are  a  nonenity  to  man;  but  still  the 
changes  of  time  may  pass  them  into  some  scrutinizing  fellow- 
mortars  hand.  If  ever  such  should  be  the  case,  how  degrading 
would  be  my  life,  if  a  life  of  sin."  Such  sentiments  from  a  youth  of 
twenty,  surrounded  by  the  temptations  of  college  life,  savor  almost 
of  inspiration  and  Divinity. 

Even  at  this  time  in  his  life,  Nelson  never  took  a  serious  step 
without  careful  thought  and  consideration.  Hitherto  he  had  en 
tertained  no  particular  feeling  on  the  matter  of  religion;  and  in 
April  of  that  year,  during  a  revival  at  Waterville,  he  entered  in  his 
diary  quite  a  lengthy  dissertation  on  religion  and  salvation.  He 
argued  the  points  pro  and  con  as  if  he  were  going  through  a  sort 
of  self-examination.  He  wrote  among  other  things:  "It  is  cer 
tainly  right  that  we  should  honor  God  for  the  bounties  He  is  daily 
showering  upon  us.  I  certainly  feel  that  He  has  been  merciful  to 
me ;  and  that  I  have  not  shown  Him  that  gratitude  I  should  for  it. 
I  feel  that  for  some  good  purpose,  He  has  thus  far  preserved  my 
life ;  that  on  one  occasion  especially  He  raised  me  (as  it  were)  from 
the  grave,  and  I  cannot  ponder  over  His  character  without  a  feel- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  25 

ing  of  adoration  for  Him  who  guides  the  Universe.  That  there  is 
a  great  first  cause — a  divinity — who  guides  all  nature,  cannot  be 
doubted.  *  *  *  *  We  have  then  to  acknowledge  a  God  who 
rules  all  things;  a  future  world,  and  that  some  of  us  at  least  are  to 
be  its  inhabitants.  The  precise  shape  we  are  to  be  in,  matters  very 
little,  for  it  is  evident  that  we  are  to  be  in  a  state  approximating 
to  our  present.  *  *  *  *  I  have  faith  in  religion,  but  want  the 
feeling  to  enter  upon  it.  Here  I  stand,  and  unless  some  superna 
tural  power  shall  move  my  feelings  I  do  not  know  as  I  shall  feel 
that  I  have  been  regenerated." 

Thus  wrote  this  young  theologian,  who  was  seeing  the  first 
dawn  of  a  Christian  faith.  The  supernatural  power  did  move  his 
feelings,  and  he  experienced  a  change  of  heart  and  was  blessed  by 
the  Holy  Spirit.  On  the  second  of  May,  1852,  he  wrote  that  "the 
step  I  have  taken  is  an  important  one — important  as  regards  this 
world,  and  as  to  a  future  world,  of  incalculable  value.  I  have  volun 
tarily  taken  upon  myself  a  course  which  I  feel  that  without  the  aid 
of  God  I  cannot  maintain.  I  can  only  pray  that  God  will  give  me 
grace  and  strength  to  be  a  shining  light."  And  He  did ! 

The  key  to  Nelson's  life  was  love  and  affection — not  of  the  light 
and  shallow  kind  but  that  which  springs  from  a  tender  heart  and 
a  noble  soul.  He  formed  attachments  during  these  college  days 
that  brought  out  the  tenderest  and  sweetest  sentiments  that  can 
spring  from  the  human  heart.  But  reason  always  governed.  Of 
an  attachment  to  a  young  lady  friend,  he  wrote :  "I  think  of  noth 
ing  more  than  friendship  now,  for  I  am  engaged  in  a  course  which 
demands  my  whole  attention,  yet  my  mind — my  heart — delights  at 
times  to  rise  from  the  monotony  of  books,  and  seek  the  society  of 
her  who  is  a  friend  to  me."  And  while  in  a  sentimental  reverie,  he 
wrote  a  long  dissertation  on  "What  is  Love" — full  of  sound  logic 
and  tender  words. 

The  remainder  of  that  college  year  was  spent  in  deep  study, 
moonlight  walks  with  one  "whose  company  was  dear,"  debates  in 
the  college  society  and  visits  to  his  old  home  in  Unity.  In  August 
he  was  a  sophomore ;  and  of  the  commencement  exercises  at  Wat- 
erville  that  summer,  he  wrote  interesting  and  glowing  accounts  in 
his  diary. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  practical  interest  he  took  in  politics,  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  in  the  spring  of  this  year  he  "bet  a  hat 
worth  $4.00  with  C.  H.  Davis  that  Crosby  would  be  the  next 
governor  of  the  state."  This  is  the  only  record  of  any  bet  that  he 


26  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ever  made;   and  while  it  is  not  perhaps  quite  orthodox,  he  will 
doubtless  be  pardoned  because  it  was  made  in  a  good  cause. 

Nelson  was  rapidly  coming  to  the  front  as  a  local  political 
leader.  As  proof  of  this  it  might  be  stated  that  he  attended,  as  a 
delegate  from  Unity,  the  Whig  state  convention  at  Portland,  June 
3,  1852,  and  wrote  of  it  as  "the  most  enthusiastic  meeting  the 
Whigs  have  had  since  1840."  William  G.  Crosby  was  nominated 
for  governor;  and  among  the  delegates  chosen  to  the  national 
convention  at  Baltimore,  was  William  Pitt  Fessenden.  Nelson 
listened  with  intense  interest  to  speeches  by  George  Evans  and 
Pitt  Fessenden.  On  the  night  of  June  2ist  he  participated  in  a 
grand  ratification  meeting  of  the  Whigs  in  honor  of  General  Scott's 
nomination.  His  father  was  nominated  one  of  the  state  senators 
from  Waldo  county  by  the  Whigs.  There  was  no  election  by  the 
people,  but  he  was  elected  by  the  legislature  when  it  assembled  in 
January  1853.  The  legislature  also  elected  William  G.  Crosby 
(Whig),  governor,  and  Nelson  won  his  bet. 

This  year  (1852)  the  Anti-Maine-Law  party  was  formed,  which 
drew  many  votes  from  the  Democratic  nominee  for  governor,  John 
Hubbard,  and  defeated  him.  As  a  result  of  this  new  party,  there 
was  formed  the  new  Maine-Law  party  to  counteract  it,  having  for 
its  candidate  in  the  following  year,  Anson  P.  Morrill.  With  this 
party  Nelson  determined  to  identify  himself. 

Early  in  September  he  returned  to  Waterville,  and  began  his 
sophomore  year.  He  continued  to  take  an  active  part  in  college 
debates  and  literary  exercises.  October  29,  1852,  Daniel  Webster 
died  and  Nelson  wrote  of  the  event  as  follows :  "The  dread  mes 
senger  has  suddenly  removed  from  her  midst  the  pillar  of  the  Na 
tion,  the  leader  of  the  Whig  party,  the  defender  of  the  constitu 
tion.  *  *  *  *  His  loss  is  a  Nation's  loss  and  his  greatest 
monument  will  be  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  The  names  of 
those  who  have  usurped  a  higher  place  in  the  Nation  may  soon 
perish,  but  the  name  of  Webster  will  be  adored  in  the  far  future.  A 
Nation  mourns.  From  Maine  to  Texas,  the  solemn  tolling  of  the 
bells,  the  stifled  groans  of  a  people  ascend  to  bear  their  echoes  to 
the  Heavens.  Let  me  twine  one  wreath  o'er  his  fair  brow,  and 
shed  one  tear  o'er  the  turf  under  which  our  idol  reposes."  A  more 
sincere  and  glowing  tribute  was  never  paid  to  Daniel  Webster ;  for 
this  great  statesman,  protectionist  and  expounder  of  the  constitu 
tion  was  the  young  student's  idol.  l 

1 — Mr.  Dingley's  estimate  of  Daniel  Webster,  whom  he  admired  from  early 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  27 

The  election  of  Franklin  Pierce  in  November  was  a  great  dis 
appointment  to  Nelson.  The  Whigs  in  Maine  were  routed.  The 
young  politician  accounted  for  the  defeat  thus :  "Treason  in  our 
own  ranks  has  achieved  this  whole  matter.  The  irritation  of  the 
Webster  Whigs  and  the  charge  of  abolitionism  against  Scott  has 
done  what  the  enemy  alone  could  not  do."  But  the  disappoint 
ment  in  Maine  over  the  election  of  Pierce  was  mitigated  somewhat 
by  the  election  in  the  following  January  of  William  Pitt  Fessenden 
for  U.  S.  Senator.  Nelson's  father  was  in  the  state  senate  and 
voted  for  Fessenden ;  and  he  said  in  later  years  that  it  was  one  of 
the  proudest  acts  of  his  life. 

February  15,  1853,  Nelson  reached  his  majority,  and  of  this  im 
portant  event  he  wrote :  "I,  indeed,  am  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States.  Yet  freedom  in  this  thing  has  no  pleasure  for  me.  I  never 
looked  forward  to  it  with  interest.  I  am  legally  afloat  on  the  world 
of  waters — the  future  is  unknown.  Whatever  talents  I  may  have.  I 
am  called  upon  to  use  for  the  benefit  of  my  fellow-men.  God  grant 
that  my  voice  may  be  one  of  usefulness." 

Early  in  May  of  that  year  (1853)  Nelson  had  some  misunder 
standing  with  the  college  faculty,  particularly  President  David 
Sheldon.  The  young  man  thought  he  was  unjustly  accused  of  mis 
conduct,  and  without  further  delay  applied  to  the  faculty  for  a  let 
ter  of  dismissal.  The  request  was  granted,  and  on  the  4th  of  May 
he  severed  all  connections  with  Waterville  College.  It  is  gratify 
ing  to  know  that  from  the  correspondence  between  Nelson  and  his 
father,  all  of  which  has  been  preserved,  the  father  upheld  his  son. 
The  probability  is  that  the  unfortunate  affair  between  the  trustees 
and  the  student,  was  wholly  the  result  of  a  misunderstanding. 

He  had  already  been  in  correspondence  with  friends  at  Dart 
mouth  College,  and  on  Monday  morning,  May  23d,  he  started  in 
the  stage  for  Hanover,  N.  H.  On  that  day  he  wrote  that  "this  is 
the  first  time  I  have  ever  left  my  native  state  to  remain  for  any 
length  of  time,  and  naturally  my  parents  as  well  as  myself  feel  great 

manhood,  is  shown  in  an  article  he  wrote  on  the  centennial  of  the  birthday  of 
the  great  statesman,  in  1882:  "As  a  constitutional  lawyer,  as  an  advocate,  as  a 
publicist,  as  an  occasional  orator,  Webster  has  never  had  a  peer  in  the  New 
World.  There  have  been  lawyers  more  learned,  publicists  of  broader  historical 
acquirements,  orators  like  Prentiss,  more  fertile  in  imagination,  or  like  Choate, 
more  impassioned  and  fervid.  But  Webster's  pre-eminence  lies  in  his  clear 
grasp  of  affairs.  His  understanding  was  phenomenal.  His  rare  mental  powers 
prepared  him  for  authoritative  annunciation  of  American  ideas,  while  his  un 
rivaled  gifts  as  an  orator,  qualified  him  to  impress  himself  upon  his  time  by  that 
almost  irresistable  power  of  clear  argument,  impressive  rhetoric,  noble  voice  and 
commanding  presence.  If  our  youth  are  to  take  lessons  in  forensic  skill,  to 
study  periods  of  history  or  of  rhetoric,  to  know  their  country  and  its  spirit,  they 
cannot  neglect  the  life  and  works  of  Daniel  Webster." 


28  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

solicitude  for  my  success.    I  leave  with  hign  nopes  for  the  future — 
but  God  only  knows  whether  they  will  be  realized." 

He  parted  from  friends  at  Waterville  who  gave  genuine  evi 
dence  that  his  character  was  valued  by  them.  He  wrote :  "I  leave 
behind  me  in  Waterville  many  a  long  and  prized  friend,  whose 
memory  will  ever  be  dear  to  me." 

He  reached  Hanover  at  five  o'clocK  on  the  morning  of  May 
24th,  1853.  He  was  twenty-one  years  old,  and  alone  in  a  strange 
community.  If  he  had  been  inclined  to  touches  of  the  blues,  they 
would  have  made  their  appearance  on  this  occasion.  But  he  kept 
up  good  spirits ;  and  on  that  dismal  day  in  his  room  at  the  hotel,  he 
wrote  that  "this  day  without  a  room,  has  been  one  of  superlative 
dullness." 

The  latter  part  of  May  ne  began  nis  studies  at  Dartmouth  Col 
lege  as  a  member  of  the  sophomore  class.  The  term  passed  pleas 
antly  and  successfully,  and  commencement  was  an  event  impressed 
upon  his  mind  from  the  fact  that  the  great  orator,  Rufus  Choate, 
pronounced  an  eulogy  on  Daniel  Webster.  Nelson  wrote  that 
"Choate  is  probably  the  greatest  orator  in  the  Union.  It  could  not 
have  been  improved." 

The  college  term  over,  Nelson  returned  to  Unity,  by  way  of 
Waterville.  At  the  latter  place  his  old  friends  met  him  and  together 
they  indulged  in  an  old-fashioned  good  time.  The  latter  part  of 
August  he  was  elected  a  Whig  delegate  to  the  county  convention 
at  Belfast,  where  he  helped  renominate  his  father  for  state  senator. 
A  good  share  of  his  vacation  was  also  spent  in  the  city  of  Auburn, 
where  his  father  had  invested  in  a  stock  of  goods.  In  addition  to 
this  he  found  time  to  contribute  several  articles  to  the  Belfast  Sig 
nal. 

The  first  term  of  his  Junior  year  at  Dartmouth  began  early  in 
September,  and  Nelson  was  promptly  at  his  desk.  His  time  was 
profitably  spent  and  he  was  studious  and  prominent  in  his  class. 
He,  together  with  brothers  from  Waterville,  established  a  Zeta  Psi 
chapter  at  Dartmouth  which  was  influential  ever  after  in  that  col 
lege. 

The  state  election  in  Maine  that  fall  aroused  his  deep  interest. 
He  hoped  for  large  Whig  gains ;  but  he  was  content  with  recording 
that  "on  the  whole  the  result  of  the  election  is  gratifying."  Will 
iam  G.  Crosby  (Whig)  failed  of  an  election  by  the  people,  but 
was  elected  later  by  the  legislature.  Nelson's  father  was  defeated 
for  state  senator. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  29 

During  this  term  of  college  he  took  high  rank  as  a  writer  and 
speaker,  and  on  October  27,  1853  made  his  first  public  appearance 
with  an  original  composition  on  "Property."  He  closed  this  re 
markable  oration  with  the  following  language:  "In  the  highest 
sense  property  lies  in  the  realm  of  eternity.  The  stores  which  man 
by  a  life  of  toil  has  laid  up  to  gratify  his  inclination — the  roof  which 
shelters  his  gray  hairs  may  be  consumed  in  a  single  night ;  and  the 
strong  man  who  a  few  hours  since  boasted  of  the  magnitude  of  his 
possessions  will  have  no  place  to  lay  his  head.  The  smouldering 
ashes  alone  remain  to  tell  the  tale.  The  intellectual  giant  who  to 
day  charms  the  world  by  his  varied  talents — by  his  kindling  elo 
quence — tomorrow  may  be  a  tenant  of  the  silent  tomb.  It  is  sad  to 
see  the  agony  of  the  man  of  the  world — whose  whole  life  has  been 
spent  in  amassing  wealth,  and  who  now,  that  whitened  locks  warn 
him  of  the  approach  of  old  age,  thinks  to  withdraw' to  some  peaceful 
spot  and  there  reap  the  fruits  of  the  seed  sown  when  youth  and 
bright  hopes  were  his,  who,  having  scarcely  commenced  that  bliss 
ful  life  which  he  vainly  imagined  earth  had  in  store  for  him,  is  called 
to  leave  behind  his  earthly  idol  and  enter  upon  another  life  where 
neither  gold  nor  scrip  can  avail  him.  But  how  is  our  sadness 
turned  into  joy,  if  that  man  while  he  has  amassed  treasures  for  his 
earthly  body  has  laid  up  in  eternity  property  to  which  death  but 
unites  him,  and  who,  when  the  wrinkled  face  and  stooping  form  tell 
him  that  the  measure  of  his  life  is  full,  can  bid  adieu  to  earth  and 
mount  to  Heaven — there  with  reiuvenated  faculties  to  enjoy  his 
eternal  property." 

His  nature  was  poetic,  tender  and  loving.  He  was  filled  with 
ambition,  and  frequently  in  the  quiet  of  his  study,  permitted  his 
fertile  and  imaginative  mind  to  wander  as  it  were  on  the  pages  of 
his  diary.  One  November  evening  he  wrote : 

"Time  has  passed  away,  but  fond  memory  has  treasured  up  its 
pleasures — its  trials.  As  I  sit  by  my  table — solitary — I  see  one  by 
one  the  days  of  my  youth  pass  in  reverie  before  me.  I  see  the  loved 
playmates  of  my  early  days — the  old  school  house  where  we  daily 
congregated.  Even  now  I  see  the  sports  which  then  delighted  us 
— the  games  so  dear  to  childhood.  I  call  to  mind  one  with  whom 
my  heart  was  locked — but  Ah !  where  is  he  ?  The  village  church 
yard,  the  mound  where  the  woodbine  wincls — the  white  headstone 
— point  out  where  all  that  is  earthly  of  him  rests.  His  spirit  has 
gone  to  that  bright  land  where  its  purity  can  alone  find  a  resting" 


30  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

place.  I  call  to  mind  many  others  who  shared  in  my  youthful 
sports — some  have  wandered  to  distant  lands — some  have  cast  off 
the  robes  of  childhood,  and  put  on  the  helmet  of  maturity.  Some 
whom  I  knew  as  girls  in  the  simplicity  of  childhood  have  left  the 
roof  where  a  mother's  love  had  surrounded  them  and  trusted  their 
loving  hearts  to  strangers — Oh  what  charges  to  lead  to  that  bright 
world  beyond  the  tomb!  I  see  the  retreats  of  my  youth — sur 
rounded  with  all  the  charms  which  memory  can  picture.  I  see  my 
early  trials.  I  call  to  mind  the  fancied  injuries  which  ardent  youth 
treasures  up.  I  see  myself  hastening  home  to  be  consoled  by  that 
ever  healing  balm — a  mother's  love.  Once  more  I  look  and  this 
early  dream  has  vanished.  I  see  the  stage  coach  standing  before 
the  door  which  is  to  bear  me  away  from  the  roof  which  has  pro 
tected  my  weakness.  I  see  new  associates — new  faces.  The 
dream  of  my  childhood  has  passed,  and  college  walls  disclose  new 
scenes.  I  see  my  many  trials — my  many  pleasures.  I  see  the 
friends  who  have  supplied  my  youthful  playmates.  I  call  to  mind 
the  sorrow  which  pervaded  my  heart  as  one  by  one  I  bade  them 
adieu  and  sought  out  another  college  in  another  state.  I  call  to 
mind  the  sense  of  loneliness  which  my  location  created — the  long 
ing  for  those  left  behind.  Once  again  I  see  new  associates — new 
joys — new  trials.  Far  away  I  see  the  fire-side  at  home — that  happy 
spot  to  which  my  heart  would  fain  fly.  I  see  those  who  loved  me  — 
those  whom  I  loved.  Once  again  I  look  into  the  future,  but  at 
times  how  dreamy — at  times  how  cheerful.  Now  I  see  myself 
perched  on  the  highest  round  of  the  ladder  of  fame — now  an  out 
cast — none  so  poor  to  do  me  reverence.  Hope — the  day  spring  of 
life — beckons  me  on — to  burn  the  midnight  oil — to  prepare  to 
launch  my  boat  upon  the  ocean  of  life." 

November  30,  1854,  found  Nelson  in  Unity,  at  the  bedside  of 
his  dear  friend,  Mr.  Hiram  Whitehouse.  Death  came  and  of  the 
sorrow  that  overwhelmed  the  widow  Nelson  wrote:  "The  com 
panion  of  her  heart,  the  pillar  around  which  clustered  her  affec 
tions,  the  casket  which  held  her  youthful  love  has  been  snatched 
away  by  the  rugged  hands  of  death.  'So  be  ye  also  ready.'  " 

About  the  middle  of  December  1853,  he  commenced  teaching 
school  in  the  Parkhurst  district  having  about  fifty  scholars.  To  the 
school  committee  of  that  district  he  presented  the  following  recom 
mendation  from  the  President  of  Dartmouth  College : 


/  '  ( 

-? —     XTF  n  Lx 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  31 

"The  bearer,  Mr.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  is  a  young  gentleman  of 
superior  scholarship  and  unblemished  morals.  He  is  in  my  judg 
ment,  well  qualified  for  the  duties  of  a  teacher  of  youth." 

Edwin  D.  Sanborn. 
Nov.  1853. 

That  winter  his  father  and  mother  moved  to  Auburn,  and  Nel 
son  assisted  them  in  packing  their  household  goods.  About  the 
middle  of  February  he  closed  his  school  for  the  winter,  bade  adieu 
to  Unity,  and  left  for  his  new  home  in  Auburn.  Thus  the  home  of 
his  childhood  became  a  thing  of  the  past.  Here  Nelson  had  resided 
fifteen  years ;  here  he  spent  his  childhood  days ;  here  his  character 
was  formed.  The  plain  one  and  a  half  story  house  where  he  lived 
with  his  parents  so  long,  every  room  of  which  was  hallowed  by 
sweet  memories,  was  leased  and  later  sold  to  the  Methodist  parish 
of  that  village. 

Friday,  March  3,  1854,  found  him  again  pursuing  his  studies  at 
Dartmouth.  His  room-mate  was  S.  R.  Bond  of  Ipswich,  Mass., 
subsequently  a  resident  of  Washington,  and  a  staunch  friend  dur- 
Nelson's  public  career.  This  term,  he  made  his  first  appearance 
in  public  debate  before  the  United  Fraternity,  on  the  affirmative 
side  of  the  question:  "Is  it  expedient  to  preserve  the  so-called 
balance  of  power  in  Europe."  He  spent  his  spring  vacation  help 
ing  his  father  in  his  store  at  Auburn,  and  about  the  middle  of  May 
returned  to  college. 

It  appears  that  there  had  been  little  class  spirit  and  class  organ 
ization  at  Dartmouth  in  previous  years,  and  Nelson  sought  to  culti 
vate  this  by  organizing  his  class  after  the  manner  of  the  United 
States  Senate.  He  therefore  drew  up  the  following  paper :  "Im 
pressed  with  the  importance  of  more  frequent  practice  in  ex-tem- 
pore  debates,  we  hereby  form  ourselves  into  an  organization  for 
the  acquirement  of  facility  in  speaking,  after  the  plan  of  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  each  state  being  represented  by  one  or  more  members — 
this  body  to  meet  at  such  time  and  place  as  may  hereafter  be  de 
termined."  This  paper  was  signed  by  Nelson  and  thirty-four  of 
his  classmates.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  great  benefit  was  derived 
by  all  the  members  of  the  class  who  participated  in  this  college  sen 
ate  ;  and  we  can  easily  understand  that  Nelson  took  a  leading  part 
and  added  to  that  facility  of  speech  and  quickness  of  thought  which 
marked  his  entire  public  life. 

He  was  a  constant  and  fluent  writer,  contributing  articles  to 
different  papers.  About  the  middle  of  June  he  sent  his  first  con- 


32  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

tribution  to  the  Lewiston  Journal.  The  subject  of  this  article  was 
"The  Caucasus."  Little  did  he  suspect  that  his  future  would  be  in 
timately  associated  with  that  paper!  He  first  saw  a  copy  of  the 
Lewiston  Journal  in  the  spring  of  that  year  (1854).  It  was  then  a 
small  village  weekly  of  perhaps  seven  hundred  circulation.  He  was 
attracted  to  it  by  the  fact  that  Rev.  James  Drummond,  the  Congre 
gational  minister  in  Auburn,  was  contributing  to  it,  and  this  fact  led 
to  his  introduction  to  both  Mr.  Drummond  and  Col.  Waldron,  the 
latter  the  editor  and  proprietor  of  the  Journal.  His  first  contribu 
tion  was  accepted  and  doubtless  its  appearance  was  very  gratifying 
to  the  author. 

It  was  during  this  summer  vacation  that  he  did  his  first  real 
newspaper  work.  He  reported  for  the  Lewiston  Journal  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  Androscoggin  county, 
and  a  political  mass  meeting  in  favor  of  Hon.  J.  J.  Perry  for  con 
gress.  Nelson's  reports,  found  in  the  early  files  of  the  Lewiston 
Journal,  were  in  the  same  clear  and  easy  style  that  characterized 
his  later  newspaper  work.  This  so  pleased  William  Waldron,  the 
owner  and  editor  of  the  Journal,  that  later  (September  2Oth)  he  en 
gaged  Nelson  to  write  a  column  or  two  each  week  for  the  Journal 
at  $100  per  year.  He  wrote  for  the  Journal,  taught  school  at  Sa- 
battusville,  and  studied  politics.  He  also  cast  his  first  vote  this  fall 
for  Anson  P.  Morrill  the  anti-slavery  and  temperance  candidate  for 
governor. 

About  1848  the  Free  Soil  party  was  formed  having  a  principle 
that  gave  it  a  national  and  popular  character.  It  attained  to  con 
siderable  magnitude  in  the  middle  states,  and  the  Abolition  party 
became  merged  in  this,  George  F.  Talbot  being  its  first  candidate 
for  governor  in  Maine,  in  1849.  It  threw  a  variable  number  of 
votes  until  1854,  when  they  were  divided  between  Isaac  Reed  the 
Whig  nominee  and  Anson  P.  Morrill,  the  candidate  of  the  Maine 
Law  and  Know-Nothing  parties,  giving  the  latter  the  largest  num 
ber  of  votes  but  not  a  majority;  and  his  election  came  from  the 
state  legislature. 

Nelson  was  still  an  omnivorous  reader,  and  his  diary  is  full  of 
the  names  of  standard  books  which  he  read  at  that  time.  He  had 
a  way  of  jotting  down  a  synopsis  of  every  book  he  read  and  com 
menting  on  the  style  and  the  moral.  His  estimate  of  the  plays  of 
Shakespeare  and  of  the  works  of  Hawthorne,  Ike  Marvel,  De- 
Quincy,  Longfellow,  Willis,  Cooper,  Dickens  and  Scott,  as  well  as 
Poe,  are  exceedingly  interesting.  In  October  he  delivered  his  first 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  33 

lecture  before  the  scholars  of  his  school  and  the  citizens  of  Sabat- 
tusville.  His  theme  was  "The  student  life  of  Daniel  Webster."  l 
The  original  manuscript  of  this  lecture,  in  a  clear  cut  and  busi 
ness-like  hand,  is  among  the  much  prized  papers  he  left.  The  lec 
ture  was  both  able  and  interesting,  for  it  was  his  estimate  of  his 
idol.  The  middle  of  November  1854,  he  commenced  active  work 
on  the  Lewiston  Journal  at  $22.50  per  month.  He  took  entire 
charge  of  the  editorial  columns,  directed  the  paper  to  the  list  of 
subscribers,  (about  800),  and  spent  the  remainder  of  his  time  set 
ting  type.  And  as  if  this  was  not  enough  to  consume  his  entire  time 
he  even  wrote  the  "Journal  Carrier  Boys  New  Year  Address" — a 
piece  of  poetry  of  more  or  less  merit  and  great  originality. 

He  experienced  the  trials  of  a  country  editor  the  first  month  he 
was  in  the  harness.  Prof.  Champlin  of  Waterville  College  lectured 
in  Auburn,  and  the  new  editor  of  the  Journal  in  commenting  on  the 
lecture,  indulged  in  some  mild  criticism.  The  next  number  of  the 
Advocate,  the  organ  of  the  Baptists,  edited  by  Dr.  Dyer,  contained 
a  severe  article  attacking  the  young  student-editor  personally,  and 
declaring  that  the  latter  had  a  private  grudge  against  Prof.  Champ 
lin.  The  next  week  Nelson  published  a  vigorous  article  defending 
his  criticism,  and  followed  it  up  with  another.  There  was  great  ex 
citement  among  the  leading  Baptists,  but  the  Journal  editor  stood 
his  ground.  While  the  incident  doubtless  appeared  to  be  of  great 
gravity  at  that  time,  passing  years  have  softened  whatever  asperity 
may  have  cropped  out  and  made  the  incident  more  amusing  than 
serious;  but  it  afforded  evidence  of  Nelson's  vigorous  style  and 
gave  promise  of  his  singularly  successful  newspaper  career. 

On  the  first  day  of  January  1855,  ne  recorded  in:  his  diary  that 
"the  members  elect  of  the  legislature  are  assembling,  and  it  is 
settled  that  those  chosen  as  Whigs,  Morrill  Democrats  and  Free 
Soilers  will  unite  and  form  a  new  party,  to  be  called  the  Republican 
party.  This  party  will  live."  Prophetic  words ! 

The  middle  of  February  he  closed  his  winter's  work  in  the  Lewis- 
ton  Journal  office  and  returned  to  Dartmouth  College.  His  closing 
term  was  profitable,  and  he  had  proved  a  faithful  student  and  was 
assigned  one  of  the  commencement  parts  and  given  the  subject: 
"The  Intellectual  Progress  of  Humanity."  l  This  commencement 
oration  although  brief  was  thoughtful  and  philosophic.  Although 
not  an  orator  his  earnestness  of  manner  and  his  pleasing  address 
marked  him  as  one  of  the  most  promising  members  of  his  class. 

1— See  Appendix. 


34  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

His  last  recitation  took  place  the  middle  of  July  and  he  wrote  in 
his  diary:  "I  can  conscientiously  say  that  my  time  has  been,  for 
the  most  part  properly  improved,  and  that  I  repent  not  in  the  least 
-of  the  money  and  labor  expended  in  drinking  from  the  fountains  of 
liberal  knowledge.  I  leave  college  with  high  hopes  for  the  future. 
What  may  be  my  position,  God  only  knows.  May  I  be  prepared  for 
whatever  He  has  in  store  for  me." 

Wendell  Phillips  delivered  the  commencement  oration,  and 
Nelson  with  sixteen  others  was  admitted  to  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  so 
ciety.  Nelson  was  sixth  in  a  class  of  51,  the  order  being  as  follows 
— Field,  Allen,  Tenney,  Clark,  Scales,  Dingley,  Taylor,  Pike,  etc. 
The  valedictorian  of  the  class  was  Walbridge  A.  Field, 1  afterwards 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Massachusetts.  Thus  closed 
Nelson's  college  career.  He  was,  as  he  wrote,  "what  the  world 
called  a  liberally  educated  young  man." 

1 — Chief  Justice  Field,  in  1899,  soon  after  Nelson's  death  and  only  three 
months  before  his  own  death,  thus  wrote  of  his  distinguished  classmate:  "Mr. 
Dingley  was  not  one  of  those  students  who  will  tip  back  their  chairs  and  let 
their  minds  roam  over  the  whole  creation.  He  was  deeply  interested  in  a  few 
things,  and  made  himself  their  master.  While  he  was  at  college  he  was  especial 
ly  fond  of  studying  forms  of  government.  I  remember  that  before  Mr.  Dingley 
came  to  college,  our  class  was  not  in  the  habit  of  meeting  often.  It  was  he  who 
called  the  class  together,  and  it  was  he  that  made  the  opening  resolutions, 
neatly  and  effectively  arrayed  in  first,  second,  third,  etc.  He  got  us  to  form  our 
selves  into  a  senate  of  the  United  States.  There  were  fifty-one  of  us,  and  he  set 
us  to  practicing  the  form  of  procedure  of  our  national  upper  house.  This  senate 
we  maintained  for  some  time.  He  was  an  honest  man.  Everyone  respected  his 
thorough  integrity.  He  was  always  modest  and  retiring.  As  a  scholar  he  was 
not  brilliant,  but  he  was  thorough.  In  everything  he  was  thorough." 

S.  R.  Bond  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  Nelson's  room-mate  at  Dartmouth  college, 
writes  as  follows:  "Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  entered  our  class  of  1855  in  its  sopho 
more  year,  and  an  intimacy  soon  sprang  up  between  us  which  led  to  our  becom 
ing  room-mates.  It  did  not  take  long  for  him  to  impress  us  with  the  fact  that 
he  had  come  to  study  and  learn,  and  to  make  the  most  of  his  time  and  talents. 
He  was  thoughtful  and  studious  in  his  habits,  prompt  and  constant  at  recita 
tions  and  other  class  exercises;  but  these  were  far  from  constituting  the  whole 
of  his  study  and  means  of  mental  discipline.  His  reading  outside  the  college 
curriculum  was  extensive,  but  discriminating,  and  more  didactic  in  its  character 
\han  is  generally  selected  by  youths  of  his  age.  Our  class  organized  what  we 
ambitiously  called  "The  Senate,"  and  with  Cushing's  and  Jefferson's  Manuals 
as  our  guides,  endeavored  to  conduct  it  after  the  manner  of  the  august  body 
for  which  it  was  named.  I  was  its  president,  and  distinctly  remember  that  Mr. 
Dingley  was  chairman  of  the  two  committees  on  finance  and  foreign  relations, 
and  was  so  earnest  and  industrious  in  discharging  the  duties  of  those  positions 
that  he  prepared  and  presented  reports  upon  the  matters  referred  to  his  com 
mittees,  with  a  care  and  seriousness  which  would  have  become  a  veritable  legis 
lative  body.  He  was  notably  fond  of  the  study  of  parliamentary  rules  and  prac 
tice,  and  became  as  high  an  authority  on  those  subjects  among  us  as  he  was 
held  in  after  life  among  the  members  of  the  legislative  bodies  in  which  he  so 
ably  served  his  state  and  country.  Towards  the  end  of  our  college  course  it  was 
a  favorite  pastime  of  some  of  us  to  speculate  as  to  the  probable  pursuits  and 
careers  of  our  class-mates,  and  I  did  not  fail  to  recognize  in  him  that  bent  of 
mind  and  study  that  would  help  to  make  him  an  ideal  legislator.  One  of  the 
text  books  of  our  course  was  Say's  Political  Economy,  in  which  free  trade  is 
strenuously  advocated,  yet  neither  of  us  assented  to  it  as  an  authority  to  control 
our  national  policy,  but  regarded  it  as  the  impracticable  theory  of  a  doctrinaire. 
Nathan  Lord,  D.  D.,  was  our  college  president,  and  while  we  admired  and  rev 
ered  his  great  ability,  and  his  intense  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  the  students  under 
his  charge,  yet  his  out-and-out  defense,  and  even  advocacy,  of  slavery  as  a 


CHAPTER  IV. 
1855-1860. 

Nelson  was  now  twenty-three  years  of  age.  He  was  educated 
far  beyond  his  years  and  .time,  and  had  so  improved  his  moments 
that  he  was  remarkably  well-equipped  for  a  long  and  useful  career. 
He  possessed  an  active  and  fertile  brain,  a  retentive  memory,  tire 
less  energy,  and  an  indomitable  will.  He  was  bold  and  yet  cau 
tious,  brave  and  yet  discreet.  Filled  with  ambition  he  set  sail  man 
fully  on  the  voyage  of  life. 

At  once  he  began  to  write  for  the  Lewiston  Journal,  and  at  the 
same  time  began  the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Morrill  and  Fess- 
enden  in  Danville,  now  Auburn,  then  a  pretty  and  thriving  village 
of  about  three  thousand,  and  the  county-seat.  The  railroad  reached 
Auburn  in  1848,  and  the  village  grew  rapidly.  Its  future  was  now 
assured,  and  far-seeing  people  predicted  that  this  would  be  the  site 
of  at  least  one  and  perhaps  two  thriving  manufacturing  cities.  But 

divine  institution,  and  the  emphasis  which  he  laid  upon  "Cursed  be  Canaan," 
made  less  impression  upon  our  anti-slavery  convictions  than  did  Say's  upon  our 
protective  proclivities.  Mr.  Dingley  was  by  no  means  one  of  those  monstrosities 
who  had  no  youth.  He  did  not,  within  proper  bounds  "go  back"  on  those  little 
enterprises  and  episodes  which  were  occasionally  indulged  in  by  his  class,  or  his 
intimate  associates,  and  which  served  to  vary  the  monotony  of  college  life  and 
as  harmless  outlets  for  the  ebullition  of  youthful  spirits,  yet  his  general  conduct 
was  marked  by  a  sedateness  of  thought  and  demeanor  somewhat  beyond  the 
average  of  his  class-mates.  I  can  bear  witness  to  the  strong,  abiding  love  which 
he  always  cherished  for  his  alma  mater,  and  for  those  ties  of  friendship  which 
were  formed  in  his  college  days.  He  seldom  failed  to  attend  the  annual  reunion 
of  the  Dartmouth  Alumni  Association  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  often  spoke 
feelingly  and  impressively  of  the  old  college,  its  faithful  and  earnest  instructors, 
and  the  members  of  our  class  who  were  one  by  one  passing  over  to  the  great 
majority.  At  the  reunion  of  our  class  at  Hanover  in  1895,  on  the  occasion  of  its 
fortieth  anniversary,  he  and  Chief  Justice  Field  of  Massachusetts,  whose  recent 
death  has  called  forth  such  general  regret  and  eulogy,  were  among  the  less 
than  a  dozen  of  us  who  were  present,  and  no  one  evinced  a  keener  interest  than 


36  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

the  fire  of  1855  destroyed  $75,000  worth  of  property  and  cast  a 
gloom  over  the  whole  place.  In  this  fire  Nelson's  father  lost  his 
entire  stock  of  goods,  only  about  one-half  insured. 

The  law  office  of  Morrill  &  Fessenden  was  the  center  of  poli 
tics.  Nahum  Morrill  (subsequently  Judge  Morrill)  was  a  Demo 
crat  and  T.  A.  D.  Fessenden  was  a  Republican.  The  former  was 
appointed  judge  of  probate  by  Gov.  Crosby  in  1854,  and  held  the 
office  of  provost  marshal  of  the  second  district  of  Maine  through 
out  the  civil  war.  The  latter  was  a  son  of  General  Sam  Fessenden 
of  Portland,  and  was  then  a  Whig  and  later  a  Republican.  He 
formed  a  partnership  with  Mr.  Morrill  in  1850,  and  eight  years 
later  was  a  law  partner  of  William  P.  Frye,  afterwards  United 
States  Senator.  Mr.  Fessenden  was  a  delegate  to  the  national  con 
vention  that  nominated  Fremont  in  1856,  and  Grant  in  1868;  was 

did  he  in  recounting  reminiscences  of  our  college  days,  or  was  more  deeply 
affected  by  the  reading  of  our  class  necrology,  and  the  tender  words  that  were 
spoken  of  those 

"  <    *    *    who  had  crossed  life's  seething  tide, 
And  learned  what  there  is  on  the  other  side.' 

"As  he  loved  and  honored  his  college  so  it  did  not  and  could  not  without 
signal  neglect  and  ingratitude,  fail  to  recognize  his  worth  and  well-earned  emi 
nence  by  conferring  upon  him  the  degree  of  LI/.  D.,  which  every  living  son  of 
Dartmouth  must  acknowledge  as  most  worthily  bestowed." 

A.  J.  Pike  of  Minnesota,  another  class-mate  of  Mr.  Dingley's,  writes  that 
when  in  college  Mr.  Dingley  was  an  ardent  protectionist,  and  once  became  very 
anxious  over  the  free  trade  teachings  of  the  professor.  The  text  book  that  was 
used  was  Say's  Political  Economy.  As  the  class  proceeded  with  the  study  of 
the  work  it  seemed  to  be  leading  directly  to  the  approval  of  free  trade  as  opposed 
to  protection.  Mr.  Dingley  consulted  with  the  professor  in  private  and  gave 
him  some  reasons  why  the  condition  of  our  government  was  exceptional,  to 
which  free  trade  could  not  apply.  The  matter  was  brought  up  in  the  class  and 
Mr.  Dingley  was  sustained  in  his  position,  and  from  that  time  until  the  end  of 
the  term  the  protectionist's  side  of  the  question  was  given  a  chance  and  the 
arguments  laid  down  in  the  text  book  suffered  materially. 

Greenleaf  Clark  of  St.  Paul,  Minn.,  another  class-mate  of  Mr.  Dingley's, 
writes:  "He  was  a  well-regulated,  self-contained,  diligent  student  who  had  him 
self  well  in  hand.  He  gave  it  out  that  journalism  was  his  chosen  vocation,  and 
that  political  affairs  were  to  his  taste  and  interested  him.  He  was  always  active 
and  a  leader  in  college  and  class  politics.  I  think  it  may  be  said  of  him,  what 
does  not  always  follow,  that  his  subsequent  life  developed  upon  the  precise 
lines  indicated  when  he  was  in  college." 

Mr.  Silas  Hardy,  a  member  of  the  class  of  1855,  thus  writes  of  has  class 
mate:  "I  had  the  pleasure  of  being  a  class-mate  with  Mr.  Dingley  in  old  Dart 
mouth,  class  of  1855,  both  graduating  together.  I  remember  his  looks  on  that 
occasion.  He  came  from  Waterville  (Maine)  college  in  May  of  our  sophomore 
year.  He  introduced  and  established  a  chapter  of  the  Zeta  Psi  secret  society  at 
Dartmouth.  I  joined  the  society  and  thereby  was  brought  into  close  relation 
with  him.  He  was  a  modest,  unassuming  young  man,  intelligent,  and  of  excel 
lent  character,  studious,  but  did  not  rank  high  as  a  recitation  scholar — about 
medium — but  was  quite  a  reader.  He  had  a  happy  faculty  of  speaking  in  public, 
and  in  a  very  pointed  and  sensible  way.  He  was  a  clean  young  man  and  stood 
well  as  a  fellow.  I  feel  it  an  honor  to  have  associated  with  him." 

In  Nelson's  Dartmouth  College  class  book,  dated  1855,  he  wrote  these  words 
beneath  the  picture  of  his  chum: 

"Chum,  never  forget  the  many  pleasing  associations  which  hang  around 
No.  13,  Thornton  Hall. 

"How  pleasantly  sweet  are  the  echoes  that  start, 
"When  memory  plays  an  old  tune  on  the  heart. 

"Nelson  Dingley  Jr. 

"Natus  1832." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  37 

a  state  representative,  county  attorney,  and  member  of  congress. 
Like  all  his  family,  he  was  a  brilliant  man  and  a  splendid  lawyer. 
Mr.  Morrill  was  also  a  fine  lawyer  and  a  hard-headed  business  man. 

Nelson  had  at  this  time  about  fully  made  up  his  mind  to  be  a 
lawyer.  September  17,  1855,  he  wrote  in  his  dhry:  "I  have  de 
cided  to  make  law  my  profession.  I  intend  to  fit  myself  well  for  so 
honorable  a  duty ;  and  I  trust  that  with  God's  help,  I  may  do  some 
little  good  in  this  world,  if  my  life  and  health  shall  be  spared."  At 
the  October  term  of  the  probate  court  for  Androscoggin  county 
he  served  as  register  pro  tern  in  the  absence  of  the  register.  All 
that  autumn  he  was  deep  in  the  mysteries  of  Blackstone,  Kent, 
Chitty  and  other  legal  lights. 

Throughout  this  entire  period  (from  January  to  September 
1855)  he  was  practically  the  editor  of  the  Lewiston  Journal.  1  He 
was  vigorous  in  style  and  independent  in  thought.  January  2Oth 
he  wrote  a  leading  article  for  the  Journal  entitled  "Parties  and 
Principles."  "There  have  been  at  least  two  presidential  cam 
paigns"  he  wrote,  "wherein  the  contest  has  been  only  for  spoils — 
where  the  many  have  madly  rushed  on  after  their  leaders,  while 
they  have  coolly  pocketed  the  spoils.  We  were  delighted  at  the 
victory  which  our  party  had  gained,  but  have  never  realized  the 
golden  promises  which  they  have  held  out  to  us.  *  *  *  Even 
now,  though  our  reason  assures  us  that  the  party  with  which  we 
have  always  sympathized  should  be  dissolved,  yet  the  very  mention 
of  the  name  which  distinguished  it  will  call  to  mind  former  days 
when  it  was  our  delight  to  labor  for  its  success ;  and  memories  of  its 
past  history  and  the  long  list  of  honored  men  whose  names  are  as 
familiar  as  household  words,  who  battle  for  its  principles,  but  who 
are  now  gathered  to  their  fathers,  will  flit  before  our  minds  as  if  to 
impel  us  to  still  cling  even  to  an  empty  name.  *  *  *  The  cau 
cus  machinery  of  political  parties,  as  it  is  now  arranged,  almost  en 
tirely  leaves  the  management  of  its  affairs  to  office-seekers  them 
selves.  *  *  *  The  time  has  been  and  perhaps  in  some  states 
may  be  now,  when  any  man,  no  matter  how  manifestly  unqualified 
he  might  be  for  the  office,  provided  he  received  the  nomination, 
could  be  elected.  When  parties  arrive  at  such  a  point  they  should 
be  dissolved,  for  the  name  predominates  over  the  principles.  *  * 
A  consideration  of  these  facts  has  led  to  the  present  disruption  of 
parties,  and  the  formation  of  a  new  party  composed  of  those  who 

1— The  Belfast  Age  said  In  September,  1855:  "Aside  from  the  Journal's 
abominal  politics,  we  must  say  that  its  editorials  are  ably  and  candidly  written. 
Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  the  editor,  is  a  scholar,  a  gentleman,  and  a  young  man  of  fine 
talent.  He  will  make  one  of  the  ablest  editors  in  New  England." 


38  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

think  that  the  aggression  of  the  slave  power  calls  for  resistance  on 
the  part  of  the  north.  This  party  also  embodies  the  principles 
which  dictate  the  passage  of  laws  for  the  improvement  of  society — 
such  as  laws  against  the  vending  of  intoxicating  liquors,  laws  or 
ganizing  associations  to  perform  objects  of  general  utility  too  ex 
tensive  for  individual  enterprise.  This  party  believes  that  govern 
ment  should  not  stop  when  it  has  protected  man  in  his  rights,  but 
should  aid  him  by  judicious  expenditures  of  public  money  in  im 
proving  the  means  of  communication  between  the  different  parts 
of  our  union.  The  laissez  faire  doctrine,  which  would  leave  every 
man  to  sit  under  his  own  fig  tree,  careless  and  indifferent  to  what 
was  going  on  around  him,  is  not  the^theory,  which,  when  practiced, 
will  make  a  government  subserve  the  interests  of  society.  We  re 
joice  that  the  days  when  names  and  jealousies  dictated  the  polic> 
of  our  country  are  fast  passing  away;  and  that  a  brighter  era  whose 
influence  we  already  have  gently  felt,  is  nearly  at  hand." 

The  Whig  party  was  rapidly  disintegrating.  It  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  spoilsmen  and  self-seeking  politicians.  In  1832  it 
made  a  great  mistake  in  not  warmly  supporting  Jackson  on  the 
state  rights  and  nullification  issue,  which  Calhoun  and  South  Caro 
lina  had  raised.  It  was  the  first  time  that  the  pestilent  idea  of  state 
rights  as  against  national  supremacy  had  been  squarely  put  before 
the  people;  and  Jackson  took  so  decided  ground  in  favor  of  na 
tional  supremacy  in  the  contest  with  South  Carolina  in  1833,  that 
the  Whigs  ought  to  have  come  over  to  his  support,  and  buried  for 
ever  the  state  rights  idea,  invented  to  protect  slavery,  which  was 
the  bane  of  the  country,  which  caused  the  rebellion  and  which 
threated  to  deprive  the  nation  of  the  fruits  of  the  great  war.  In 
1833  there  was  every  indication  that  the  Whigs  would  rally  to  the 
support  of  Jackson  against  whom  Calhoun  was  waging  relentless 
war.  Webster  was  Jackson's  leading  supporter.  But  soon  afterbitter 
feelings  arose — over  the  removal  of  the  deposits  from  the  national 
bank — a  matter  of  no  importance,  and  the  Whig  party  lost  their 
favorable  opportunity,  and  left  Calhoun  to  win  over  the  south, 
nearly  solid,  to  the  support  of  his  state  rights  ideas. 

Popular  feeling  against  Van  Buren's  financial  policy  in  1836. 
and  the  growth  of  the  feeling  against  the  Democratic  party  con 
trolled  by  the  south,  was  made  evident  in  the  Maine  election  of 
1837  when  Kent  was  elected  governor.  In  1838  and  1839 
the  Democrats  rallied  and  elected  Fairfield  governor.  In  1840 
there  was  a  most  remarkable  campaign.  Torchlight  processions 
and  other  political  clap-trap  first  made  their  appearance.  The 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  39 

Whigs  of  Maine  elected  Kent  governor  by  50  majority,  and  from 
that  moment  "have  you  heard  the  news  from  Maine"  became  the 
Whig  song  and  rallying  cry. 

The  Liberty  or  Abolition  party  first  appeared  in  Maine  in  1841 
when  Jeremiah  Curtis  was  elected  governor.  In  1844  the  Aboli 
tionists  supported  James  G.  Birney  for  president.  Mr.  Clay's 
friends  were  displeased.  The  Abolitionists  might  have  elected 
Clay,  for  Polk  received  only  170  votes  with  the  36  of  New  York. 
The  Abolitionists  replied  that  they  preferred  Clay,  but  both  parties 
said  they  were  bidding  for  southern  support.  When  the  Whigs 
should  take  square  ground  against  slavery,  the  Abolitionists  said 
they  would  abandon  their  organization.  Both  parties  fought  shy 
of  anti-slavery.  In  1848  the  northern  Whigs  defeated  in  congress 
a  slavery  resolution  desired  by  the  southern  Whigs,  which  un 
doubtedly  contributed  to  the  election  of  Taylor,  who  received  163 
electoral  votes  to  127  for  Cass.  Van  Buren,  who  ran  as  a  Free  Soil 
candidate,  also  contributed  to  Taylor's  election  and  Cass'  defeat. 
The  death  of  Taylor  and  the  succession  of  Fillmore,  who  proved 
subservient  to  the  wishes  of  the  south,  prepared  the  way  for  the 
fall  of  the  Whig  party,  and  the  reorganization  of  parties  on  new 
issues. 

From  1850  to  1858  was  the  darkest  period  in  the  history  of  the 
country.  The  passage  of  the  so-called  compromise  measure  of 
1850 — -the  enactment  of  the  fugitive  slave  law — (the  foulest  blot 
on  the  statutes  of  this  country) — the  bending  of  the  knee  to  the 
slave  power  by  Webster,  Clay,  Douglas,  Pierce,  and  the  leading 
Democratic  and  Whig  politicians — the  defeat  of  Scott  in  1852  and 
the  election  of  Pierce  because  the  latter  had  promised  the  south  the 
most — all  contributed  to  cast  a  gloom  over  the  anti-slavery  men. 
Even  in  Maine  the  Free  Soil  vote  diminished  and  the  Democratic 
vote  increased. 

The  leaders  of  the  anti-slavery  and  temperance  movement  in 
Maine  were  now  firmly  convinced  that  nothing  could  be  accom 
plished  through  the  old  Whig  party,  and  the  sentiments  expressed 
in  the  vigorous  editorial  written  by  Nelson,  and  quoted  above,  re 
flected  the  opinions  of  a  large  majority  of  the  earnest  and  active 
political  leaders  of  the  state.  As  an  outcome  of  this  political  situa 
tion  a  new  party  was  formed  in  the  winter  of  1854-5.  Anson  P. 
Morrill  was  its  candidate  for  governor,  and  Nelson  in  the  columns 
of  the  Lewiston  Journal  vigorously  defended  him.  He  was  op 
posed  by  Samuel  Wells.  The  prohibitory  law  was  the  main  issue, 
and  while  Morrill  had  a  plurality  of  the  popular  vote,  the  legislature 


40  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

elected  Wells.  Under  the  caption  "A  Word  to  Whigs,"  Nelson 
wrote :  "The  Whig  party  of  the  north  have  claimed  to  be  opposed 
to  the  extension  of  slavery.  Doubtless  nearly  every  member  of 
that  party  still  honestly  cherishes  such  views.  Now  the  question 
conies  up,  where  will  the  honest  Whig  find  a  body  of  men  who  be 
lieve  the  same  as  he  does  on  the  question  of  slavery?  We  answer 
that  such  a  party  has  spontaneously  risen  up  and  has  taken  the 
name  of  Republican.  No  other  party  which  has  strength,  stands 
outspoken  in  favor  of  freedom.  It  is  not  a  party  which  has  been 
called  together  by  leaders — it  has  arisen  in  spite  of  leaders.  It  is 
the  embodiment  of  northern  sentiment ;  and  in  every  state,  it  is  rap 
idly  assuming  a  commanding  position/' 

The  failure  of  the  Republicans  of  Maine  to  elect  Morrill  gover 
nor,  did  not  dishearten  them.  Nelson  wrote  that  "the  prospects  of 
the  Republican  party  though  suffering  under  a  temporary  defeat 
look  far  from  dark.  One  year  hence,  and  we  will  retrieve  this  de 
feat  by  such  a  majority  as  will  proclaim  the  continued  adherence  of 
Maine  to  free  principles." 

Of  the  approaching  crisis  over  the  slavery  agitation  and  the 
teachings  of  Douglas  and  his  followers,  he  wrote:  "Shall  we  re 
fuse  to  mete  out  to  Douglas,  Pierce  &  Co.  the  punishment  which 
they  so  rightly  merit,  or  shall  we  have  no  opinion  to  express  re 
specting  their  base  treachery?  *  *  *  Let  us  remember  that  in 
union  there  is  strength,  and  let  us  not  forget  that  in  no  way  can 
that  union  which  we  so  highly  prize  be  shattered  by  a  persistence  in 
well  doing,  and  by  a  steady  and  uniform  resistance  to  the  plots 
which  seek  to  make  its  government  hostile  to  the  spirit  of  liberty." 

Again  he  wrote :  "The  great  battle  is  soon  to  be  fought,  which 
is  to  determine  whether  liberty  and  self-government  can  walk  hand 
in  hand.  While  the  privileged  class  are  drawing  to  their  support 
the  name  of  the  Democratic  party,  while  Hunker  Whigs  are  joining 
this  aristocratic  organization,  let  the  friends  of  liberty,  forgetting 
all  past  differences,  buckle  on  the  armor  of  freedom.  The  Union, 
with  all  its  liberties  which  it  has  made  to  preserve,  may  yet  be  pre 
served  if  we  will  be  true  to  our  hearts  and  bid  adieu  to  political 
leaders  forever.  Now  is  the  time.  Soon  there  will  be  no  opportun 
ity  to  retrieve  our  losses,  and  to  roll  back  the  tide  of  slavery  and 
tyranny.  If  we  shall  but  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder,  and  meet  the 
crisis  with  a  will  resolved  to  conquer,  history  at  least,  will  record 
with  patriotic  exultation  that  the  intelligence  and  virtue  of  the  peo 
ple  saved  their  country  when  it  was  on  the  edge  of  the  Tarpeian 
Rock ;  but  if  we  falter  and  follow  the  deceitful  music  of  political 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  41 

sirens,  while  our  liberties  are  destroyed,  the  historian  will  dwelt 
with  sorrow  over  the  blindness  and  passion  which  sink  a  great  na 
tion  into  the  depths  of  weakness  and  despotism." 

On  the  assembling  of  the  first  session  of  the  34th  congress  he 
made  this  comment:  "From  this  session  of  congress  we  have 
much  to  hope  and  much  to  fear ;  and  the  manner  in  which  our  na 
tional  representatives  shall  execute  the  responsible  trusts  imposed 
upon  them  will  determine  in  a  great  measure  the  mission  of  this 
Republic."  Maine  was  represented  in  the  U.  S.  senate  by  Hannibal 
Hamlin  and  William  Pitt  Fessenden ;  and  in  the  house  by  John  M. 
Wood,  John  J.  Perry,  Ebenezer  Knowlton,  Samuel  P.  Benson, 
Israel  Washburn,  Jr.,  and  Thomas  J.  B.  Fuller. 

On  the  night  of  December  30,  1855,  a  fire  destroyed  the  block 
in  which  the  office  of  Morrill  &  Fessenden  was  located ;  and  Nelson 
recorded  in  his  diary  as  the  only  real  important  incident  of  this  ca 
tastrophe  :  "My  books  were  saved,  but  my  dressing  gown  was 
lost." 

The  winter  and  spring  were  spent  by  him  in  the  study  of  the  law 
and  in  writing  for  the  Lewiston  Journal.  He  also  figured  as  toast- 
master  at  a  teacher's  institute  in  Auburn.  He  made  a  hit ;  and  at 
the  annual  town  meeting  in  the  spring  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
local  school  committee — the  first  office  he  ever  held. 

The  state  legislature  met  early  in  January,  1856,  and  Samuel 
Wells  was  elected  governor.  His  election  was  accomplished  by  a 
combination  of  the  Democrats  and  a  few  Whigs,  the  latter  caring 
more  for  office  than  for  principle.  Nelson  commented  on  this 
event  as  follows,  under  the  title  of  "Last  Days  of  the  Whig  Party 
in  Maine:" 

"With  a  look  such  as  Caesar  gave  Brutus  in  the  senate  cham 
ber  at  Rome,  the  dying  victim  covered  its  head,  and  as  the  spirit 
took   its   flight   and   a  voice   was  heard   declaring  'Samuel  Wells 
elected  governor  of  Maine',  the  lips  of  the  death-like  face  moved 
and  above  the  din  of  rejoicing  factions,  were  heard  these  words : 
'Oh !  that  imperial  whiggery,  dead  and  turned  to  clay 
Should  stop  a  hole  to  keep  the  truth  away.'  " 

The  last  of  March  he  was  appointed  by  the  state  committee  a 
member  of  the  second  congressional  district  Republican  commit 
tee.  The  district  was  then  composed  of  Oxford  and  Cumberland 
counties.  (What  is  now  Androscoggin  county  was  then  a  part  of 
Cumberland  county.)  Sidney  Perham,  subsequently  a  member  of 
congress  and  governor  of  Maine,  was  also  a  member  of  this  com 
mittee. 


42  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  session  of  the  legislature  was  a  disappointment  to  the  Re 
publicans  and  for  that  matter  all  the  good  people  of  the  state.  Nel 
son  wrote :  "In  whatever  way  we  may  look  upon  the  hundred  day 
rule  of  the  legislature  of  1856,  nothing  but  broken  promises  and  un 
precedented  acts  appear.  The  fact  that  any  person  is  numbered  in 
the  ranks  of  the  coalition  majority  in  that  body,  will  be  enough  to 
blast  his  political  reputation.  And  the  reign  of  Samuel  I  will  ever 
be  regarded  as  a  period  fraught  with  dangerous  examples  of  execu 
tive  and  legislative  usurpations."  The  removal  of  Hon.  Woodbury 
Davis,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  judicial  court,  by  Gov. 
Wells  1  aroused  the  hostility  and  suspicion  of  not  only  the  Republi 
cans  but  the  good  men  of  all  parties. 

Nelson  was  an  active  member  of  the  Congregational  church. 
He  was  a  practical  Christian  and  believed  that  the  best  way  to  serve 
the  Lord  was  to  take  active  part  in  the  Lord's  work  and  assist  ma 
terially  in  building  up  His  societies.  His  pastor  was  Rev.  James 
Drummond ;  and  he  was  accustomed  to  attend  all  the  church  socials 
not  only  to  widen  his  acquaintance  but  to  make  more  close  his  com 
munion  with  God's  people.  It  was  at  one  of  these  socials  that  he 
became  interested  in  a  young  woman  of  culture  and  rare  attractions 
— Miss  Salome  McKenney,  daughter  of  Henry  McKenney  of  Au 
burn.  His  interest  soon  ripened  into  love ;  and  about  the  middle  of 
April  he  recorded  in  his  diary :  "To  love  and  to  know  that  love  is 
returned !  How  many  times  have  I  thought  of  that,  always  to  me, 
future  event !  How  many  times  I  have  longed  for  the  appearance 
of  that  person  who  could  satisfy  the  intense  longing  of  my  loving 
soul." 

His  love  and  devotion  for  the  woman  of  his  choice  was  undying, 
yea,  sublime.  The  passages  in  his  diary,  expressive  of  his  affection 
for  his  ideal,  are  ardent  and  tender — indicative  of  a  pure  and  noble 
soul.  "God  grant,"  he  wrote,  "that  I  may  have  strength  to  love 
her  a-s  I  ought — to  cherish  and  protect  her  through  life." 

On  the  6th  of  May  he  acted  as  secretary  of  the  second  district 
Republican  convention  to  choose  delegates  to  the  national  conven 
tion.  Sidney  Perham,  afterwards  governor  of  Maine,  and  T.  A.  D. 
Fessenden  of  the  firm  of  Morrill  &  Fessenden,  were  two  of  the  dele 
gates  elected.  The  people  of  Auburn  assembled  in  Jones'  hall,  May 
31,  to  express  their  condemnation  of  Kansan  outrages,  and  the 

1— Judge  Woodbury  Davis  would  not  at  the  behest  of  the  Wells  administra 
tion,  render  a  decision  in  favor  of  a  pro-slavery  candidate  for  sheriff.  This  was 
one  of  the  issues  of  the  campaign  and  it  cost  Mr.  Wells  many  votes.  Governor 
Hamlin,  who  restored  Judge  Davis  to  the  bench,  pronounced  the  removal  an 
unconstitutional  act — at  least  an  error  of  judgment. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  43 

cowardly  assault  on  Senator  Sumner.  Nelson  framed  and  reported 
the  resolutions  that  were  adopted  at  that  meeting.  They  were 
couched  in  vigorous  and  terse  language  and  were  adopted  with  en 
thusiasm.  The  author  of  the  resolutions  also  made  a  short  speech 
and  created  a  splendid  impression.  It  was  his  first  effort  at  a  pub 
lic  political  gathering. 

Nelson  had  his  first  law  case  early  in  June  of  that  year  (1856). 
Joshua  Small  Jr.,  of  Danville,  petitioned  for  an  increase  of  damages 
in  a  road  condemnation  case.  Nelson  was  sent  for  to  appear  for  Mr. 
Small.  Chas.  Goddard  appeared  for  the  county.  Richard  Dresser, 
Job  Prince  and  Thomas  Lane  were  the  committee.  The  two  young 
attorneys  submitted  the  case  in  briefs,  without  argument.  The  re 
port  of  the  referees  was  sealed  and  not  opened  until  the  following 
October.  By  that  time  Nelson  was  launched  on  a  journalistic  ca 
reer,  and  the  verdict  of  the  referees  became  of  little  moment  to  him. 
At  all  events,  it  is  not  known  whether  he  won  or  lost.  However  this 
may  be,  it  was  his  first  and  only  law  case,  and  it  matters  not  what 
the  verdict  was. 

June  n,  1856,  Nelson  went  to  Augusta  where  the  supreme  judi 
cial  court  of  the  middle  district  of  Maine  was  in  session,  and  on  mo 
tion  of  John  H.  Webster,  Esq.,  of  Norridgewock,  was  admitted  to 
practice  in  the  courts  of  Maine.  The  Lewiston  Journal,  owned  by 
William  H.  Waldron,  said  that  "Mr.  Dingley  is  a  young  gentleman 
of  acknowledged  talents  as  many  of  the  articles  which  he  has  fur 
nished  for  our  columns  give  ample  testimony.  It  is  his  intention  to 
visit  the  west  during  the  approaching  fall  and  we  take  this  occa 
sion  to  commend  him  to  the  attention  of  our  brethren  of  the  typo 
graphical  fraternity  wherever  he  may  make  them  a  call." 

Nelson  was  armed  with  the  following  letter  to  Lot  M.  Morrill 
when  he  went  to  Augusta : 

Lewiston  Falls,  June  10,  1856. 
Hon.  L.  M.  Morrill, 
Dear  Sir : — 

Allow  we  to  introduce  to  you  the  bearer  of 

this  letter,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Esq.,  of  Danville.  Mr.  Dingley  has 
been  a  student  at  law  in  our  office  for  some  months  past,  and  being 
about  to  visit  the  western  states,  desired  to  be  admitted  to  practice 
law,  as  attorney  and  counselor  in  the  courts  in  this  state.  I  think 
he  "is  qualified  to  commence  the  practice  of  law,  having  diligently 
pursued  his  studies,  and  as  a  gentleman  maintained  a  high  charac 
ter  for  honor  and  integrity  in  his  intercourse  with  his  fellow  men. 


44  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

I  am  aware  that  it  is  not  customary  to  admit  members  to  the  bar 
at  the  law  term,  but  the  circumstances  under  which  he  is  placed  in 
duces  me  to  ask  you  to  use  your  influence  to  procure  his  admission 
by  the  court  of  Augusta.  By  so  doing  you  will  confer  a  favor  upon 
him  and  upon  myself. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

N.  Morrill. 

He  also  presented  the  following : 

"I,  the  undersigned,  hereby  certify  that  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
Esq.,  the  bearer  of  this,  graduated  at  Dartmouth  college,  July  26, 
1855,  and  commenced  the  study  of  law  September  1855,  in  the  of 
fice  of  Messrs.  Morrill  &  Fessenden,  at  Danville,  Androscoggin 
county,  and  has  continued  the  study  of  his  profession  up  to  the 
present  time. 

Danville,  June  10,  1856. 

C.  Record, 
Sec.  of  the  Androscoggin  Bar. 

About  this  time  Nelson  was  afflicted  with  what  was  then  known 
as  the  western  fever.  His  intended  wife's  sister  had  married  and 
gone  to  Hudson,  Wis.  Several  of  his  school  friends  had  also  gone 
to  that  section  of  the  country ;  and  Nelson,  together  with  his  father, 
on  the  1 6th  of  June,  started  on  a  prospecting  tour.  They  jour 
neyed  by  way  of  Boston,  New  York,  Buffalo,  Toledo,  Chicago,  and 
the  Mississippi  river  to  Hudson,  Wis.  From  this  point  Nelson 
made  several  trips  north  and  west.  On  the  8th  of  July  he  pre 
empted  on  a  quarter  section — range  19,  township  30,  and  S.  W. 
quarter  of  section  29.  This  was  about  ten  miles  northwest  of  Hud 
son.  Here  he  with  others,  constructed  rough  cabins,  and  tried  to 
live.  The  heat  was  intense,  and  the  mosquitoes  thick  and  ravenous. 
The  first  of  August  he  journeyed  to  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis.  At 
that  time  Minneapolis  was  a  village  of  about  500  people.  Remain 
ing  in  this  locality  a  week,  but  never  dreaming  of  the  two  great 
cities  that  were  in  future  years  to  grow  up  in  this  locality,  he  re 
turned  to  Hudson  and  made  up  his  mind  that  the  state  of  Maine 
was  good  enough  for  him.  He  reached  home  the  middle  of  July 
and  at  once  plunged  into  the  state  and  national  campaign  that  had 
already  opened.  The  political  contest  of  1856  was  in  full  blast,  and 
into  it  Nelson  threw  himself  with  all  the  ardor  and  enthusiasm  'of 
his  nature.  He  addressed  several  mass  meetings  and  wrote  polit 
ical  articles  for  the  Lewiston  Journal. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  45 

At  this  period  new  questions  were  claiming  the  attention  of 
citizens,  and  naturally  new  parties  were  formed  upon  the  new 
issues.  The  Temperance,  the  Abolition  and  the  Know  Nothing 
parties  each  had  aims  peculiar  to  itself ;  that  of  the  Abolitionists  or 
Liberty  party  being  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States, 
and  that  of  the  Know  Nothing  or  American  party,  opposition  to 
foreign  influence  in  our  public  affairs.  The  Free  Soil  party,  which 
the  Abolitionists  joined,  had  a  more  practical  plan  than  they;  but 
this  also,  a  little  later,  became  absorbed  in  the  new  Republican 
party.  The  latter  arose  in  consequence  of  the  efforts  of  the  slave 
power  to  gain  possession  of  Kansas,  where  the  resulting  "Border 
Ruffian"  outrages  were  arousing  the  indignation  and  exciting  the 
alarm  of  the  most  conservative  people. 

The  principles  of  the  new  Republican  party  *  were  found  to  be 
consistent  with  the  views  of  many  of  all  other  parties;  while  its 
leading  principle  of  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery,  rapidly 
gained  for  it  an  immense  following.  John  C.  Fremont,  the  "Path 
finder  of  the  Rocky  Mountains"  had  been  nominated  as  its  candi 
date  for  president  in  Philadelphia,  June  18,  1856.  James  Buchanan 
was  nominated  by  the  Democrats. 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  (one  of  Maine's  noblest  sons)  who  was 
speaker  of  the  Maine  house  three  times,  and  from  1842  to  1847  a 
member  of  congress,  was  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor  of 
Maine.  Hamlin  made  a  vigorous  canvass  and  spoke  in  Auburn  on 
the  night  of  September  3rd.  Excitement  was  at  fever  heat,  and 
Nelson  with  voice  and  pen  battled  for  the  principles  of  the  Repub 
lican  party. 

Hannibal  Hamlin  was  triumphantly  elected  governor  of  Maine, 
and  in  the  Journal  under  the  caption  "Maine  has  Spoken — Hamlin 
Elected  Governor  by  17,000  Majority — Gain  of  24,000,"  Nelson 
wrote :  "The  voice  of  Maine  has  been  raised  against  the  iniquitous 
doctrine  promulgated  in  the  Cincinnati  platform.  She  has  not 
spoken  feebly,  but  in  thunder  tones." 

The  whole  country  was  looking  to  the  state  of  Maine.  In  this 
election  was  fired  the  first  gun  in  the  great  political  contest  which 
was  to  be  waged  between  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties, 
representing  on  the  one  hand  the  principles  of  freedom  and  a  strong 

1 — The  Michigan  state  convention,  held  at  Jackson,  early  in  June,  1854,  was 
the  first  representative  body  to  take  the  name  of  Republican.  The  title  was 
suggested  in  a  letter  from  Horace  Greeley  to  a  delegate  to  that  convention.  This 
letter  was  shown  to  Senator  Howard  and  several  other  influential  men.  The 
suggestion  was  deemed  a  good  one,  and  the  name  was  formally  adopted  in  the 
resolutions  of  the  convention.  A  few  weeks  later  it  was  adopted  by  a  state 
convention  in  Maine. 


46  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Federal  government,  and  on  the  other  the  principles  of  slavery  and 
states  rights.  Immense  crowds  attended  every  political  rally. 
Salutes  were  fired,  red  lights  blazed,  and  bands  of  music  discoursed 
patriotic  airs  from  one  end  of  the  state  to  the  other.  It  was  the 
most  picturesque  campaign  Maine  had  had  for  years,  and  with  a 
brilliant  leader  like  Hamlin,  who  surrendered  his  democracy  for  his 
high  ideals  of  human  freedom,  the  Republican  party  was  fired  with 
an  extraordinary  zeal  that  almost  amounted  to  frenzy.  It  is  not 
strange,  therefore,  that  the  victory  of  the  Republican  party  was 
hailed  with  delight  and  intense  enthusiasm.  It  gave  confidence  to 
the  leaders  of  the  new  party  in  every  northern  state,  and  paved  the 
way  for  the  final  triumph  of  Republican  principles  four  years  later. 

Nelson  was  a  born  journalist  and  could  not  resist  the  natural 
bent  of  his  mind.  As  a  regular  contributor  to  and  practical  edi 
tor  of  the  Lewiston  Falls  Journal,  he  created  a  splendid  impression 
in  the  community  and  made  the  Journal  a  political  power.  Finally 
about  the  middle  of  September,  1856,  he  concluded  arrangements 
for  the  purchase  from  W.  H.  Waldron  of  a  half  interest  in  the 
"Lewiston  Falls  Journal"  as  it  was  then  called,  paying  therefor 
$2,203.24.  1  This  included  a  one-half  interest  in  the  "Maine  Evan 
gelist,"  a  religious  paper  formerly  published  at  Rockland,  Me.  A 
week  later  he  took  editorial  charge  of  the  two  papers,  associating 
with  him  Revs.  Drummond  and  Balkam,  local  Congregational 
ministers.  On  the  2Oth  of  September  the  first  number  of  the 
Lewiston  Falls  Journal  under  the  management  of  Waldron  and 
Dingley,  appeared.  Mr.  Waldron  published  over  his  signature: 
"Our  new  associate  is  already  well  known  to  the  most  of  our  citi  • 
zens  as  a  young  man  of  talent,  with  some  experience  in  the  editorial 
department  of  newspaper  management.  In  his  new  sphere  of  use 
fulness  as  one  of  the  managers  of  the  Journal  already  enjoying  an 
extensive  circulation,  his  influence  will  be  for  good." 

On  the  same  day  the  Journal  published  this  card  signed  "Nel 
son  Dingley  Jr." :  "We  shall  discuss  calmly,  and  with  due  respect 
for  the  opinions  of  others,  national,  state  and  local  questions.  The 
general  tone  of  the  Journal  on  all  the  great  political  questions  of 
the  day  will  remain  unchanged.  Without  surrendering-  ourselves 
to  the  dictation  of  any  party  or  clique,  we  shall  give  our  hearty  sup- 

1— The  Lewiston  Journal  was  started  by  Alonzo  Garcelon  May  21,  1847,  in 
company  with  his  brother-in-law,  William  H.  Waldron.  Dr.  F.  Lane  was  the 
associate  editor.  The  paper  was  started  to  boom  Lewiston.  Colonel  William 
Garcelon,  Alonzo  Garcelon's  father,  brought  the  printing  material  from  Boston 
on  his  ox-team. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.— 1855. 
A  STUDENT  AT   DARTMOUTH  COLLEGE. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  47 

port  to  the  Republican  party  so  long  as  this  organization  shall  be 
the  exponent  of  the  great  principles  of  freedom  and  justice,  and  in 
so  far  as  it  shall  act  judiciously  and  wisely  in  carrying  these  princi 
ples  out." 

Of  this  important  business  step  Nelson  wrote  in  his  diary: 
"Thus  I  am  launched  into  an  active  business  life.  Thus  have  I 
chosen  the  editorial  profession.  It  is  a  high  and  noble  profession. 
It  is  a  position  in  which  one  can  exert  an  influence  wide  and  ex 
tended  for  weal  or  woe.  It  is  a  responsible  position.  It  offers  in 
numerable  advantages  for  mental  improvement.  God  grant  that 
my  influence  may  be  for  good.  To  Him  I  look  for  aid." 

The  publication  of  a  newspaper  in  those  days  was  an  arduous 
task.  The  country  editor  prepared  his  editorials,  all  the  local  copy, 
read  the  exchanges,  set  much  of  the  type,  and  directed  the  news 
papers  to  subscribers.  Hand  presses  were  the  latest  invention, 
and  it  took  all  day  to  print  both  sides  of  a  country  weekly.  What 
a  marvelous  stride  to  the  present  type-setting-machines  and  per 
fecting  presses  and  every  conceivable  devise  to  save  labor ! 

That  year  and  several  years  thereafter  , Nelson  worked  early 
and  late,  with  a  firm  and  intelligent  determination  to  build  up  the 
Lewiston  Journal.  How  well  he  succeeded  is  now  a  matter  of  his 
tory. 

The  important  part  he  took  in  the  national  campaign  of  1856, 
and  the  vigorous  way  in  which  he  discussed  the  great  problems  of 
that  campaign  can  best  be  told  by  quoting  a  few  of  the  editorials 
he  wrote  for  the  Journal.  "On  this  question  (slavery)"  he  wrote, 
"Maine  has  spoken  in  thunder  tones  for  freedom.  Her  voice  loud 
and  clear  has  reached  every  city,  every  town,  every  hamlet  and 
every  cabin  in  the  Union.  She  will  ever  speak  thus  loudly  and  thus 
clearly  for  free  speech,  free  territory  and  free  men,  providing  we 
make  a  proper  use  of  victory.  We  have  a  legislature  overwhelm 
ingly  Republican — we  have  a  governor  in  whose  wisdom,  sound 
conservatism,  free  principles,  and  intellect  we  have  the  utmost  con 
fidence.  We  have  chosen  a  united  delegation  to  congress  and  their 
voices  will  ever  respond  to  the  claims  of  sound  Republican  prin 
ciples.  *  *  *  Once  seated  in  the  presidential  chair  Fremont 
will  roll  back  the  tide  of  slavery  and  bring  back  the  government  to 
its  original  principles."  Again  he  wrote :  "Let  Fremont  speak — 
To  the  ballot  box  on  Tuesday — One  day  for  your  country — Free 
soil!  Free  men!  Free  speech!  Fremont  and  victory!  Freedom 
expects  every  man  to  do  his  duty." 


48  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Every  issue  of  the  Journal  throughout  this  campaign  contained 
vigorous  and  able  discussions  of  important  public  questions  from 
the  pen  of  this  young  editor.  These  editorials  were  copied  in  the 
Republican  papers  of  the  state  and  served  as  a  guide  to  those  who 
were  associated  with  him  in  the  promulgation  of  the  principles  of 
the  new  political  party  that  was  to  secure  control  of  national  af 
fairs,  free  the  nation  from  the  curse  of  slavery  and  make  immortal 
history. 

It  was  about  this  time  in  his  life  that  he  first  met  James  G. 
Elaine.  Mr.  Elaine  had  moved  to  Maine  late  in  1854  and  had  be 
come  editor  and  part  owner  of  the  Kennebec  Journal.  Nelson  met 
Mr.  Elaine  in  the  winter  of  1856  at  a  gathering  of  Republicans  in 
the  city  of  Augusta.  It  was  perfectly  natural  for  these  two  young 
men,  both  interested  in  journalism,  to  at  once  strike  a  harmonious 
chord  in  each  other's  nature  and  to  form  a  bond  of  union  that  time 
alone  could  sever.  From  that  first  meeting  in  early  manhood,  these 
men  became  fast  friends;  and  throughout  their  public  career  they 
assisted  each  other  in  advancing  the  interests  of  the  Republican 
party  and  the  welfare  of  the  state  that  honored  them.  Their  na 
tures  were  totally  different.  Nelson  was  a  retiring,  modest  and 
singularly  studious  young  man,  while  Mr.  Elaine  was  dashing,  bril 
liant  and  imposing.  He  was  also  a  man  of  delightful  address, 
and  convincing  in  his  ways.  Nelson  thus  early  saw  in  him  a  man  of 
promise  and  great  future. 

Nelson  stated  in  after  years  that  he  secured  for  Mr.  Elaine  his 
first  opportunity  to  make  a  campaign  speech.  "We  wanted  some 
body,"  said  he,  "to  address  a  meeting  over  in  Litchfield,  Me., 
and  I  induced  Mr.  Elaine  to  go  there.  This  was  in  the  campaign 
of  1856.  He  was  very  much  frightened.  He  had  previously  ad 
dressed  a  political  meeting  in  Augusta,  and  had  found  for  the  first 
time  that  he  had  a  voice.  He  came  over  to  Lewiston  and  saw  me, 
and  I  directed  him  where  to  go.  He  made  his  speech,  and  did,  I 
was  told,  fairly  well.  I  think  he  said  he  forgot  his  prepared  speech 
and  was  obliged  to  talk  along  general  lines.  After  that  Mr.  Elaine 
and  I  were  warm  personal  friends  and  many  times  we  discussed  po 
litical  matters  confidentially." 

Mr.  Elaine  on  this  occasion,  reviewed  briefly  the  history  of  re 
cent  American  politics,  dwelt  upon  the  dissolution  of  the  Whig 
party,  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  party  was  also  on 
the  eve  of  disintegration,  and  indicated  the  necessity  of  a  new  polit 
ical  organization  as  the  vehicle  of  the  best  and  most  progressive 
sentiment  of  the  American  people.  "The  Republican  party,"  said 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  49 

he,  "will  march  forward  in  the  line  of  duty  and  will  try  to  engraft 
its  principles  upon  the  government  of  the  country.  They  believe 
that  their  right  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  free  territories  is  just 
as  clear  as  their  inability  to  interfere  with  it  in  the  states ;  and  on 
that  single  point,  great  and  far  reaching  in  its  effects,  we  challenge 
the  Democratic  party  of  the  south  and  of  the  north  to  a  contest  for 
the  government  of  the  country."  Mr.  Blaine  then  addressed  him 
self  directly  to  the  Republicans  of  his  own  state.  He  exhorted 
them  to  stand  for  moral  as  well  as  political  reform.  He  attacked 
the  Democrats  for  their  attitude  toward  the  prohibitory  law  of 
Maine.  In  this,  Mr.  Elaine's  first  speech,  the  historian  is  able  to 
discover  the  prudence,  prescience  and  ability  of  the  young  orator, 
and  also  the  wisdom  of  Nelson's  choice  in  the  selection  of  a  speaker 
for  the  Republican  rally  at  Litchfield. 

Newspaper  enterprise  was  in  its  infancy  when  Nelson  first 
started  in  his  journalistic  career,  but  an  opportunity  soon  presented 
itself  for  the  display  of  his  latent  talent  and  genius.  The  trial  of 
George  Knight  for  the  murder  of  his  wife  was  in  progress,  and  was 
arousing  intense  interest.  Nelson  undertook  the  publication  of  a 
daily  edition  of  the  Journal.  This  daily  edition,  containing  full  re 
ports  of  the  trial,  had  a  large  circulation,  that  is  about  4,000.  The 
editor  was  assisted  by  J.  D.  Pulsifer,  a  local  shorthand  writer,  and 
between  them  both  they  prepared  very  readable  reports,  all  of 
which  are  now  preserved  in  the  Lewiston  Journal  office  as  speci 
mens  of  admirable  newspaper  work — condensed,  clear,  and  inter 
esting.  Nelson  was  then  twenty-five  years  old. 

James  Buchanan  was  elected  president  in  November  of  that 
year.  The  defeat  of  Fremont  was  a  great  disappointment  to  the 
Republicans  of  Maine  and  especially  to  the  young  editor  of  the 
Lewiston  Journal  who  had  made  such  a  brilliant  fight  in  the  col 
umns  of  his  newspaper.  He  wrote :  "The  army  of  freedom  has 
been  repulsed  but  not  conquered.  *  *  *  We  tremble  when  we 
think  of  the  future.  If  ever  there  was  need  of  the  Republican 
party,  if  ever  the  freemen  of  the  north  were  called  upon  to  stand 
firm,  now  is  the  time.  On  them  depends  the  future  of  this  republic. 
*  *  *  Republicans  of  Maine  and  of  the  Union,  your  country 
calls  upon  you  for  succor  in  this  time  of  peril.  Liberty,  bleeding  at 
every  pore,  holds  out  her  suppliant  hand,  and  beseeches  you  to  gird 
on  your  armor  for  the  contest.  The  struggle  in  which  we  have  en 
gaged  is  but  just  begun.  Though  repulsed  we  are  not  conquered. 
We  have  yet  an  army  of  unconquered  freemen — men  who  will 
never  say  'die'  and  whose  period  of  enlistment  is  for  life.  We  shall 


50  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

finally  conquer.  The  spirit  of  freedom  yet  animates  the  north." 
Again  he  wrote :  "Republicans  of  Maine !  Put  on  your  armor  and 
prepare  to  defend  yourselves  against  the  brutal  taunts,  revilings,  in 
sults  and  aggressions  of  those  lordly  allies  of  the  slave  power  whose 
battle  cry  is  'no  quarter/  Never  before  was  there  so  much  need  of 
your  assistance.  Stand  firm !  Have  back-bone !" 

As  editor  of  the  Journal  Nelson  was  independent  in  thought  and 
action — that  is  he  declined  to  indorse  the  plans  of  ring  politicians 
who  thought  more  of  their  own  interests  than  the  welfare  of  the 
country.  He  was  opposed  to  the  plan  of  laving  Governor  Hamlin 
retire  in  order  that  he  might  be  re-elected  U.  S.  senator.  He  was  in 
favor  of  Lot  M.  Morrill  for  that  high  office,  believing  that  Gover 
nor  Hamlin  could  be  of  greater  service  to  his  state  by  remaining 
its  chief  executive.  He  wrote :  "No  threats,  no  attempts  to  brow 
beat  us  will  alter  our  course  in  the  least.  We  intend  to  merit  the 
appellation  'independent'  if  nothing  more." 

Governor-Elect  Hamlin  resigned  the  office  of  U.  S.  senator 
Wednesday,  January  7th,  and  was  inaugurated  Thursday,  January 
8th.  He  was  then  re-elected  U.  S.  senator.  It  was  this  plan  that 
was  objected  to  by  Nelson.  He  believed  that  the  cause  of  anti- 
slavery  could  best  be  promoted  by  Hannibal  Hamlin  in  the  gover 
nor's  chair  and  Lot  M.  Morrill  in  the  U.  S.  senate.  Mr.  Morrill 
was  early  one  of  the  anti-slavery  leaders,  and  his  election  as  senator 
would  have  been  natural  and  fitting.  However  this  may  be,  the 
fact  remains  that  under  the  leadership  of  Hannibal  Hamlin  the  Re 
publicans  of  Maine  carried  the  state  by  over  25,000  plurality. 
Hamlin  received  69,574  and  Samuel  Wells  received  43,628  votes. 
What  was  left  of  the  old  Whig  party  nominated  George  F.  Patten, 
who  received  6,554  votes. 

In  the  presidential  election  of  that  year  the  Whig,  Free  Soil, 
and  American  parties  were  largely  abandoned,  and  the  new  party, 
called  the  Republican  party,  was  composed  of  those  abandoning 
their  old  party  organizations,  together  with  many  from  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  When  Governor  Hamlin  resigned  his  office  as  chief 
executive  of  the  state  to  accept  a  seat  in  the  U.  S.  senate,  to  which 
he  had  been  elected  by  the  legislature,  Joseph  H.  Williams,  presi 
dent  of  the  senate,  acted  as  governor  for  the  remainder  of  the  year. 
While  Hannibal  Hamlin  was  governor,  for  less  than  two  months, 
Amos  Nourse  was  elected  U.  S.  senator  to  fill  the  vacancy.  Mr. 
Hamlin  resumed  his  seat  in  the  U.  S.  senate  the  last  of  February, 
1857,  his  colleague  being  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  who  was  elected 
by  the  legislature  in  1854.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  these  two  po- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  51 

litical  giants  brought  honor  to  their  state  and  the  nation.  Every 
representative  from  Maine,  in  the  35th  congress,  which  assembled 
in  December  1857,  was  a  Republican.  The  delegation  was  as  fol 
lows  :  John  M.  Wood,  Israel  Washburn  Jr.,  F.  H.  Morse,  Nehe- 
miah  Abbott,  Stephen  C.  Foster,  Chas.  J.  Oilman. 

During  all  these  years  in  which  Nelson  was  active  in  business 
and  politics  he  still  maintained  his  deep  interest  in  the  cause  of  tem 
perance.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  state  temperance  convention 
in  Augusta,  January  20,  1857.  Neal  Dow  of  Portland,  the  veteran 
temperance  leader,  was  president  of  that  convention,  and  from  that 
day  to  the  hour  of  Mr.  Dow's  death,  these  two  men  were  warm 
friends  and  ardent  supporters  of  each  other  in  the  battle  against  the 
grog-shop. 

In  May,  Nelson  journeyed  to  Hudson,  Wis.,  to  prove  his  land 
claim,  and  came  very  near  having  a  fever.  He  returned  home  in  a 
month  to  prepare  for  the  second  great  step  in  his  career  since 
leaving  college — marriage.  June  n,  1857  he  was  wedded  to  Sa 
lome  McKenney.  The  deep  feeling  of  his  heart  is  evidenced  by  this 
entry  in  his  diary:  "God  grant  that  we  may  realize  all  the  happi 
ness  we  anticipate."  Of  his  mother,  sad  and  tearful  over  her  son's 
departure  from  the  parental  roof,  he  wrote:  "Blessed  mother! 
The  welfare  and  happiness  of  her  children  were  ever  uppermost  in 
her  thoughts." 

Early  in  May  the  Lewiston  Journal  was  eleven  years  old,  and  in 
celebrating  that  event  Nelson  wrote :  "What  our  course  has  been 
in  the  past,  such  it  will  be  in  the  future — ever  resisting  the  exten 
sion  of  human  slavery  over  one  inch  of  territory  where  it  is  not  pro 
tected  by  state  law." 

On  the  2Oth  of  September  Nelson  purchased  Mr.  Waldron's 
half  of  the  Journal  and  Evangelist  and  started  out  in  business  alone 
— sole  editor  and  proprietor.  The  responsibility  of  conducting  a 
local  party  paper  was  great ;  but  Nelson  had  a  way  of  turning  off 
his  work  easily.  His  facilities  were  inadequate,  and  he  toiled  on 
week  after  week  climbing  slowly  to  the  lofty  heights  he  subse 
quently  reached.  He  was  an  ardent  Republican,  a  strong  anti- 
slavery  and  temperance  man  and  an  editor  of  independent  and  orig 
inal  thought  and  action.  His  writings  were  widely  quoted;  and 
throughout  these  months  of  toil  he  was  storing  his  mind  with  a  vast 
fund  of  information  so  useful  to  him  in  later  years. 

From  1857  to  1860,  the  political  events  in  the  state  and  in  the 
nation  were  exciting,  yea  startling.  The  latter  part  of  June  1857, 
Lot  M.  Morrill  was  nominated  for  governor  and  of  this  event  the 


52  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Journal  said :  "His  name  is  an  earnest  of  success."  In  an  editorial 
on  the  gubernatorial  contest  Nelson  wrote  that  "the  grand  work 
which  the  Republican  party  has  commenced,  if  successfully  carried 
out  will  end  in  removing  that  curse  (slavery)  which  if  allowed  to  ex 
tend  will  finally  destroy  us  as  a  nation." 

The  Republican  candidate  for  governor  was  formerly  a  Demo 
crat,  but  he  disapproved  of  the  course  of  his  party  on  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery  in  Kansas,  and  joined  the  Republican  party.  The 
campaign  was  vigorous  and  exciting.  Before  the  state  election 
Nelson  wrote :  "There  is  no  half  way  ground.  Maine  is  either  to 
do  the  one  thing  or  the  other;  her  influence  is  to  go  either  for  or 
against  the  system  of  slavery." 

In  this  campaign  Nelson  took  a  very  active  part.  He  was  a 
delegate  to,  and  one  of  the  secretaries  of,  the  county  Republican 
convention,  and  made  many  speeches  in  the  surrounding  towns. 
In  September  of  this  year,  James  G.  Elaine,  who  had  been  editor  of 
the  Kennebec  Journal,  and  was  a  warm  personal  friend  of  the  edi 
tor  of  the  Lewiston  Journal,  removed  to  Portland  and  there  be 
came  editor  of  the  Portland  Advertiser.  Of  this  Nelson  wrote: 
"Mr.  Elaine  is  one  of  the  most  talented  and  successful  editors  in  the 
state  and  we  might  say  in  New  England." 

Mr.  Morrill  was  elected  governor  in  September  of  that  year  by 
17,000  plurality.  He  received  60,380  votes,  his  Democratic  oppo 
nent,  Smith,  receiving  42,968  votes.  Of  this  victory  Nelson  wrote : 
"Maine  has  spoken.  Again  she  has  proclaimed  to  the  world  her 
devotion  to  freedom.  *  *  *  As  the  throbbing  wires  bear  the 
voice  of  Maine  to  Washington,  the  administration,  busy  over  new 
plans  to  pacify  the  slave  power,  may  read  the  hand  writing  on  the 
wall,  which  needs  no  interpreter  to  make  it  the  fore-runner  of  the 
great  victory  in  1860.  Hear  this  voice,  James  Buchanan!  Hear  it, 
enemies  of  freedom,  and  tremble !" 

During  this  fall  and  winter  Nelson's  time  was  devoted  to  an 
earnest  discussion  of  state  and  national  questions.  The  prohibition 
of  the  liquor  traffic  was  assuming  great  importance  as  a  moral  and 
political  question.  "Our  only  safety  is  an  entire  sweep  of  shops 
which  sell  liquor  for  a  beverage,"  wrote  Nelson.  The  /th  of  June, 
1858,  was  set  apart  as  a  day  upon  which  the  voters  of  the  state  were 
to  determine  whether  they  should  adhere  to  the  policy  of  prohibi 
tion  or  high  license.  Of  this  approaching  event  he  wrote :  "The 
vote  is  one  on  which  is  to  depend  the  future  of  the  temperance 
cause  in  this  state.  Its  influence  is  not  to  stop  here.  It  will  be 
flashed  over  the  telegraphic  wires  and  will  carry  encouragement  or 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  53 

dismay  to  those  who  are  contending  for  the  cause  in  this  state. 
*  *  *  Could  anyone  see  pictured  out  before  him  the  long  train 
of  evils  which  proceed  from  one  respectable  (?)  grog-shop — the 
poverty  and  suffering,  the  bitter  tears  and  lamentations  which  fol 
low  in  its  path,  he  would  never  permit  himself  to  cast  a  vote  to 
legalize  such  a  pest  of  society."  The  Journal  also  discussed  very 
ably  the  Kansas  embroglio  and  the  Lecompton  constitution.  The 
slavery  question  and  the  memorable  debates  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  were  closely  followed  and  ably  commented  on  by  the  edi 
tor,  who  spoke  in  no  uncertain  language  of  these  important  ques 
tions  of  the  hour. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Nelson  was  one  of  the  first  editors 
in  the  state  of  Maine  to  oppose  the  old  theory  that  members  of  con 
gress  should  be  changed  every  two  or  four  years  in  order  that  each 
county  or  locality  in  the  district  might  have  its  turn.  He  realized 
that  the  standing,  influence  and  usefulness  of  a  member  of  congress 
depended  upon  the  length  of  service  his  constituents  permitted  him 
to  have.  He  realized  that  no  man  could  make  a  name  for  himself 
in  the  halls  of  congress  and  bring  lustre  to  his  state  without  a  rea 
sonably  long  term  of  service.  Therefore  when  the  matter  of  select 
ing  a  member  of  congress  from  that  district  was  discussed.  Nelson 
said  that  "so  important  an  office  as  representative  to  congress 
should  not  be  a  football  for  every  adventurer.  We  protest  against 
any  arbitrary  parcelling  out  of  the  offices  to  this  or  that  section." 
Maine  saw  the  wisdom  of  this  policy  thus  early ;  and  to  it  was  due 
the  high  standing  and  national  reputation  her  delegations  in  con 
gress  attained  in  subsequent  years. 

In  June,  1858,  Nelson  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  Republican 
state  convention  which  re-nominated  Lot  M.  Morrill  for  governor. 
The  campaign  was  fought  along  lines  very  similar  to  the  campaign 
of  the  year  previous.  Of  the  all-absorbing  topic  of  slavery  Nelson 
wrote :  "The  inference  that  Christ  gave  his  sanction  to  the  institu 
tion  of  slavery  as  a  political  regulation,  is  not  only  unwarranted  by 
the  facts,  but  plainly  and  most  decidedly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of 
His  mission  and  to  the  precepts  He  inculcated.  There  was  no  such 
slavery  as  that  we  have  at  the  south,  in  Palestine,  when  our  Savior 
was  upon  earth.  Every  word  that  He  spoke,  every  injunction  that 
He  gave,  was  opposed  to  everything  of  that  nature." 

Governor  Morrill  was  re-elected  in  the  state  election  of  Septem 
ber,  1858,  receiving  60,380  votes,  his  opponent,  Smith,  receiving 
52,440  votes.  Six  Republican  representatives  to  congress  were 
elected — Israel  Washburn  Jr.,  D.  E.  Somes,  John  J.  Perry,  Stephen 


54  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

C.  Foster,  F.  H.  Morse,  and  Ezra  B.  French.  Stephen  Coburn  was 
elected  to  fill  a  vacancy  caused  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Washburn 
governor  of  the  state,  in  September,  1860. 

William  Pitt  Fessenden  was  re-elected  United  States  senator 
January  n,  1858;  and  of  this  event  Nelson  wrote;  "What  makes 
this  choice  the  more  gratifying  is  the  fact  that  the  majority  party 
in  the  legislature  went  into  the  election  without  making  any  cau 
cus  nomination,  and  thus  unanimously  and  voluntarily  testified 
their  approbation  of  the  public  course  of  Maine's  most  gifted 
statesman."  The  Republican  party  was  further  intrenched  by  the 
re-election  of  Gov.  Morrill  in  1859. 

Nelson  took  an  active  part  in  local  political  discussions,  and  in 
the  autumn  of  1860,  held  a  joint  political  discussion  with  Enos  T. 
Luce,  Esq.,  at  Leeds.  The  debate  was  animated  and  listened  to  by 
a  large  audience.  There  are  some  living  now  in  Leeds  who  remem 
ber  this  debate,  and  the  force  and  logic  of  Nelson's  argument. 
Abraham  Lincoln  had  been  nominated  for  president  by  the  Repub 
licans,  and  excitement  during  the  campaign  was  intense.  The  na 
tion  was  on  the  verge  of  war,  and  the  intense  loyalty  and  patriotism 
of  Nelson  was  shown  in  his  vigorous  editorials.  The  same  year 
(1860)  the  grand  old  Republican,  Israel  Washburn — Maine's  first 
war  governor — who  filled  the  office  and  performed  every  duty  in 
such  a  way  as  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  state,  strengthen  the 
nation,  and  win  for  himself  an  honorable  name,  was  elected  chief 
executive  of  the  state. 

Nelson's  domestic  life  during  this  period  (1857  to  1861)  was 
singularly  happy.  Two  sons  were  born  to  his  beloved  wife,  and  his 
correspondence  and  diary  at  that  time  are  full  of  tender  passages 
telling  of  his  devotion  to  her. 

Thus  in  the  midst  of  these  exciting  events,  when  the  nation  was 
in  the  first  throes  of  civil  war — Nelson  was  launched  upon  his  pub 
lic  career.  He  was  well  equipped  and  full  of  enthusiasm,  vigor  and 
courage.  He  had  a  well-balanced  mind,  a  cool  head,  absolute  self- 
control,  and  industry  that  was  rare.  His  mind  was  stored  with  val 
uable  information.  He  was  a  student  of  history  and  politics,  en 
joyed  a  state  reputation  as  an  editor,  and  knew  personally  all  the 
public  men  of  Maine  who  were  worth  knowing.  His  success  was 
assured. 

The  Republican  party,  which  was  born  when  Nelson  launched 
upon  the  sea  of  politics,  had  for  its  leading  features :  First :  The 
maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the  declaration  of 
independence,  and  embodied  in  the  federal  constitution  as  essen- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  55 

tial  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican  institutions. — Second : 
The  preservation  of  the  federal  constitution. — Third :  The  preser 
vation  of  the  rights  of  the  states. — Fourth:  The  preservation  of 
the  union  of  the  states. — Fifth:  Denial  of  the  authority  of  con 
gress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  of  any  individual  or  association  of 
individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory  of  the 
United  States;  hence,  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  into 
free  territory. — Sixth :  The  right  and  duty  of  congress  to  prohibit 
in  the  territories  those  twin  relics  of  barbarism — polygamy  and 
slavery. — Seventh :  Arraignment  of  the  Pierce  administration,  the 
president,  his  advisers,  agents,  supporters,  for  their  high  crime  in 
Kansas  against  the  constitution, the  union  and  humanity. — Eighth: 
Demand  for  the  immediate  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  state  in  the 
union  with  her  free  constitution. — The  policy  of  this  party  was 
fixed  and  precise.  It  contained  nothing  equivocal.  It  was 
strengthened  and  made  secure  in  the  hearts  of  the  loyal  people  by 
the  outrages  in  Kansas,  the  Dred-Scott  "Opinion,"  and  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  The  struggle  for  supremacy  was  be 
tween  two  widely  differing  civilizations,  and  was  marked  by  every 
form  of  bitterness.  The  controversies  spread  to  every  neighbor 
hood  in  the  north  and  in  the  south.  The  north  smarted  under  a 
sense  of  injury,  the  south  under  a  fear  of  loss  of  power.  Under 
such  circumstances,  and  in  complications  of  such  portentous  char 
acter,  all  dating  from  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the 
presidential  election  of  1860  summoned  the  country  to  a  mo 
mentous  duty. 


CHAPTER  V. 
1860-1863. 

The  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  1860  was  a  practical  illus 
tration  of  the  effect  of  the  south  enforcing  the  doctrine  of  slavery 
and  state  rights  upon  the  country.  Buchanan  had  looked  on  quietly 
but  did  nothing.  The  death  of  Douglas  was  a  great  calamity  to  the 
Democratic  party  and  to  the  whole  country ;  for  soon  after  his  death 
the  southern  sympathizers  in  the  Democratic  party  began  to  give 
expression  to  the  sentiments  which  had  been  temporarily  silenced 
by  the  patriotic  outburst  that  followed  the  firing  on  Sumpter.  In 
Maine  as  early  as  the  middle  of  June,  the  Bangor  Democrat  called 
on  the  Democrats  of  the  state  "to  take  a  firm  and  decided  stand  in 
opposition  to  the  unconstitutional  and  despotic  warfare  waged  by 
Abraham  Lincoln  on  Sovereign  states."  The  Maine  Democratic 
state  convention  which  met  at  Augusta  August  14,  1861,  after  a 
sharp  fight  between  the  two  wings  of  the  party,  voted  down  a  reso 
lution  "supporting  the  war  so  far  as  it  is  waged  to  suppress  the  re 
bellion  and  sustain  the  constitution  and  the  laws,"  and  by  a  decisive 
vote  adopted  the  following:  "Resolved  that  the  reconstruction  of 
the  Union  by  force  against  the  embittered  feelings  and  the  united 
strength  of  nearly  one-half  of  the  states  is  a  palpable  absurdity  and 
an  utter  impossibility." 

Maine's  war  governor  was  Israel  Washburn  Jr.,  of  Orono.  For 
ten  years  he  had  been  a  member  of  congress,  and  haH  watche'd  the 
signs  of  the  approaching  irrepressible  conflict.  He  was  a  man  of 
experience  and  patriotism ;  and  in  his  inaugural  address  before  the 
legislature  told  of  the  loyalty  of  Maine  in  no  uncertain  words.  Af 
ter  discussing  slavery  an'd  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  he 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  57 

said  that  "the  history  of  the  past  shows  that  no  concessions  will  be 
accepted  as  satisfactory  which  do  not  secure  to  the  slave  states  the 
rights  of  expression  and  protection  to  their  peculiar  property  under 
the  federal  constitution.  This  is  what  they  believe  they  need,  and 
this  alone  will  satisfy  them.  I  believe  I  speak  the  voice  of  every 
true,  brave  and  conservative  man  in  the  north,  when  I  say  that  such 
concessions  cannot  be  made.  To  grant  the  concessions  demanded 
would  mean  the  supervision  of  the  constitution.  The  practical 
question  is  whether  the  laws  of  the  land  can  be  and  shall  be  faith 
fully  executed.  In  other  words  it  is  whether  we  have  a  govern 
ment  or  not." 

But  Governor  Washburn  did  not  then  believe  the  slave  states 
would  withdraw  from  the  Union.  He  believed  the  excitement 
would  pass  and  reason  be  restored.  And  other  Republican  leaders 
shared  this  belief.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  who  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
United  States  senate,  having  been  elected  vice  president  with  Lin 
coln,  had  not  given  up  hope  that  the  civil  war  might  be  averted. 
Lot  M.  Morrill,  who  was  elected  by  the  legislature  to  succeed  Ham 
lin  in  the  United  States  senate,  was  of  the  same  mind.  James  G. 
Elaine,  then  only  twenty-one  years  old,  but  giving  promise  of  his 
future  greatness,  was  speaker  of  the  state  house  of  representatives 
for  the  first  time ;  and  the  session  closed  before  the  affair  at  Fort 
Sumpter  awakened  the  people  of  Maine  to  the  awfulness  of  the  sit 
uation. 

In  February,  1861,  Nelson  joined  a  party  of  gentlemen  who 
journeyed  to  Washington  to  witness  the  inauguration  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  He  was  much  impressed  with  the  events  of  that  memor 
able  occasion.  Kind  and  sympathetic,  he  shared  the  feelings  of  the 
burdened  executive.  Loyal  and  patriotic,  he  returned  to  his  jour 
nalistic  labors  with  a  deeper  and  more  consecrated  devotion  to  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  union. 

On  the  20th  of  April,  1861,  the  week  following  the  fall  of  Fort 
Sumpter,  Nelson  started  the  Daily  Journal.  His  brother  Frank  as 
sisted  him  during  the  summer  in  journalistic  work,  and  after  his 
graduation  from  Bowdoin  college  in  August,  became  permanently 
associated  with  Nelson.  It  was  a  good  time  to  launch  a  daily  edi 
tion.  Excitement  was  at  fever  heat.  The  cry  was  "to  arms!  to 
arms !"  Troops  were  assembling  in  every  northern  state,  and  the 
intense  patriotism  of  the  north  was  aroused.  The  summer  of  1861 


58  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

was  an  exciting  one.  The  sound  of  the  inevitable  conflict  was 
heard  on  every  hand.  Maine  responded,  and  Lewiston  was  the  re 
cruiting  ground  for  the  first  company  to  enlist.  1  Nelson  wrote : 
"Our  companies  here  were  the  first  in  the  state  to  tender  their  ser 
vices,  and  the  Lewiston  Light  infantry  is  the  first  company  to  fill 
its  ranks  and  be  accepted  and  ordered  into  service  by  the  govern 
ment.  *  *  *  There  is  a  mysterious  power  in  love  of  country, 
whenever  the  people  realize  that  that  country  is  endangered.  There 
is  a  weird  charm  in  the  stars  and  stripes  that  has  interwoven  itself 
into  the  very  life  of  the  people.  It  is  pleasant  once  in  a  while  to  see 
the  people  at  the  head." 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  William  P.  Frye,  subsequently 
member  of  the  national  house  of  representatives  and  United  States 
senator,  went  out  with  one  of  these  companies  from  Lewiston,  and 
wrote  characteristic  letters  to  the  Lewiston  Journal.  Dr.  Alonzo 
Garcelon,  subsequently  governor  of  Maine,  was  surgeon  of  the 
regiment  and  sent  to  the  Journal  many  interesting  letters  giving  in 
formation  to  the  relatives  at  home  of  dear  ones  at  the  front.  Hon. 
C.  W.  Walton,  then  member  of  congress  from  that  district,  and 
subsequently  a  member  of  the  Maine  supreme  court  that  settled 
the  "count-out"  difficulty  in  January,  1880,  was  another  corres 
pondent  who  sent  "occasionals"  to  the  Journal.  Nelson's  enter 
prise  in  starting  the  Daily  Journal  was  received  courteously  by  his 
fellow  editors  in  the  state.  All  wished  him  success. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  position  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
on  the  impending  conflict,  was  a  matter  of  doubt  and  curiosity ;  but 
when  that  stalwart  Democrat  decided  to  cast  his  lot  with  the  loyal 
north,  there  was  great  rejoicing,  and  Nelson  wrote  on  the  3rd  day 
of  June,  1861,  the  day  following  Douglas'  death:  "With  the  past 
political  career  of  Mr.  Douglas  we  have  had  as  little  sympathy  as 
anyone ;  but  when  on  the  day  after  the  fall  of  Sumpter,  the  news 
flashed  over  the  wires  that  he  stood  by  the  President  in  his  efforts 
to  preserve  the  Union  inviolate,  and  called  upon  Democrats  all  over 
the  north  to  come  out  to  the  defense  of  the  flag,  then  no  man  with  a 

1— Maine  had  a  glorious  record  in  the  civil  war.  The  first  company  to  enlist 
was  the  Lewiston  Light  Infantry.  The  first  and  second  regiments  received 
special  commendation  from  Secretary  of  War  Cameron.  The  Colonel  of  the  first 
regiment  was  Nat  J  .Jackson;  of  the  second  regiment,  Charles  G.  Jameson,  and 
of  the  third  regiment,  O.  O.  Howard,  the  hero  of  Gettysburg.  Neal  Dow  was 
Colonel  of  the  Thirteenth  regiment  and  J.  L.  Chamberlain  was  Colonel  of  the 
Twentieth  giment.  He  was  one  of  the  heroes  of  Gettysburg  and  Petersburg, 
and  took  a  prominet  part  in  the  surrender  of  Lee.  Maine  furnished  72,945  men, 
and  lost  7,372  men. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  59 

northern  heart  beating  in  his  bosom  could  have  said  anything  but 
'God  bless  Stephen  A.  Douglas.'  " 

Nelson  was  a  staunch  supporter  of  Israel  Washburn  Jr.,  as  the 
people's  union  candidate  for  governor  of  Maine.  He  said  that 
"all  the  issues  which  have  divided  parties  at  the  north  are  now  sus 
pended  or  swallowed  up  in  the  grand  question  of  the  preservation 
of  the  union  of  these  thirty-four  states;  and  every  citizen  who  is 
ready  to  heartily  support  the  administration  in  crushing  the  wicked 
rebellion  against  this  government,  at  whatever  cost,  should  stand 
shoulder  to  shoulder  in  this  crisis  of  our  nation." 

James  G.  Elaine  was  chairman  of  the  Republican  state  commit 
tee  and  as  such  issued  a  call  for  the  state  convention  at  Augusta, 
August  7.  At  this  convention  Nelson  was  made  a  member  of  the 
state  Republican  committee.  Governor  Washburn  was  renomi- 
nated.  The  first  resolution  offered  declared  that  "the  present  de 
plorable  civil  war  has  been  forced  upon  the  country  by  the  dis- 
unionists  of  southern  states."  A  motion  was  made  to  lay  this  reso 
lution  on  the  table.  A  spirited  debate  followed  in  which  Nelson 
spoke  against  the  motion.  The  Democrats  of  the  state  split  in 
their  convention.  Jameson  was  nominated  by  the  union  Demo 
crats  and  Dana  by  the  disunion  Democrats.  The  latter  convention 
was  of  a  most  dangerous  and  treasonable  character.  Union  senti 
ment  was  hissed. 

Nelson  was  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  county  convention  at 
Auburn  and  took  a  very  prominent  part  therein.  He  had  been 
active  in  politics  and  loyal  to  the  cause  of  the  union  and  was 
selected  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  representative  to  the  state 
legislature,  September  6,  1861.  This  convention  was  held  at  Au 
burn  hall.  T.  A.  D.  Fessenden,  with  whom  Nelson  had  studied  law 
several  years  before,  was  chairman.  There  was  some  opposition  to 
the  successful  candidate  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  received  46 
votes  out  of  87,  his  strongest  opponent,  H.  N.  Bearce,  receiving  34 
votes.  When  waited  upon  after  his  nomination,  Nelson  appeared 
and  accepted  the  honor  in  a  patriotic  and  appropriate  speech.  Hon. 
C.  W.  Walton,  member  of  congress  from  that  district,  also  made  a 
stirring  address,  and  in  closing  his  remarks  offered,  this  resolution : 
"Resolved  that  the  nomination  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Esq.,  with  a 
full  knowledge  of  his  open,  zealous  and  patriotic  stand  in  favor  of  a 
political  union  of  all  who  are  heartily  and  sincerely  in  favor  of  sup- 


60  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

porting  the  administration  in  its  efforts  to  save  the  union,  and  put 
down  the  rebellion,  is  evidence  that  the  Republicans  of  Auburn  are 
in  favor  of  such  a  union,  and  recommend  Mr.  Dingley  to  the  sup 
port  not  only  of  Republicans,  but  to  all  union  men."  Nelson  was 
elected  by  a  majority  of  178. 

Governor  Washburn  was  triumphantly  re-elected,  receiving 
58,689  votes,  while  the  combined  vote  of  Jameson  and  Dana  was 
41,736.  The  state  already  had  two  loyal  Republicans  in  the  United 
States  senate  (Lot  M.  Morrill  and  William  Pitt  Fessenden),  and 
six  Republican  members  of  the  lower  house — John  H.  Rice,  Fred 
erick  A.  Pike,  Charles  W.  Walton,  S.  C.  Fessenden,  John  N.  Good 
win,  and  Anson  P.  Morrill.  The  legislature  was  overwhelmingly 
Republican.  In  reviewing  the  members  elect  to  the  house  Nelson 
wrote :  "Among  the  Democrats  in  the  house  will  be  Bion  Brad 
bury  of  Eastport,  Democratic  candidate  for  member  of  congress 
last  year,  Shephard  Gary  of  Houlton,  for  many  years  a  leading 
Democrat  in  the  legislature,  George  P.  Sewell  of  Oldtown,  former 
Democratic  speaker  of  the  house,  A.  P.  Gould  of  Thomaston,  the 
Democratic  leader  of  the  last  house,  S.  H.  Blake  of  Bangor  long  a 
leading  Democrat  of  Penobscot  county,  and  John  T.  Gilman  of 
Bath,  the  able  editor  of  the  Bath  Times.  Among  the  leading  Re 
publicans  are  James  G.  Blaine  of  Augusta,  one  of  the  ablest  editors 
and  debaters  in  New  England  and  speaker  of  the  last  house,  Wil 
liam  P.  Frye  of  Lewiston  a  leading  member  of  the  last  house,  Gen 
eral  S.  P.  Strickland  of  Bangor,  Benjamin  Kingsbury  Jr.,  of  Port 
land  and  others."  "Altogether,"  he  added,  "the  house  will  be  com 
posed  of  decidedly  the  ablest  material  of  any  which  has  assembled 
at  Augusta  for  years." 

In  January,  1862,  Mr.  Dingley  took  his  seat  in  the  legislature, 
and  assisted  in  the  re-election  of  James  G.  Blaine  to  the  office  of 
speaker.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Dingley  had  met  Mr. 
Blaine  soon  after  the  latter's  arrival  in  the  state,  and  had  singled 
him  out  as  one  of  the  most  promising  and  able  young  politicians  of 
the  state.  The  close  friendship  and  intimacy  which  began  at  this 
time  between  these  two  men  continued  undisturbed  until  Mr. 
Elaine's  death  in  1893.  Speaker  Blaine  placed  Mr.  Dingley  on  the 
committee  on  rules,  education  (chairman)  and  federal  relations — 
good  appointments  for  a  new  member. 

In  this  house  were  William  P.  Frye,  attorney-general  of  the 
state  in  1867,  1868  and  1869,  member  of  the  lower  house  of  con- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  61 

gress  from  1873  to  1880,  and  United  States  senator  from  1880  to 
the  present  time ;  Solon  Chase,  the  famous  Greenbacker  and  philos 
opher  and  hero  of  "Them  Steers"  that  played  such  an  important 
part  in  the  Greenback  campaign  of  1878;  Benjamin  Kingsley, 
author  of  several  law  books ;  John  Lynch  of  Portland,  a  member  of 
the  lower  house  in  the  4Oth,  4ist  and  42nd  congresses;  Samuel  H. 
Blake,  an  eminent  financier ;  George  P.  Sewell,  an  eminent  speaker 
and  president  of  the  senate  in  1865;  S.  J.  Chadbourne,  clerk  of  the 
house  in  1868,  secretary  of  state  in  1876  and  1880,  and  deputy  sec 
retary  of  state  in  1899. 

Governor  Washburn  in  his  inaugural  address  to  the  legislature 
reviewed  the  situation  in  the  country.  He  said  among  other  things 
that  "the  loyal  people  of  the  United  States  have  resolved  in  their 
hearts,  and  vowed  by  Him  who  was  their  father's  God  that  the 
union,  one  and  indivisible,  shall  be  preserved,  cost  what  it  may. 
War  is  not  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  but  the  preservation  of  the 
government.  A  conditional  union  man  is  an  unconditional  traitor. 
Up  to  January  ist,  1862,  Maine  contributed  16,345  men,  578  more 
than  her  quota.  It  is  our  fortune  to  occupy  places  of  trust  and  re 
sponsibility  at  the  time  when  the  questions  of  the  highest  import 
are  to  be  determined — questions  reaching  to  the  foundation  of  hu 
man  government  and  affecting  the  rights  of  human  nature.  And  it 
rests  largely  with  those  whom  the  people  have  honored  with  their 
confidence,  whether  these  questions  be  settled  in  such  a  manner 
that  republican  institutions  shall  be  established  on  a  firmer  basis 
than  ever,  or  be  renounced  and  abandoned  as  acknowledged  fail 
ures." 

Mr.  Dingley's  first  act  in  the  legislature  was  to  offer  a  resolu 
tion  pledging  the  support  of  the  state  to  the  national  administra 
tion.  This  was  on  the  27th  day  of  January,  1862.  In  supporting 
this  resolution  he  made  a  short  and  vigorous  speech  which  "had  the 
ring  of  true  metal."  On  the  29th  of  January  the  resolve  in  favor  of 
a  grant  of  land  to  Waterville  college,  introduced  by  Mr.  Dingley, 
came  up  in  the  house.  Mr.  Gary  of  Houlton  opposed  it  and  called 
these  colleges  "aristocratic  institutions."  Mr.  Dingley  in  reply  said 
that  "he  respected  an  aristocracy  of  knowledge.  Where  do  your 
teachers  come  from  but  these  very  aristocratic  institutions  ?  Upon 
what  is  your  republican  form  of  government  based  but  upon  the  in 
telligence  of  the  people?  And  how  is  this  intelligence  to  be  gained 
but  through  the  teachers?  Crush  down  these  'aristocratic  institu- 


62  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

tions'  as  the  gentleman  called  them,  and  you  degrade  the  people 
and  endanger  our  liberties."  Mr.  Gary  of  Houlton  was  a  "sledge 
hammer  debater,"  as  he  was  called  by  his  admirers  in  the  house,  but 
Mr.  Dingley  easily  overcame  him  by  the  use  of  courteous  language 
and  sound  logic.  The  resolution  granting  the  land  to  Waterville 
college  was  passed.  On  the  2/th  of  February  a  bill  to  aid  the  fam 
ilies  of  soldiers,  which  Mr.  Dingley  largely  framed,  came  up  in  the 
house.  There  was  much  opposition  to  it,  and  it  was  saved  that  day 
by  being  tabled  on  motion  of  Mr.  Dingley.  On  the  2nd  of  March 
the  bill  was  taken  from  the  table  and  debated  by  the  members  of 
the  house,  many  of  whom  bitterly  opposed  it.  It  was  entitled,  "a 
bill  authorizing  towns  to  aid  the  families  of  volunteers  and  provid 
ing  that  the  state  should  reimburse  the  expenditures  for  this  pur 
pose,  and  equalize  it  on  the  valuation  of  all  the  towns  in  the  state." 
It  was  conceded  that  Mr.  Dingley's  speech  in  support  of  this  meas 
ure  was  the  ablest  of  them  all,  and  saved  the  bill  from  defeat.  He 
said :  "The  men  who  have  gone  forth  from  Maine  to  fight  the  bat 
tles  of  liberty  and  union,  are  periling  their  lives  for  Waldoboro'  as 
well  as"  Portland,  for  Houlton  as  well  as  Bangor,  for  the  poorest 
citizen  as  well  as  the  richest.  It  is  a  service  rendered  for  the  whole 
state  and  for  the  protection  of  the  liberty  and  property  of  every 
citizen  of  the  state.  *  *  *  Is  it  right  or  expedient  to  impose 
additional  and  unequal  burdens  upon  those  towns  that  have  done 
the  most  and  incurred  the  largest  expense  in  enlisting  and  fitting 
soldiers  for  the  war?  Is  it  not  a  penalty  affixed  to  patriotism,  and  a 
bounty  upon  disloyalty?  *  *  *  Such  towns  should  be  re 
warded  'rather  than  punished  for  their  loyalty.  *  *  *  There 
is  no  difference  in  the  burden  of  a  debt  of  $200,000  on  the  people  of 
the  state  whether  it  is  considered  as  a  debt  on  the  state  as  an  entity, 
or  on  the  towns  of  the  state,  for  the  state  is  only  an  aggregate  of 
towns.  *  *  *  Let  us  descend  from  the  region  of  fancy  to  that 
of  facts  and  figures.  *  *  *  Do  the  people  of  the  state  wish  to 
have  it  go  on  record,  to  remain  as  a  stigma  on  the  otherwise  fair 
fame  of  our  state  for  all  time,  that  in  the  crisis  of  our  history,  when 
the  enemies  of  the  republic  are  almost  thundering  at  the  gates  of 
the  capitol,  that  Maine  thus  turned  the  cold  shoulder  to  the  families 
of  the  brave  men  who  periled  their  lives  in  its  defense?"  The  bill 
passed  March  6th. 

Early  in  February  the  question  of  the  confiscation  of  rebel  prop 
erty  was  occupying  the  attention  of  congress  and  there  was  a  divi- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  63 

sion  of  sentiment  with  respect  thereto.  On  the  7th  of  February 
resolutions  relating  to  national  affairs  were  adopted  in  the  senate 
and  afterwards  sent  to  the  house  for  concurrence,  reciting  "that 
we  cordially  indorse  the  administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the 
conduct  of  the  war  against  the  wicked  and  unnatural  enemies  of  the 
republic,  and  that  in  all  its  measures  calculated  to  crush  this  rebel 
lion  speedily  and  finally,  the  administration  is  entitled  to  and  will 
receive  the  unwavering  support  of  the  loyal  people  of  Maine ;  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  congress  by  such  means  as  will  not  jeopard  the 
rights  and  safety  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  south  to  provide  for  the 
confiscation  of  the  estates,  real  and  personal,  of  rebels,  and  for  the 
forfeiture  and  liberation  of  every  slave  claimed  by  any  person  who 
shall  continue  in  arms  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
or  who  shall  in  any  matter  aid  and  abet  the  present  wicked  and  un 
justifiable  rebellion ;  and  that  in  this  perilous  crisis  of  the  country,  it 
is  the  duty  of  congress  in  the  exercise  of  its  constitutional  power 
to  raise  and  support  armies,  to  provide  by  law  for  accepting  the  ser 
vices  of  all  able  bodied  men  of  whatever  status,  and  to  employ  these 
men  in  such  manner  as  military  necessity  and  the  safety  of  the 
country  may  demand." 

The  leader  on  the  Democratic  side  of  the  house  was  A.  P.  Gould 
of  Thomaston.  On  this  occasion  Mr.  Gould  spoke  on  the  senate 
resolutions,  opposing  them  with  all  his  vigor  in  an  elaborate  argu 
ment.  This  was  the  occasion  to  bring  out  the  latent  powers  of  the 
future  "Plumed  Knight"  who  was  now  speaker  of  the  house.  Mr. 
Elaine  came  down  upon  the  floor  and  made  what  was  considered 
the  most  powerful  speech  ever  delivered  in  the  Maine  house  of  rep 
resentatives.  Of  this  memorable  occasion  Mr.  Dingley  wrote: 
"Mr.  Gould  of  Thomaston  then  commenced  a  speech  against  the 
resolves  and  the  policy  of  confiscating  rebel  slave  property.  *  * 
Mr.  Elaine,  speaker  of  the  house,  will  reply  to  Mr.  Gould  and  ex 
pectation  is  on  tiptoe  to  hear  him,  as  he  is  one  of  the  ablest  debaters 
and  most  skilful  parliamentary  tacticians  in  New  England."  He 
continued :  "Mr.  Elaine  followed,  speaking  two  hours,  and  most 
triumphantly  meeting  and  demolishing  the  arguments  which  Mr. 
Gould  had  labored  so  hard  and  so  zealously  to  establish.  It  was 
Mr.  Elaine's  best  effort,  and  was  almost  universally  pronounced  to 
be  one  of  the  ablest  if  not  the  ablest  and  most  brilliant  speech  ever 
made  in  the  legislature  of  Maine.  *  *  *  The  rapid  blows 
which  he  dealt  knocked  pillar  after  pillar  of  the  structure  which  his 


64  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

opponent  had  reared,  until  at  last  the  whole  argument  was  torn  to 
pieces,  and  the  fallacy  and  insincerity  on  which  it  rested,  exposed. 
The  invectives  which  Mr.  Elaine  poured  forth  on  Mr.  Gould  and  his 
hunker  sympathizers  was  scathing  beyond  description,  and  fre 
quently  called  down  the  house." 

Mr.  Dingley  took  great  interest  in  all  educational  matters,  and 
through  his  efforts  a  bill  to  amend  the  school  laws  was  framed  and 
passed.  Thus  in  his  first  session  in  the  legislature  he  took  high 
rank  as  an  authority  on  educational  matters  and  on  parliamentary 
law,  and  as  a  debater.  His  speeches  were  short  and  pointed.  His 
delivery  was  natural  and  graceful  but  not  oratorical.  He  frequently 
occupied  the  chair,  called  there  by  the  speaker,  and  presided  with 
dignity  and  ability. 

The  Republican  state  convention  of  1862  was  held  at  Portland 
June  5th.  There  were  four  candidates  for  governor — Abner  Co- 
burn,  John  J.  Berry,  J.  H.  Williams,  and  N.  A.  Farwell.  Abner 
Coburn  was  nominated,  receiving  330  out  of  645  votes.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  was  a  delegate  to  this  convention  and  was  appointed  a  mem 
ber  of  the  state  committee.  Of  this  convention  he  wrote  that  "the 
nomination  of  Abner  Coburn  means  harmony  in  the  Republican 
ranks.  The  proceedings  indicate  a  general  confidence  in  the  hon 
esty,  integrity  and  ability  of  the  candidate." 

The  Democrats  were  divided,  as  in  the  year  previous,  into  two 
factions — those  in  favor  of  the  war,  who  nominated  C.  D.  Jameson, 
and  those  who  were  opposed  to  the  war,  who  nominated  Bion 
Bradbury.  In  the  September  election  the  state  again  showed  her 
loyalty  to  the  national  administration  and  the  union  candidate.  Ab 
ner  Coburn,  was  elected  governor  by  nearly  five  thousand  majority. 
He  received  42,744  votes,  while  the  combined  vote  of  both  wings  of 
the  Democracy  was  only  38,872.  Four  Republican  members  of 
congress  were  elected,  including  James  G.  Blaine ;  and  one  Demo 
crat,  L.  D.  M.  Sweat  of  Portland. 

Mr.  Elaine's  entrance  into  national  politics  was  predicted  by 
Mr.  Dingley  on  the  24th  of  June  when  he  wrote  that  "Elaine's  nom 
ination  and  election  would  reflect  great  credit  on  the  state.  We  can 
confidently  aver  that  no  other  public  man  combines  in  larger  meas 
ure  all  those  qualities  of  intellect  and  heart  which  make  an  able 
and  successful  statesman.  In  congress  he  could  not  fail  to  take  a 
high  and  commanding  position."  Mr.  Blaine  was  nominated  for 
congress  July  8th  at  Waterville.  Mr.  Dingley  was  present  at  the 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  65 

convention,  and  was  one  of  the  first  to  congratulate  the  nominee. 
Mr.  Elaine  received  174  out  of  181  votes,  and  the  result  was 
greeted  with  enthusiasm.  John  L.  Stevens,  a  personal  friend  of 
Mr.  Elaine's  and  subsequently  minister  to  the  Hawaiian  islands, 
made  a  vigorous  speech  while  the  committee  waited  upon  the  nomi 
nee.  In  accepting  the  nomination  Mr.  Elaine  said:  "I  will  take 
this  occasion  to  say  as  the  most  comprehensive  definition  of  my 
position,  that  I  shall  conceive  it  to  be  my  duty  to  stand  squarely 
and  unreservedly  by  the  administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln — for 
in  the  success  of  that  administration  under  God  rests  the  perpetuity 
of  the  union  of  these  states." 

The  Democrats  of  Maine  were  badly  demoralized.  The  peo 
ple's  convention  of  Jameson  Democrats  met  at  Bangor  June  26, 
1862.  It  was  a  lively  gathering.  The  contest  was  between  the  two 
factions — one  in  favor  of  Mr.  Jameson's  nomination  and  opposed 
to  any  affiliation  with  rebel  sympathizers,  and  the  other  in  favor  of 
throwing  overboard  Jameson  and  taking  up  a  man  who  would  be 
adopted  by  the  Dana  convention  to  be  held  in  Portland  in  August. 
The  result  for  a  time  was  doubtful,  but  the  energy  and  persistence 
with  which  Messrs.  Blake,  Peters  and  Jewett  fought  against  the 
plan  of  Messrs.  Bradbury,  Sweat,  Fuller  and  others,  finally  resulted 
in  victory  to  the  loyal  men.  The  bad  blood  engendered  by  this 
factional  fight,  however,  weakened  the  Democracy  of  the  state  and 
resulted  in  the  triumphant  election  of  Abner  Coburn. 

Hon.  C.  W.  Walton,  member  of  congress  from  the  second  dis 
trict,  was  appointed  judge  of  the  supreme  court  on  the  8th  day  of 
May;  and  the  district  convention  to  nominate  his  successor  was 
called  for  August  8th.  William  P.  Frye,  who  had  served  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  state  legislature,  was  a  candidate  for  this  vacancy,  but 
early  in  August,  a  few  days  before  the  convention  met,  withdrew. 
Mr.  Dingley  said  of  this  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Frye :  "The  Republi 
cans  of  Androscoggin  county  would  have  given  him  the  support 
which  his  ability  and  integrity  well  merit."  When  the  convention 
met,  Hon.  T.  A.  D.  Fessenden  was  nominated  to  fill  the  vacancy, 
and  Sidney  Perham  was  nominated  as  the  Republican  candidate  for 
congress  in  the  new  second  district.  On  the  3Oth  day  of  August 
Mr.  Dingley  was  renominated  for  the  lower  house  of  the  state  leg 
islature.  He  received  84  out  of  112  votes.  He  took  an  active  part 
in  the  campaign  and  was  elected  in  September  by  170  majority. 


66  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  Republican  victory  in  Maine  was  followed  closely  by  good 
news  from  the  front.  "Give  us  energy  and  pluck  like  that  of  this 
glorious  week,  and  we  will  sing  Yankee  Doodle  and  'Crack  our 
cheeks  for  the  Union,'  "  wrote  Mr.  Dingley.  September  23rd,  un 
der  the  title  "The  Morning  Dawns"  he  wrote :  "The  president  has 
issued  a  proclamation  declaring  universal  freedom  in  every  state 
January  ist  next.  The  morning  breaks !  The  beginning  of  the  end 
of  the  rebellion  is  clearly  seen.  We  fight  now  with  God  and  human 
ity  clearly  on  our  side,  and  who  can  resist  us  ?  Rally  every  citizen, 
around  the  administration  and  the  government,  the  stars  and 
stripes  above  us  and  God  with  us ;  strike  for  liberty  and  union,  and 
the  victory  is  ours!"  Again:  "We  should  like  to  hear  from  Hon. 
Bion  Bradbury,  who  declared  on  the  floor  of  the  house  last  winter 
that  he  would  pledge  himself  to  support  the  president  in  every 
thing;  also  from  Hon.  L.  D.  M.  Sweat,  who  said  on  the  floor  of  the 
senate  he  would  support  the  president ;  and  from  Hon.  A.  P.  Gould, 
who  argued  for  three  mortal  days  in  the  house  of  representatives 
that  the  president  alone  could  emancipate  the  slaves.  *  *  *  * 
The  proclamation  will  put  such  men  to  the  test." 

President  Lincoln's  message  to  congress  appeared  early  in  De 
cember,  and  renewed  the  hope  and  courage  of  the  loyal  north. 
"Many  think  the  president  is  slow  in  reaching  the  grand  consum 
mation,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  "but  if  slow  he  is  sure  and  to  be  trusted 
God  bless  Abraham  Lincoln." 

The  year  just  closing  had  been  memorable  in  many  respects.  It 
had  witnessed  a  turning  of  the  tide  against  the  north  and  in  favor 
of  the  south.  Abraham  Lincoln  had  issued  his  famous  proclama 
tion.  The  loyal  men  of  the  state  of  Maine  had  again  pledged  their 
faith  in  the  national  administration  and  sent  to  the  front  thousands 
of  her  bravest  men,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  year  the  hopeful  edi 
tor  wrote :  "If  the  old  year  expires  in  gloom  the  new  year  stands 
transfigured  before  the  American  people — the  hand  of  God  inter 
posed,  the  hopes  of  patriots  coming  to  realization.  Don't  despair. 
Don't  give  up  the  ship.  Cling  to  the  promise  of  God !" 

Mr.  Dingley  again  took  his  seat  in  the  state  legislature  in  Janu 
ary,  1863.  At  the  Republican  caucus  on  the  evening  of  the  6th  day 
of  the  month,  he  was  unanimously  nominated  speaker  of  the  house. 
In  this  house  were :  Nathan  W.  Farwell,  a  prominent  state  manu 
facturer;  John  W.  C.  Moore,  subsequently  in  the  treasury  depart 
ment  at  Washington ;  John  L.  Swift,  lawyer  and  orator,  and  Samuel 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  67 

Cony,  governor  of  Maine  in  1864,  1865  and  1866.  Mr.  Dingley's 
election  to  the  speakership,  at  the  age  of  thirty-one  by  the  unani 
mous  voice  of  his  party  associates,  was  a  glowing  tribute  to  his  can 
dor,  decision  and  comprehensive  ability.  The  Republican  members 
of  the  house  had  implicit  confidence  in  his  judgment  and  relied 
upon  him  in  this  critical  hour.  In  assuming  the  chair  he  said :  "I 
tender  you  my  grateful  acknowledgement  for  this  expression  of 
your  confidence.  In  accepting  the  position  which  you  have  so  gen 
erously  assigned  me,  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  value  of  the  com 
pliment  it  bestows  and  the  weight  of  obligation  and  responsibility 
it  imposes — a  responsibility  from  which  I  might  well  shrink  could  I 
not  confidently  rely  on  your  indulgence  and  cordial  co-operation. 
In  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  chair,  it  will  be  my  aim  to  ad 
minister  the  rules  of  the  house  with  fidelity  and  impartiality,  hav 
ing  constantly  in  view  the  fundamental  principles  of  parliamentary 
law,  that  the  great  purpose  of  all  the  rules  and  forms  by  which  the 
business  of  a  legislative  body  is  conducted,  while  they  protect  the 
rights  of  the  minority  by  guarding  against  the  hasty  and  irregular 
acts  of  majorities,  is  to  subserve  rather  than  to  restrain  the  will  of 
the  assembly,  to  faciliate  and  not  obstruct  the  expression  of  its  de 
liberate  sense.  I  am  ready,  gentlemen,  to  proceed  with  the  busi 
ness  of  the  house." 

Honorable  Abner  Coburn,  governor-elect,  told  the  situation  in 
national  affairs  when  he  said  in  his  annual  message  to  the  legisla 
ture,  that  "the  total  quota  of  troops  demanded  of  Maine  up  to  this 
time  by  the  war  department,  amounts  to  something  less  than  the 
number  we  have  actually  furnished.  The  patriotism  of  our  state 
has  even  surpassed  the  demands  which  the  national  exigency  has 
made  upon  it.  We  have  not  only  sent  all  the  men  asked  of  us,  but 
we  have  sent  good  men  and  brave  men.  *  *  *  We  only  claim 
with  others  to  have  done  our  part.  The  fact  that  our  quotas  have 
thus  been  filled,  is  an  honorable  proof  of  the  patriotism  of  our  cit 
izens,  and  will  ever  form  one  of  the  proudest  chapters  in  the  history 
of  the  state.  *  *  *  The  obje*ct  of  the  war  ever  has  been,  still 
is  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  as  the  president  has  well  declared,  the 
restoration  of  the  constitutional  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  each  of  the  states.  As  a  loyal  man  anxious  only  to  do 
my  duty  as  a  citizen  and  a  magistrate,  I  can  see  no  line  of  patriotism 
or  no  safety,  except  in  a  cordial,  unreserved  support  of  the  policy 


68  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

inaugurated  by  the  president.  *  *  *  If  we  as  a  people  stand 
firmly  by  that  policy  we  shall  conquer." 

Early  in  the  session  F.  O.  J.  Smith  of  Westbrook  offered  a  peace 
resolution  in  the  house,  and  Mr.  Dingley  wrote  concerning  Smith's 
speech :  "Smith  is  a  fine  orator  and  a  strong  man,  but  exerts  little 
influence.  The  explanation  is  to  be  found  in  this,  that  Mr.  Smith 
seems  to  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  however  selfish  men  may  be  as 
individuals,  the  masses  act  in  obedience  to  great" moral  forces,  and 
if  turned  against  them  by  prejudice  or  passion  for  a  time,  they 
surely  return  to  the  side  of  right  and  justice,  with  their  appreciation 
of  them  strengthened  and  deepened.  A  man  of  power  and  art  may 
seduce  the  masses  once  and  even  twice,  by  the  influence  of  his  mas 
sive  intellect,  and  the  magnetism  of  his  eloquence,  but  sooner  or 
later  he  finds  out  that  his  words  fall  unheeded  on  the  popular  ear. 
It  is  dangerous  for  a  man  or  a  party  to  sneer  at  the  sense  of  right 
and  justice  which  is  in  every  man's  heart,  and  to  attempt  to  control 
the  public  mind  by  the  mere  force  of  will  or  intellect.  Words  are  a 
powerful  lever  in  moving  the  world,  but  their  force  depends  a  great 
deal  upon  what  kind  of  a  man  is  behind  them." 

Mr.  Smith's  speech  began  on  the  i8th  of  February.  The  house 
was  crowded,  many  having  assembled  to  listen  to  him  who  was 
counted  one  of  the  most  eloquent  speakers  in  the  state.  He  labored 
to  prove  that  slavery  was  not  the  cause  of  the  rebellion.  He 
claimed  it  was  in  defense  of  southern  principles,  southern  measures, 
and  a  defense  of  a  southern  claim ;  that  slavery  is  national  and  free 
dom  sectional.  Interest  in  this  great  speech  subsided  on  the  sec 
ond  day.  It  was  however  ingenious  and  remarkable  for  its  felicity, 
yet  it  was  unworthy  a  statesman  and  calculated  to  weaken  the  ef 
forts  to  crush  the  rebellion  and  glaringly  in  violation  of  the  rules  of 
fair  judgment.  He  represented  the  war  as  utterly  unproductive 
and  then  advocated  proposals  of  peace.  He  said  that  New  Eng 
land  would  be  left  out  in  the  cold  if  war  continue'd  and  that  it  would 
then  be  advantageous  for  Maine  to  join  the  British  empire ! 

Speaker  Dingley  presided  with  remarkable  ease  and  grace.  He 
was  in  fact,  an  ideal  presiding  officer.  He  was  prompt,  impartial 
ever  courteous  and  patient.  The  business  of  the  house  was  tran 
sacted  with  decorum  and  despatch ;  and  when  on  March  26th,  the 
house  was  ready  to  adjourn,  this  resolution  was  offered  and  unani 
mously  adopted:  "Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  house  are 
hereby  tendered  to  the  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  for  the  marked 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  69 

impartiality,  ability  and  courtesy  with  which  he  has  presided  over 
the  deliberations  of  this  house  and  for  the  kind  and  generous  spirit 
and  the  gentlemanly  manners  which  have  characterized  both  his 
personal  and  official  intercourse  with  its  members." 

Mr.  Dingley  replied:  "Gentlemen  of  the  house  of  representa 
tives  :  Accept  my  grateful  acknowledgements  for  this  expression 
of  your  approval  of  my  official  conduct.  Whatever  measure  of  suc 
cess  may  have  attended  my  efforts  to  discharge  the  delicate  and  re 
sponsible  trusts  imposed  upon  me,  it  is  largely  due  to  your  cordial 
co-operation  and  generous  forbearance.  Allow  me  to  bear  wit 
ness  to  the  industry,  ability  and  faithfulness  which  have  character 
ized  your  legislative  labors  and  to  congratulate  you  on  the  unusual 
harmony  which  has  pervaded  your  deliberations  notwithstanding 
the  inevitable  conflict  of  differing  opinions  and  contending  inter 
ests.  The  brief  period  in  which  we  have  shared  the  pleasure  of  per 
sonal  intercourse  and  interchange  of  counsels  will,  I  am  sure,  be 
sacredly  cherished  in  the  memory  of  each  member.  As  you  return 
to  your  homes  let  me  express  the  confident  hope  that  each  of  you 
will  bear  with  him  the  consciousness  of  having  honestly  endeavored 
to  promote  the  public  weal,  a  renewed  determination  to  stand  by 
the  government  in  this  hour  of  trial,  and  the  faith  that  the  same 
over-ruling  Providence  who  has  graciously  spared  the  life  of  every 
member  of  the  house,  during  the  session  which  is  about  to  close, 
will  carry  the  republic  safely  and  triumphantly  through  the  fearful 
dangers  which  surround  us." 

Thus  closed  his  second  term  in  the  state  legislature. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
1863-1866. 

The  national  election  of  1862  had  brought  some  reverses  to  the 
Republican  party.  Maine  lost  one  member  of  congress.  The 
union  forces  had  met  with  some  disasters  and  the  emancipation  of 
the  slaves  was  looked  upon  by  many  as  a  mistake ;  but  the  people  of 
Maine  were  loyal  to  President  Lincoln.  Governor  Coburn  in  his 
message  referred  to  the  freedom  of  the  slaves  and  said  it  was  wrong 
to  permit  the  south  to  use  the  blacks  to  accomplish  their  purpose. 
"To  the  most  superficial  observer,"  he  said,  "it  has  been  evident 
that  from  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  insurgent  states  derived 
their  strength  from  the  labor  of  their  slaves.  It  is  their  work  that 
furnishes  the  rebel  army  with  food  and  clothing,and  indirectly  with 
all  other  supplies — leaving  the  white  population,  with  trifling  ex 
ceptions,  free  to  enlist  as  soldiers.  Any  policy  which  can  detach 
the  slaves  from  the  rebels  and  make  them  a  source  of  weakness 
rather  than  of  strength,  will  prove  a  vital  and  decisive  gain  to  the 
loyal  side.  It  is  with  this  view,  as  a  military  measure,  clearly  de 
rived  from  the  war  power  of  the  constitution,  that  the  president,  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  issued  on  the  first  day  of 
the  present  month  a  proclamation  declaring  all  the  slaves  in  the 
insurgent  districts  to  be  free. 

The  Republican  state  convention,  therefore,  met  under  peculiar 
and  trying  circumstances.  The  call  was  issued  May  18,  and  the 
convention  was  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Bangor  on  the  first  day  of 
July.  As  a  member  of  the  state  committee  Mr.  Dingley  signed  the 
call.  An  immense  crowd,  including  many  Democrats,  attended  the 
convention.  There  were  a  thousand  delegates  and  excitement  was 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  71 

at  fever  heat.  Each  session  provoked  long  and  continued  discus* 
sion.  Undoubtedly  Governor  Coburn  desired  a  renomination,  but 
in  his  behalf  Mr.  Elaine  told  the  convention  that  Governor  Coburn 
did  not  desire  to  embarrass  the  party.  The  state  committee  held  an 
all-night  session  on  the  night  of  June  3Oth  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  one 
of  the  chief  advisers  in  that  secret  conference.  The  situation  was 
carefully  canvassed  and  all  the  differences  were  finally  settled,  the 
decision  being  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Samuel  Cony.  The 
convention  met  and  Samuel  Cony  received  474  votes  and  Abner 
Coburn  418  votes.  J.  H.  Williams  also  received  176  votes.  Thus 
the  friends  of  Governor  Coburn  evidently  were  not  willing  to  have 
their  candidate  set  aside.  There  was  no  choice ;  but  with  a  view  to 
harmony  Gov.  Coburn's  name  was  withdrawn  and  Samuel  Cony 
nominated  by  acclamation.  Judge  Cony  was  a  Union  Democrat, 
and  this  accounts  for  much  of  the  opposition  which  he  received  in 
the  convention  and  which  rallied  to  the  support  of  Governor  Co- 
burn.  The  convention  adjourned  but  the  best  of  feeling  did  not 
prevail. 

The  dark  days  between  1862  and  1863  were  accompanied  by  op 
position  to  all  patriotic  measures  by  the  northern  Democrats  in 
congress,  few  union  victories  in  the  field,  and  a  resistance  of  the 
draft.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  union  victory  at  Gettysburg  and  the 
capture  of  Vicksburg,  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the  north  would 
have  been  so  far  divided  as  to  have  made  a  successful  prosecution 
of  the  war  impossible.  The  union  cause  was  weakened,  and  the 
rebel  papers  copied  reports  of  northern  Democratic  conventions. 
It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  union  bonds  were  sold. 

The  state  campaign  was  interesting  and  exciting.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  labored  vigorously  with  voice  and  pen  for  the  union  cause  and 
the  Republican  ticket.  President  Lincoln's  policy  was  fiercely  as 
sailed  by  the  Democrats.  Republican  mass  meetings  were  held  at 
different  points  m  the  state ;  and  on  the  evening  of  July  8th,  a 
gigantic  mass  meeting  was  held  in  City  hall,  Lewiston,  to  celebrate 
the  fall  of  Vicksburg,  and  to  arouse  the  Republican  hosts  of  Maine 
to  a  full  realization  of  the  political  importance  of  that  victory.  This 
important  event  (the  fall  of  Vicksburg),  Mr.  Dingley  wrote  "was 
the  most  glorious  celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July  we  have  had 
since  the  day  was  first  made  glorious !  God  bless  Unconditional- 
Surrender  Grant!"  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  at  the  mass  meeting  of 


72  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

July  8th  and  was  among  the  first  to  see  that  the  tide  of  success  was 
setting  toward  the  union  cause,  President  Lincoln  and  the  Republi 
can  party. 

The  draft  in  the  second  district  commenced  in  Lewiston  July 
15,  1863.  There  was  a  large  audience  in  the  City  hall.  The  best  of 
feeling  prevailed.  Daniel  Holland  turned  the  big  wheel,  and  Dr. 
Alonzo  Garcelon  drew  out  the  first  card.  The  names  as  they  were 
drawn  out  received  cheer  after  cheer  from  the  crowd. 

In  the  latter  part  of  July  Mr.  Dingley  had  his  first  and  only 
experience  as  a  soldier.  He  was  slight  in  stature,  frail  and  almost 
delicate  in  health.  His  arduous  labors  in  the  editorial  chair,  on  the 
stump  and  in  the  state  legislature  had  exhausted  him.  On  the  2ist 
of  July  news  came  of  an  incipient  rebellion  in  Franklin  county.  At 
tempts  were  made  to  resist  the  draft  "by  a  drunken  sesech  mob." 
The  mob  drove  away  the  omcers  who  were  to  serve  notices  on  the 
drafted  men  and  gave  them  fifteen  minutes  to  leave  the  town.  Mr. 
Dingley  was  a  member  of  the  Lewiston  company  of  militia  and  re 
sponded  to  the  orders  of  the  governor  of  the  state  to  march  to 
Kingfield.  July  23rd  the  company  left  for  Farmington  amid 
great  excitement.  The  streets  were  thronged  as  the  soldiers 
marched  to  the  train,  and  loud  were  the  cheers  as  the  train  rolled 
away.  Farmington  was  reached  at  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
The  boys  slept  in  tents  and  at  six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
24th  started  for  Kingfield.  The  company  found  everything  quiet  in 
that  village,  and  did  nothing  but  camp  out  on  the  25th.  The  cam 
paign  being  over,  and  peace  restored,  the  soldier  boys  returned  to 
Lewiston  July  26th  and  were  received  with  fitting  honors.  Before 
their  departure  from  Kingfield,  the  citizens  of  the  village  provided 
a  collation  on  the  village  square  for  everybody.  Private  Dingley 
made  a  speech  thanking  the  people  of  Kingfield  for  their  hospital 
ity.  The  cap  and  uniform  Mr.  Dingley  wore,  and  the  musket  he 
carried  on  this  memorable  occasion,  were  interesting  relics  in  the 
family  homestead  for  years  after ;  and  the  owner  of  them  was  very 
fond  of  relating  the  amusing  incidents  of  the  Kingfield  cam 
paign  in  which  "he  fought,  bled  and  died  for  his  country." 

On  the  first  day  of  April  of  this  year  Mr.  Dingley  moved  from 
Auburn  to  Lewiston  (across  the  Androscoggin  river)  having  pur 
chased  the  old  Packard  house  on  Main  street.  Here  he  spent  many 
of  the  happiest  years  of  his  life.  Here  his  children,  so  dear  to  him, 


LOT  M.  MORRILL.     SAMUEL  WELLS. 
A.  P.  MORRILL.     ABNER  COBURN. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  73 

were  reared.  Here  he  spent  his  spare  moments  in  a  little  garden, 
planting  with  his  own  hands  beans,  corn,  cucumbers  and  other  gar 
den  truck.  Here  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  Maine  was  spent, 
until  he  was  called  to  higher  duties  in  Washington.  He  was  pre 
eminently  a  domestic  man.  He  loved  his  home,  his  family ;  and  in 
this  humble  but  comfortable  abode,  he  sought  and  obtained  that 
peace  and  contentment,  that  calm  and  serenity  that  always  marked 
his  earthly  career. 

Notwithstanding  he  had  changed  his  place  of  residence,  six 
months  thereafter,  on  the  4th  day  of  September,  he  was  nominated 
for  representative  to  the  state  legislature  by  the  Union  party  of 
Lewiston.  He  received  144  out  of  253  votes.  This  nomination 
was  a  surprise  to  him.  He  preferred  to  have  the  honor  conferred 
upon  another ;  but  having  accepted  the  nomination  he  entered  the 
campaign  with  unusual  zeal.  He  spoke  at  several  places  in  the 
county,  taking  the  stump  on  several  occasions  with  Dr.  Alonzo 
Garcelon.  Some  of  the  notable  speakers  in  that  campaign  were 
William  Pitt  Fessenden,  William  P.  Frye,  James  G.  Elaine,  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin.  The  state  election  was  held  September  I4th 
and  Mr.  Dingley  was  elected  by  over  600  majority.  Samuel  Cony 
received  68,339  votes  while  Bion  Bradbury,  the  Democratic  nomi 
nee,  received  50,676  votes.  The  total  vote  in  the  state  was  1 19,042, 
which  was  37,300  more  than  in  1862,  and  the  Republican  vote  was 
increased  by  23,600,  the  Democratic  by  about  13,700.  So  the  Re 
publican  or  Union  party  had  good  reason  to  rejoice.  Mr.  Blaine 
telegraphed  President  Lincoln  as  follows : 

"Maine  sustains  your  administration  by  a  loyal  majority  of  over 
15,000  votes." 

He  received  the  following  laconic  reply : 

"Thanks!  Both  for  the  good  news  you  send  and  for  the  send 
ing  of  it."  A.  Lincoln. 

The  example  set  by  Maine  was  followed  by  other  states  in  No 
vember,  and  the  way  was  paved  for  the  renomination  and  re-elec 
tion  of  Lincoln  in  1864. 

The  state  campaign  over,  Mr.  Dingley  in  company  with  Presi 
dent  Cheney  of  Bates  college,  started  for  Washington  and  the 
front.  They  left  Lewiston  October  16;  visited  Fairfax  seminary 
hospital  near  Alexandria,  Virginia;  stopped  with  Major  Wares; 
visited  the  old  capitol  prison ;  visited  the  union  army  at  Gainsville. 
stopping  at  a  sesech  house ;  visited  Bull  Run  battle-field ;  dined  with 


74  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

General  Kilpatrick ;  was  sent  by  him  to  Warrenton,  the  headquar 
ters  of  the  army ;  stopped  with  the  Fifth  Maine  regiment ;  attended 
a  rebel  church ;  visited  General  Meade's  headquarters ;  also  General 
Sedgwick's  headquarters;  attended  services  with  the  Seventh 
Maine  regiment ;  stopped  with  Col.  Mason  of  the  Seventh ;  visited 
General  Pleasanton's  headquarters,  and  returned  to  Washington 
by  way  of  Gainsville.  On  the  27th  of  October  he  had  an  interview 
with  President  Lincoln  at  the  White  House,  and  in  after  years  he 
often  referred  to  this  interview.  He  was  introduced  to  the  Presi 
dent  by  Senator  Morrill ;  and  after  the  senator  had  graciously  re 
tired,  President  Lincoln  talked  with  Mr.  Dingley  for  over  an  hour. 
"In  some  unaccountable  manner,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  "the  Presi 
dent  unbosomed  himself  to  me  and  talked  freely  about  the  war 
and  the  great  national  crisis."  This  interview  impressed  Mr. 
Dingley  greatly  and  gave  him  a  valuable  knowledge  of  Lincoln's 
character. 

January  6,  1864,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  state  legislature  for  the 
third  time.  He  was  again  elected  speaker  of  the  house  by  acclama 
tion.  John  A.  Peters,  afterwards  chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court 
of  Maine,  presided  over  the  Republican  caucus.  In  assuming  the 
chair  for  the  second  time  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "Permit  me  to  express 
the  confident  hope  that  your  deliberations  may  be  conducted  with 
that  harmony,  wisdom  and  faithfulness  which  befits  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people  of  a  great  state  and  which  is  especially  de 
manded  by  the  exigencies  of  the  nation.  In  the  great  progress 
which  the  national  cause  has  made  during  the  past  year  there  is 
every  encouragement  to  renewed  efforts  in  the  defense  of  a  periled 
country,  and  abundant  cause  for  thankfulness  for  the  special  favor 
shown  our  country  by  the  Ruler  of  Nations.  Whatever  doubts  as 
to  the  result  of  this  struggle  for  national  existence  any  may  have 
entertained  in  the  past,  the  question  may  now  well  be  regarded  as 
settled  that  the  American  Republic  is  to  come  forth  from  the  bap 
tism  of  fire  and  blood,  through  which  it  is  passing,  preserved  and 
purified,  redeemed  and  disenthralled." 

In  this  house  were :  Edward  T.  Little,  who  founded  the  Little 
High  school  in  Auburn;  Eben  Jordan  Jr.,  of  the  famous  family  of 
merchants ;  John  Lynch,  a  member  of  the  fortieth,  forty-first  and 
forty-second  congresses;  Nathan  Webb,  afterwards  judge  of  the 
United  States  district  court ;  F.  O.  J.  Smith,  a  prominent  railroad 
promoter;  John  A.  Peters,  attorney-general  of  the  state  from  1864 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  75 

to  1867,  a  member  of  the  fortieth,  forty-first  and  forty-second  con 
gresses  and  chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  Maine;  and  John 
H.  Burleigh,  a  member  of  the  forty-third  and  forty-fourth  con 
gresses. 

Governor  Cony  paid  a  glowing  tribute  in  his  inaugural  address 
to  the  dead  Maine  soldiers.  He  said  that  "if  this  war  were  one  of 
mad  ambition,  glory  would  afford  no  compensation  for  its  manifold 
woes." 

In  the  month  of  February  the  session  of  the  legislature  was 
made  unusually  interesting  by  the  presence  of  Generals  Howard 
and  Burnside  who  addressed  both  houses  on  the  great  conflict  then 
in  progress.  On  the  2nd  day  of  March  there  was  a  joint  conven 
tion  of  the  Union  members  of  the  legislature.  Resolutions  were 
adopted  favoring  the  renomination  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  There 
was  some  talk  (privately  to  be  sure)  of  omitting  Hamlin's  name  on 
the  ground  that  the  real  feeling  of  the  state  was  for  Andrew  John 
son  for  vice  president ;  but  only  five  or  six  votes  were  recorded 
against  the  resolution. 

Much  time  was  given  in  this  session  of  the  legislature  to  putting 
an  end  to  the  payment  of  a  bounty  by  the  state  to  every  volunteer 
for  three  years  on  Maine's  quota  in  the  army  and  navy.  The  re 
sult  was  a  discontinuance  of  the  old  system  under  which  many 
abuses  had  arisen.  March  25th  the  house  adjourned  late  at  night 
and  resolutions  of  thanks  to  the  speaker  and  other  officers  of  the 
house  were  offered  by  John  M.  Goodwin  of  Biddeford.  Speeches 
were  made  by  Messrs.  Goodwin,  Webb  and  Williams.  Speaker 
Dingley  replied  briefly  and  the  important  and  memorable  session 
was  over. 

Returning  from  his  labors  in  the  legislature,  Mr.  Dingley  at 
once  plunged  into  editorial  work.  Excitement  was  intense.  Extra 
editions  of  the  Lewiston  Journal  were  read  eagerly  by  the  people 
in  Lewiston  and  Auburn  and  surrounding  towns.  There  was  tre 
mendous  interest  in  General  Grant's  movements  towards  Rich 
mond  and  around  Petersburg.  In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  the 
state  and  district  conventions  were  called  and  the  people  were 
plunged  into  another  campaign.  The  Union  district  convention 
met  in  Auburn  May  loth,  1864,  to  select  two  delegates  to  the  Union 
convention  at  Baltimore.  The  resolutions  adopted  at  this  conven 
tion  were  framed  by  Mr.  Dingley,  and  the  language  used  allowed 


76  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

no  doubt  as  to  the  loyalty  of  their  author  or  the  people  he  repre 
sented. 

In  the  midst  of  this  heated  condition  of  the  state  the  Republi 
can  state   convention   was  held  at  Augusta  June  29th.      Samuel 
Cony  was  nominated  for  governor.    There  was  no  compromise  in 
the  platform.    Lincoln  and  Johnson,  the  national  ticket,  was  sup 
ported,    notwithstanding   Maine's   beloved    statesman,    Hannibal 
Hamlin,  had  been  rejected  and  Andrew  Johnson  nominated  in  his 
place.    Sidney  Perham,  who  had  been  elected  to  the  38th  congress 
(1863-64)  was  renominated  for  the  3Qth  congress  by  the  Republi 
cans  of  the  second  district.    Mr.  Dingley  was  renominated  for  the 
state  legislature  by  acclamation  on  the  first  day  of  September.    On 
the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  he  was  renominated,  he  addressed 
a  political  gathering  in  the  village  of  Greene,  with  William  P.  Frye. 
He  entered  this  exciting  campaign   with   greater  zeal  than  ever, 
realizing  the  importance  of  adding  his  no  small  influence  to  the 
Union   cause.     The   speakers  in   that   campaign  were  many  and 
prominent.    Among  them  were  Hannibal  Hamlin,  John  A.  Peters, 
William  P.    Frye,   William  D.  Kelley   and  Sidney  Perham.      Mr. 
Dingley  also  found  time  during  this  exciting  period  to  attend  and 
address  a  family  reunion  at  Durham,  his  birthplace,  to  assist  in  the 
formation  of  the  Maine  state  editorial  association  of  which  he  was 
elected  the  first  president,  and  to  address  a  Union  Thanksgiving 
meeting  September  n,  to  render  thanks  for  recent  victories  in  the 
field.    The  state  election  occurred  September  12,  and  the  Union 
ticket  was  elected  by  a  rousing  majority.    Governor  Cony  received 
65,583  votes,  and  Joseph  Howard,  Democrat,  46,403  votes.    Five 
Republican  members  of  the  lower  house  of  congress  were  elected 
— John  Lynch,  Sidney  Perham,  Fred  A.  Pike,  John  H.  Rice  and 
James  G.  Elaine.    There  was  great  rejoicing  all  over  the  state.    Mr. 
Dingley  was  re-elected  to  the  legislature  by  632  majority.    It  was  a 
great  Unicn  victory  causing  a  thrill  of  joy  throughout  the  Union 
states.    It  seemed  to  settle  all  doubt  as  to  the  result  of  the  national 
election   in   November.     There   was   comparatively  little  interest 
over  the  presidential  election.     Senator  Morrill  and  Congressman 
Elaine  addressed  the  only  large  Union  rally  in  Lewiston  during  the 
campaign.    This  was  on  the  night  of  November  3rd,  a  week  before 
the  election. 

Late  in  September  glorious  tidings  came  from  the  front.     Gen 
eral  Grant  had  raised  the  cry  "On  to  Richmond."     Sheridan  was 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  77 

pursuing  Early  and  the  tide  of  battle  was  rising  in  favor  of  the 
north.  The  elections  in  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana  had  given  hope 
to  the  Republicans  and  the  Union  cause.  "Such  a  sweep,"  wrote 
Mr.  Dingley,  "completely  upsets  all  the  calculations  of  the  copper 
head  leaders  and  leaves  McClellan  without  the  ghost  of  a  chance. 
*  *  *  Not  even  in  his  great  victories  and  almost  unparalelled 
campaigns  has  Grant  proved  his  ability  and  genius  more  conclu 
sively  than  in  his  choice  of  men  to  lead  the  various  armies  that  are 
operating  against  the  rebellion."  The  series  of  good  reports  closed 
with  Sheridan's  great  victory  in  the  Shenandoah. 

The  election  was  held  November  8th;  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  Qth,  an  extra  edition  of  the  Journal  announced  a  complete  and 
sweeping  Union  victory.  The  cry  that  the  "war  was  a  failure,"  was 
itself  a  failure.  Lincoln  carried  Maine  by  25,000  majority  and  Mr. 
Dingley  observed  that  "the  re-election  of  President  Lincoln  by  a 
most  overwhelming  majority  settles  beyond  controversy  that  the 
American  people  are  firmly  and  unflinchingly  resolved  to  prosecute 
this  war  on  their  part  until  the  people  of  every  state  shall  acknowl 
edge  and  obey  the  authority  of  the  union.  Whether  it  takes  three 
months  or  three  years  longer,  the  people  will  not  give  up  the  con 
test  until  the  republic  is  saved."  Lincoln  received  213  electoral 
votes  and  McClellan  21.  This  was  followed  on  November  14  by 
the  resignation  of  General  George  B.  McClellan,  which  act  was  ap 
proved  by  President  Lincoln.  October  19,  Philip  H.  Sheridan,  who, 
"under  the  blessing  of  Providence  averted  a  great  national  disaster 
and  achieved  a  brilliant  victory  at  Cedar  Run,"  was  made  major 
general. 

The  state  legislature  was  overwhelmingly  Republican,  and  was 
to  elect  a  successor  to  William  Pitt  Fessenden  who  had  been  ap 
pointed  secretary  of  the  treasury  by  President  Lincoln  in  the 
spring  of  that  year.  Mr.  Dingley  commented  thus :  "We  do  no 
injustice  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  industry,  ability  and  faithfulness  as  a  pub 
lic  servant  when  we  indicate  our  desire  that  Fessenden  should  be 
re-elected.  Hamlin  received  evidence  of  continued  confidence  by 
indorsement  by  the  state  legislature.  Fessenden  should  receive  a 
similar  expression  of  confidence  by  re-election.  It  is  a  great  injury 
to  the  state  to  discard  our  ablest  statesman  and  leader  of  the  sen 
ate."  Hannibal  Hamlin,  having  been  rejected  by  the  national  Re 
publican  convention  as  a  candidate  for  vice  president,  was  now  in 
private  life,  and  his  friends  desired  to  return  him  to  the  senate. 


78  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Mr.  Fessenden  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  retire  from  the  senate 
and  take  a  position  in  President  Lincoln's  cabinet.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
friends  wanted  Mr.  Fessenden  to  retain  his  position  as  secretary  of 
the  treasury.  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "Fessenden  declined  a  posi 
tion  in  the  cabinet  for  several  reasons,  but  finally  accepted  it  with 
reluctance.  If  Fessenden  could  have  foreseen  that  advantage  was 
thus  to  be  taken  of  him,  he  would  have  remained  where  he  was. 
Hamlin's  renomination  for  vice  president  was  urged  for  the  very 
reason  that  it  would  avoid  an  unpleasant  contest  between  him  and 
Fessenden." 

The  legislature  met  January  4th  and  Mr.  Dingley  took  his  seat 
in  the  house  for  the  fourth  time.  He  was  unanimously  tendered  a 
renomination  for  speaker  by  the  Republicans,  but  declined.  He 
preferred  to  serve  on  the  floor.  In  this  house  were :  John  L. 
Stevens,  once  a  partner  of  James  G.  Blaine  in  the  Kennebec  Journal 
and  later  minister  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands ;  Edward  Wilson,  a 
prominent  Democratic  leader;  M.  V.  B.  Chase  of  Augusta,  subse 
quently  on  Gov.  Dingley's  staff;  and  Samuel  F.  Hersey,  the  million 
aire.  W.  A.  P.  Dillingham  of  Waterville  was  elected  speaker. 
Governor  Cony  told  the  situation  in  the  state  when  in  his  inaugural 
address  he  said :  "The  debt  of  the  state  is  represented  by  loans 
amounting  to  $5,337,000.  The  bounty  laws  of  the  state,  which 
have  led  to  much  abuse,  should  be  revised.  Maine  enlisted  13,620 
men  in  1864.  The  President  has  made  another  demand  of  300,000 
men  to  be  enforced  by  a  draft  after  the  I5th  of  February.  The  mil 
itary  position  of  the  country  is  such  as  to  afford  encouragement 
that  this  requisition  will  be  met  with  alacrity.  The  staggering 
blows  recently  dealt  upon  the  military  power  of  the  rebels  in  the 
west  and  south,  furnish  a  cheerful  augury  that  the  end  is  approach 
ing.  The  presidential  canvass  was  earnest  and  exciting.  The  pol 
icy  and  measures  of  the  government  were  assailed  with  severe  and 
bitter  criticisms.  Lincoln's  nomination  was  the  signal  for  more 
impetuous  assaults.  The  Democratic  convention  made  the  issue 
clear.  It  proclaimed  the  war  a  failure,  and  demanded  a  peace  con 
vention.  The  re-election  of  Lincoln  was  in  no  sense  a  personal  or 
party  triumph — it  was  the  result  of  a  national  necessity.  That  a 
nation,  where  each  man  is  a  sovereign,  and  every  voter  an  integral 
part  of  the  government,  in  which  every  ballot  cast,  as  in  the  late 
election,  is  a  verdict  upon  the  past,  and  combining  in  a  majority,  a 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  79 

decree  for  the  future,  binding  the  whole  nation,  majorities  as  well 
as  minorities,  individuals  and  masses,  to  meet  the  sacrifices  and 
bear  the  burdens  of  continued  war,  is  a  marvelous  testimony  to  the 
steadiness  of  popular  government  and  the  capacity  of  mankind  to 
sustain  it.  Since  the  day  which  heralded  the  advent  of  our  Saviour 
none  more  glorious  has  dawned  on  our  race  than  the  8th  of  No 
vember,  1864."  Mr.  Dingley  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  com 
mittee  on  rules,  judiciary  and  federal  relations. 

In  the  Republican  caucus  for  United  States  senator  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Hamlin  withdrew  his  name,  conceding  to  Mr.  Fessenden  a 
large  majority.  Fessenden  was  unanimously  nominated,  and  Mr. 
Dingley  wrote  to  the  Journal:  "While  Maine  has,  as  it  seems  to 
me,  done  honor  to  herself  and  justice  to  her  ablest  statesman,  she 
has  by  no  means  discredited  Mr.  Hamlin,  whose  ability,  faithful 
ness  and  public  services  she  is  justly  proud  of,  and  whom  she  will 
delight  to  honor  in  the  future  as  she  has  done  in  the  past."  Mr. 
Fescenden  resumed  his  seat  in  the  United  States  senate  March  4, 
1865,  and  died  September  8,  1869. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  the  recognized  leader  of  the  Republicans  in 
this  house.  On  the  2Oth  day  of  January  he  presented  a  resolution 
in  favor  of  an  amendment  to  the  federal  constitution  providing  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery.  In  presenting  this  resolution  he  said  "he 
thought  it  eminently  fit  that  Maine  should  at  this  time  speak  and 
then  throw  the  weight  of  her  influence  in  favor  of  this  vital  meas 
ure.  The  extent  of  that  influence  depends  largely  upon  the  prompt 
ness  and  spontaniety  and  heartiness  evinced."  1  He  moved  that  the 
rules  be  suspended  and  the  resolution  placed  upon  its  immediate 
passage.  The  resolution  declared  "that  the  people  of  Maine,  be 
lieving  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  the  chief  obstacle  to  an 
early  and  permanent  pacification  of  the  country,  and  impressed 
with  the  conviction  that  our  duty  to  God  and  our  fellow  men  de 
mands  that  so  foul  a  blot  should  be  removed  from  every  rod  of  the 
soil  of  the  American  republic,  are  ardently  desirous  that  congress 
should  immediately  submit  to  the  several  states  a  proposition  to 
amend  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  so  as  to  abolish  slav 
ery  in  the  confident  hope  that  the  amendment  will  be  ratified  by 
the  requisite  number  of  states,  and  that  thereby  the  source  of  our 
national  woes  and  the  stigma  on  our  national  fame  may  be  consti- 

1— This  speech  was  regarded  at  the  time  by  those  who  heard  it  as  one  of  the 
most  effective  ever  made  in  the  state  house. 


80  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

tutionally  removed,  and  the  blessings  of  a  substantial  peace,  a  real 
union,  and  a  strong  nationality  secured." 

Mr.  Payson  of  Westbrook  opposed  the  motion  to  suspend  the 
rules.  He  made  a  speech  of  nearly  an  hour,  directed  against  minis 
ters,  abolitionists,  etc.  As  a  fitting  reply  to  Mr.  Payson's  speech 
Mr.  Dingley  introduced  to  the  house  a  little  slave  girl,  recently  in 
Portland,  Lewiston  and  other  places  in  Maine,  as  one  of  the  fruits 
of  the  "peculiar  institution"  which  the  gentleman  had  been  de 
fending.  The  rules  were  suspended  by  a  vote  of  98  to  14  and  the 
resolution  was  approved  by  the  governor  January  27th.  February 
1st,  1865,  two-thirds  of  both  houses  of  congress  approved,  by  reso 
lution,  the  anti-slavery  amendment;  and  February  /th,  1865,  the 
Maine  house  of  representatives  passed  by  a  vote  of  103  to  15,  a  bill 
ratifying  the  proposed  amendment  to  the  constitution.  There  was 
tremendous  enthusiasm.  The  areas  and  galleries  of  the  chamber 
were  filled  with  ladies  and  gentlemen.  A  band  was  stationed  in  the 
gallery  and  when  the  vote  was  announced,  every  Union  member 
present  voted  "yes."  The  chair  declared  that  by  this  sublime  act 
Maine  gave  her  ratification  to  the  amendment  to  the  constitution 
"which  drives  forever  from  the  land  the  curse  of  slavery.  God 
save  the  state  of  Maine."  There  was  great  applause.  The  band 
played  the  national  hymn  and  during  a  recess  of  half  an  hour  cheers 
were  given  for  Lincoln,  for  the  rights  of  man,  for  Grant,  for  Sher 
man,  Sheridan,  Thomas  and  Farragut — also  for  the  brave  soldiers. 
The  fifteen  Democrats  were  silent.  Mr.  Chase  of  Dover,  one  of 
them,  proposed  three  cheers  for  the  old  Union.  Mr.  Webb  of 
Portland  said:  "It  was  good  until  the  slavery  minions  spoiled  it." 
Then  all  cheered.  Finally  three  cheers  were  given  for  the  consti 
tution  as  amended  and  the  Union  as  it  will  be.  Several  patriotic 
speeches  were  made,  and  Mr.  Dingley  proposed  that  "in  view  of 
the  great  triumph  over  which  we  rejoice,  the  assemblage  unite  in 
singing  that  grand  old  doxology  'Old  Hundred.'  "  It  was  sung 
with  intense  spirit  and  unconcealed  tears.  Thus  Maine  ratified  the 
thirteenth  amendment  to  the  federal  constitution :  "Neither  slav 
ery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for  crime, 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within 
the  United  States  or  any  place  subject  to  her  jurisdiction." 

The  question  of  bounties  occupied  much  of  the  attention  of  this 
legislature.  Early  in  February  Mr.  Dingley  offered  a  resolution 
"that  the  committee  on  judiciary  inquire  what  further  legislation.. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  81 

if  any,  is  needed  to  secure  to  towns  their  equal  rights  under  the 
present  laws  relative  to  the  payment  of  state  bounties."  The  then 
existing  law  concerning  bounties  gave  rise  to  much  abuse.  The 
names  of  fictitious  men  were  sent  in  as  volunteers  and  the  state 
found  itself  paying  bounties  for  men  who  did  not  exist.  February 
10,  Mr.  Dingley  offered  an  amendment  to  prohibit  the  payment  of 
bounty  for  paper  men.  He  wanted  to  uproot  the  whole  system. 
The  amendment  was  adopted  and  the  bill  passed.  The  effect  of  this 
law  was  to  legalize  all  past  acts  of  towns  in  voting,  paying  or  offer 
ing  to  pay  bounties  without  regard  to  the  sum,  authorizing  towns 
to  thereafter  vote  bounties  to  fill  the  present  call  not  exceeding 
$300  for  one  year's  men,  and  $100  for  each  additional  year,  but  pro 
hibiting  them  from  thereafter  paying  bounties  for  the  assignment  of 
such  classes  of  "paper  men"  as  properly  belong  to  the  general 
credit  of  the  state  without  the  payment  of  bounties.  It  is  interest 
ing  to  note  that  the  investigations  relating  to  the  payment  of 
bounties  to  paper  men  made  by  this  legislature  (inaugurated  by 
Mr.  Dingley),  led  to  a  complete  inspection  and  investigation  of  the 
state  paper  credits  in  1871.  George  F.  Talbot  and  Selden  Connor, 
a  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose,  made  a  report  and  pub 
lished  it  in  book  form.  The  legislature  finally  adjourned  February 
25th. 

Exciting  and  important  events  followed  close  upon  each  other 
in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1865.  The  community  in  which  Mr. 
Dingley  lived  was  intensely  loyal,  and  he  was  one  of  the  leaders. 
He  was  foremost  in  public  affairs  and  was  held  in  high  esteem  by 
all.  On  the  4th  day  of  March  the  Union  men  and  women  of  Lewis- 
ton  held  a  jubilee  meeting  to  celebrate  the  second  inauguration  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  Mr.  Dingley  presided  and  made  a  patriotic  ad 
dress.  Large  editions  of  the  Journal  were  issued  in  the  early  part 
of  April  announcing  Grant's  triumphant  success  in  breaking  Lee's 
line.  April  3rd  information  reached  Lewiston  of  the  evacuation  of 
Petersburg  and  Richmond.  The  people  seemed  to  suspend  busi 
ness,  so  great  was  the  joy,  and  so  intent  were  all  over  the  result  of 
the  terrible  conflict.  Day  by  day  came  reports  of  Lee's  flight  and 
the  Union  pursuit ;  and  on  April  loth  the  people  of  Lewiston  were 
thrown  into  a  frenzy  of  excitement  by  the  report  that  Lee  had  sur 
rendered!  The  bells  were  rung  and  cannon  fired;  in  the  evening 
nearly  every  residence  was  illuminated ;  flags  were  raised  and  sa 
lutes  fired  in  honor  of  the  close  of  the  war  for  the  preservation  of 


82  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

the  Union.  William  P.  Frye  was  mayor  and  presided  at  the  jubilee 
meeting.  But  joy  was  turned  into  sorrow;  for  on  the  morning  of 
April  15,  came  the  sad  intelligence  that  President  Lincoln  had  been 
assassinated  the  previous  night.  Flags  were  placed  at  half  mast 
and  the  stores  and  buildings  were  draped  in  mourning.  On  the  fol 
lowing  Sabbath  the  churches  were  draped  and  eulogies  pro 
nounced.  In  the  afternoon  a  union  meeting  was  held  at  the  Main 
street  Free  Baptist  church  presided  over  by  Mayor  Frye.  April 
1 9th,  the  day  of  the  funeral,  was  observed  in  Lewiston  by  an  eulogy 
from  Rev.  Mr.  Wood. 

National  affairs  that  spring  and  summer  overshadowed  state 
affairs,  and  little  attention  was  paid  to  the  state  convention  and  the 
state  election.  Governor  Cony  was  renominated  by  the  Repub 
licans,  and  Joseph  Howard  by  the  Democrats.  The  former  was  re- 
elected  to  a  third  term  by  about  12,000  majority. 

The  Maine  Republican  state  convention  in  August,  1865,  held 
in  Portland,  while  expressing  approval  of  President  Johnson's  ut 
terances  in  favor  of  punishment  of  treason,  and  equal  rights,  at  the 
south,  resolved  that  the  rights  of  suffrage  should  be  given  to  the 
loyal  colored  men.  The  Maine  Democratic  state  convention  ap 
proved  of  President  Johnson's  policy  of  reconstruction,  realizing 
that  it  would  divide  the  Republican  party.  The  Democrats  said 
that  nothing  remained  but  to  admit  senators  and  representatives 
from  the  south.  The  Republicans  contended  that  the  rebellion  had 
put  the  confederate  states  practically  out  of  the  iUnion.  Charles 
Sumner  and  Thad  Stevens  and  some  others,  took  the  ground  that  it 
would  be  wiser  to  hold  the  late  rebel  states  as  territories.  After  a 
long  struggle,  on  June  I3th,  both  branches  of  congress  submitted 
to  the  states  the  fourteenth  amendment  to  the  constitution.  Presi 
dent  Johnson  took  exceptions  to  the  amendment  in  a  brief  mes^ 
sage  to  congress,  in  which  he  maintained  congress  had  no  right  to 
propose  amendments  while  the  eleven  late  rebel  states  were  un 
represented.  This  increased  the  gulf  of  separation  between  him 
self  and  the  Republicans  which  had  been  previously  made  by  his 
veto  of  the  civil  rights  bill  and  of  the  bill  to  continue  the  Freed- 
man's  bureau,  both  of  which  were  passed  over  his  objections. 
President  Johnson's  speech  on  Washington's  birthday,  in  which  he 
denounced  Sumner,  Stevens  and  others  as  traitors,  and  declared  he 
would  carry  out  his  own  program,  embittered  the  feeling  against 
him. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  83 

Mr.  Dingley's  journalistic  labors  during  this  exciting  period 
were  arduous,  but  his  health  was  on  the  whole  excellent.  In  the 
midst  of  his  duties  he  found  time  to  hear  Henry  Ward  Beecher 
preach  in  Brooklyn,  and  to  visit  General  Sherman  at  West  Point. 
On  the  Fourth  of  July  he  delivered  an  oration  at  Gardiner. l  Late 
in  July  he  went  to  Bothwell,  Canada,  where  there  were  rumors  of 
"money  in  oil."  The  fall  and  winter  of  1865  and  1866  he  devoted 
largely  to  journalistic  and  other  literary  work. 

By  reason  of  his  success  as  a  state  legislator  and  political  ad 
viser,  Mr.  Dingley  was,  in  1866,  looked  upon  as  an  available  candi 
date  for  congress.  He  had  a  wide  circle  of  warm  and  influential 
friends,  who  were  proud  of  him  and  his  record.  He  was  urged  to 
allow  the  use  of  his  name  as  a  candidate  for  congress.  But  there 
was  another  rising  politician  in  Lewiston  who  had  served  in  the 
state  legislature,  and  had  taken  high  rank  as  a  political  campaigner. 
His  name  was  William  P.  Frye.  Mr.  Frye  also  had  many  warm  ad 
mirers,  and  was  ambitious.  Enos  T.  Luce,  a  prominent  lawyer  and 
politician  of  Lewiston  was  also  ambitious  to  serve  his  district  in  the 
lower  house  of  congress.  The  result  was  a  conference  between  the 
three  men,  at  which  it  was  agreed  to  submit  the  question  as 
to  which  should  be  the  Republican  candidate  from  Androscoggin 
county,  to  a  committee  consisting  of  Messrs.  N.  Morrill,  Lee 
Strickland,  Ruel  Washburn,  Augusta  Sprague,  J.  S.  Lyford,  S.  I. 
Abbott,  Jeremiah  Dingley,  T.  A.  D.  Fessenden,  and  Job  Prince. 
This  committee  met  on  the  evening  of  April  26th,  and  after  a 
spirited  conference,  both  Mr.  Dingley  and  Mr.  Frye  were  retired 
and  Mr.  Luce  chosen  as  the  candidate  to  be  presented  to  the  dis 
trict  convention.  There  was  considerable  feeling  over  the  result 
and  many  charges,  probably  all  groundless,  were  made.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  acquiesced  in  the  result  of  the  conference  with  his  usual  good 
nature,  and  labored  for  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Luce.  But  the  dis 
trict  convention  which  met  June  28th  was  a  surprise.  The  name  of 
Mr.  Luce  was  withdrawn  and  the  convention  re-nominated  Sidney 
Perham  who  had  already  served  two  terms  in  the  lower  house  of 
congress.  The  Androscoggin  county  delegation  did  not  vote. 

Between  the  district  and  the  state  Republican  conventions,  Mr. 
Dingley  found  time  to  visit  Washington.  Franklin  Simmons,  the 
famous  Maine  sculptor,  was  at  that  time  making  a  bust  of  General 

1 — See  Appendix. 


84  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Grant,  and  was  having  sittings  at  his  studio.  At  Mr.  Simmons'  in 
vitation,  Mr.  Dingley  called  at  the  studio  to  meet  the  famous  gen 
eral.  He  was  introduced  to  Grant  as  the  editor  of  the  Lewiston 
Journal  and  a  prominent  Maine  Republican.  The  conversation 
led  to  the  war  and  politics.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  Mr.  Dingley, 
with  true  newspaper  instinct,  mentally  noted  everything  that  Gen 
eral  Grant  said  and  later  embodied  his  statements  in  a  letter  to  the 
Journal.  This  letter  was  published  in  the  Journal  May  12,  1866.  It 
was  headed — "An  Hour  with  Grant."  It  read  as  follows : 

"We  had  the  good  fortune  yesterday  to  meet  General  Grant  at 
the  studio  of  Maine's  gifted  artist,  Simmons,  and  spend  an  hour  in 
conversation  with  the  Lieutenant  General  while  he  was  giving  Mr. 
S.  the  benefit  of  a  sitting.  As  everything  coming  from  the  General 
who  led  our  armies  to  victory  over  rebellion  is  of  interest  to  the 
public,  and  particularly  so  at  this  time  when  his  name  is  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  next  presidency,  we  propose  to  give  our 
readers  a  brief  resume  of  Grant's  conversation.  The  General,  who 
was  dressed  in  a  plain  black,  civilian  suit,  had  hardly  removed  his 
hat  from  his  head  before  he  took  a  cigar  from  his  pocket,  lighted  it 
and  began  to  puff  out  wreaths  of  smoke. 

"  T  am  breaking  off  from  smoking,'  remarked  Grant.  'When  I 
was  on  the  field  I  smoked  1 8  or  20  cigars  a  day,  but  now  I  smoke 
only  nine  or  ten.' 

"Seating  himself  and  turning  towards  the  clay  model  of  himself 
which  the  artist  was  building  up,  Grant  remarked :  'If  you  had  been 
at  Vicksburg  when  we  were  before  that  city,  you  would  not  have 
wanted  for  mud.'  This  naturally  opened  the  way  to  a  conversa 
tion  on  the  events  of  the  war  which  we  improved.  Grant  referred 
to  the  series  of  battles  which  relieved  Chattanooga  and  put  that  im 
portant  strategic  point  securely  in  our  possession,  as  one  of  the 
most  satisfactory  of  his  achievements  in  a  purely  military  point  of 
view.  Referring  to  a  criticism  made  by  a  historian  Grant  said : 

'  'This  is  a  revival  of  the  exploded  theory  of  subduing  the  rebel 
lion  by  peace  measures.  A  half  million  troops  might  have  been 
kept  within  sight  of  Washington  until  doomsday  and  the  rebellion 
would  have  flourished  more  and  more  vigorously  day  by  day. 
Fighting,  hard  knocks  only,  could  accomplish  the  work.  The  re 
bellion  was  to  be  overcome,  if  overcome  at  all,  by  force ;  its  re 
sources  destroyed;  its  fighting  material  obliterated,  before  peace 
could  be  obtained.  It  was  the  constant  pounding  which  we  gave 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  85 

Lee's  army  from  the  Rapidan  to  the  James  that  made  possible  the 
victories  of  April  1865.  There  were  but  two  failures  in  the  Vir 
ginia  campaign  of  1864  which  ought  to  have  been  successes.  And 
these  were  the  failures  to  capture  Petersburg  when  we  crossed  the 
James,  and  afterwards  the  mine  explosion.  But  these  were  all 
for  the  best,  for  had  we  succeeded  at  either  time  Lee  would  have  at 
once  been  obliged  to  abandon  Richmond,  and  would  have  been  able 
to  secure  a  safe  retreat  into  the  interior  of  the  south  where  he 
would  have  prolonged  the  contest  for  years.'  Grant  said  he 
was  surprised  at  the  suddenness  of  the  collapse  of  the  rebellion. 
Some  parts  of  the  country  needed  the  blighting  effects  of  war  to 
bring  the  people  to  a  realizing  sense  of  the  enormity  of  their  crime. 
'Lee  is  conducting  himself  badly,'  said  General  Grant.  The  bitter 
feeling  would  die  out  sooner  if  leading  men  did  not  look  upon 
treason  as  very  bad.  They  think  the  southern  cause  will  triumph 
in  politics.  The  mischief-makers  in  the  north  should  stop.  The 
south  will  then  acquiesce.  I  would  seize  the  New  York  News  and 
kindred  sheets  that  are  giving  out  dangerous  ideas  as  to  the  rights 
of  the  south.  The  troops  must  be  kept  in  the  south.  It  is  thought 
that  the  French  invasion  of  Mexico  is  a  part  of  the  rebellion.  I 
believe  that  troops  ought  to  be  sent  down  to  drive  Maximillian 
out.' 

"We  left  General  Grant  more  deeply  impressed  than  ever  be 
fore  of  his  great  ability,  his  unflinching  patriotism,  and  his  thorough 
devotion  to  liberty  and  justice." 

The  questions  of  public  interest  then  were,  the  conduct  of  Presi 
dent  Johnson  and  the  matter  of  selecting  a  candidate  for  president 
in  the  next  Republican  convention.  The  statement  of  General 
Grant  obtained  by  Mr.  Dingley  and  published  in  the  Journal,  was 
copied  by  the  newspapers  of  the  country  and  commented  on  freely. 
Republican  leaders  thought  it  was  a  confession  from  Grant  that  he 
would  probably  be  a  candidate  for  the  Republican  nomination  for 
president.  The  article  created  a  great  sensation  in  the  political 
world,  and  appears  to  have  annoyed  Gen.  Grant.  The  latter  did 
not  object  so  much  to  the  interview  itself  but  to  the  fact  that  the 
public  gathered  from  the  article  a  secret  which  Grant  himself  had 
confided  to  only  a  few  of  his  close  firiends.  In  other  words  it  was 
a  premature  announcement  of  his  candidacy  for  the  presidency. 
General  Grant  interviewed  Mr.  Elaine  about  the  matter  and 
Mr.  Blaine  wrote  the  editor  of  the  Journal.  The  latter  with 


86  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

his  usual  courtesy,  expressed  his  regret  that  Gen.  Grant  had  been 
annoyed  over  the  interview,  but  justified  his  publication  of  the  arti 
cle  on  the  ground  of  newspaper  enterprise  and  the  fact  that  the 
General  was  introduced  to  him  as  an  editor  presumably  seeking 
the  latest  political  news.  At  all  events  the  Lewiston  Journal  beat 
the  whole  newspaper  fraternity  in  announcing  General  Grant's 
probable  candidacy  for  president. 

Mr.  Dingley  attended  the  Republican  state  convention  that 
nominated  General  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain  for  governor  on  the 
2ist  of  June.  He  also  attended  commencement  at  Waterville  col 
lege  August  7th,  presided  over  the  Androscoggin  county  conven 
tion  August  23rd,  and  entered  the  state  campaign  five  days  later. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
1866-1873. 

The  state  campaign  of  this  year  (1866)  was  not  unusually  ex 
citing.  It  was  conceded  that  the  Republicans  would  carry  the 
state.  The  civil  war  was  over  and  the  Democratic  party  had  noth 
ing  but  a  lost  cause  behind  it  and  a  hopeless  future  before  it. 
Among  the  notable  speakers  of  this  campaign  was  N.  P.  Banks, 
speaker  of  the  national  house  of  representatives  in  the  34th  con 
gress  (1871-1873).  Mr.  Dingley  made  seven  political  addresses 
in  this  campaign,  one  with  Mr.  Frye  at  North  Auburn  and  one  with 
Congressman  Perham  at  Mechanic  Falls.  1  The  campaign  closed 
September  8th,  and  when  the  votes  were  counted  Joshua  L.  Cham 
berlain  was  elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  receiving  69,637 
votes,  Eben  F.  Pilsbury,  the  Democratic  candidate,  receiving 
41,947  votes.  Five  Republican  members  of  congress  were  elected 
— Fred  A.  Pike,  John  A.  Peters,  John  Lynch,  James  G.  Elaine,  and 
Sidney  Perham.  There  was  great  rejoicing  throughout  the  state. 
Of  this  victory  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "The  result  of  the  election  is 
such  as  to  cheer  the  hearts  of  patriots  and  carry  consternation  to 
Andrew  Johnson." 

Mr.  Dingley's  time  was  fully  occupied  in  the  winter,  spring  and 
summer  of  1866  and  1867.  Besides  giving  general  editorial  super 
vision  to  the  Journal,  he  delivered  the  address  at  the  dedication  of 
the  high  school  at  Lisbon  Falls,  assisted  in  securing  the  appoint 
ment  of  William  P.  Frye  as  attorney  general ;  addressed  state  tem- 

1— Mr.  Perham  says  that  frequently  Mr.  Dingley,  Mr.  Frye  and  he  addressed 
political  meetings  together.  Mr.  Perham  always  led  off  with  a  short  introduc 
tory  speech.  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  next  giving  sound  logic  and  thought,  while  Mr. 
Frye  closed  and  stirred  the  audience  to  a  high  pitch  of  enthusiasm. 


88  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

perance  conventions  and  legislative  committees  and  assisted  in 
founding  a  Young  Mens'  Christian  association  in  Lewiston.  In  the 
latter  part  of  January  he  attended  a  state  temperance  convention  at 
Augusta,  and  was  appointed  temporary  chairman.  On  the  I4th  of 
March  he  took  the  second  and  third  degree  of  Good  Templars,  and 
on  the  loth  of  April  was  elected  grand  worthy  templar  of  the  state 
Good  Templars.  The  latter  part  of  March  the  city  officials  of 
Lewiston  held  a  banquet  at  City  hall  and  .Mr.  Dingley  responded 
eloquently  to  the  toast  "State  of  Maine."  In  August,  finding  his 
health  somewhat  impaired  by  his  varied  and  arduous  duties,  he 
made  a  horseback  tour  through  the  White  Mountains  with  Rev. 
Dr.  Balkam,  pastor  of  the  Congregational  church  of  Lewiston.  He 
rode  through  Waterford,  Lovell,  Fryburg,  North  Conway, 
Fabyans,  Bethlehem,  Plymouth,  Tamworth,  N.  H.,  where  he  ad 
dressed  a  Sunday  school  convention,  Bridgeport  Center,  Mechanic 
Falls,  returning  home  on  the  2Oth  of  August. 

The  question  of  temperance  and  prohibition  was  always  dear  to 
Mr.  Dingley's  heart;  and  late  in  August  he  consented  to  be  a  can 
didate  for  representative  to  the  state  legislature  to  fight  the  liquor 
interest.  The  "rummies,"  as  he  called  them,  were  opposed  to  his 
nomination  and  election;  and  he  observed  that  "the  rum  interest  is 
opposing  me,  but  I  am  determined  to  fight  it  out."  In  later  years 
he  said:  "This  was  perhaps  the  hardest  contest  in  my  political 
career."  He  did  fight  it  out,  and  was  nominated  in  spite  of  the 
"rummies;"  and  on  the  9th  day  of  September  was  triumphantly 
elected.  In  this  state  election  Governor  Chamberlain  was  re- 
elected,  receiving  57,332  votes.  Eben  F.  Pilsbury,  the  Democratic 
candidate,  received  45,990  votes. 

From  the  day  of  the  state  election  to  January  i,  1868,  Mr. 
Dingley  was  busy  delivering  lectures  before  lyceums,  instituting 
temperance  lodges  and  attending  temperance  conventions.  The 
grand  lodge  of  Good  Templars  met  at  Saco,  and  Mr.  Dingley  made 
his  report  before  a  large  convention.  In  addition  to  these  labors, 
he  was  editor  of  the  Journal  and  made  that  paper's  influence 
greater  than  ever.  He  was  industrious  and  tireless. 

In  January,  1868,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  state  legislature  for 
the  fifth  time.  Again  he  was  tendered  the  position  of  speaker,  but 
declined.  In  the  Republican  caucus  he  himself  nominated  T.  C. 
Woodman  of  Bucksport,  for  speaker.  In  this  house  were :  T.  A.  D. 
Fessenden,  who  was  a  member  of  the  37th  congress;  Thomas  B. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  89 

Reed,  attorney  general  from  1870  to  1873,  member  of  congress 
from  1877  to  1899,  and  speaker  of  the  house  in  the  5ist,  54th,  and 
55th  congresses,  and  a  candidate  for  president  before  the  national 
Republican  convention  at  St.  Louis  in  1896;  Eugene  Hale,  member 
of  the  national  house  in  the  42nd,  43rd,  44th  and  45th  congresses; 
and  United  States  senator  from  1881  to  the  present  time;  Harris 
M.  Plaisted,  attorney  general  from  1873  to  1876,  member  of  the 
lower  house  in  the  44th  congress  (having  been  elected  to  fill  the 
vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  Samuel  F.  Hersey  in  1875)  and 
elected  governor  in  1880  as  a  Greenbacker.  Governor  Chamber 
lain  outlined  the  condition  of  the  times  when  he  said  in  his  message 
to  the  legislature  that  "the  war  has  left  its  wrecks  and  disorders 
everywhere.  The  chief  sources  of  sustenance  are  cut  off.  Indus 
tries  have  fallen  off.  The  whole  amount  of  the  funded  debt  of  the 
state  is  $5,090,500.  The  debt  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  was 
$699,500.  The  shipbuilding  of  the  state  has  declined  and  measures 
must  be  taken  to  revive  it."  Mr.  Dingley  was  appointed  a  member 
of  the  committees  on  elections,  railroads,  federal  relations,  and  edu 
cation.  In  this  session  there  was  a  sharp  contest  over  the  repeal  of 
the  constabulary  law.  Dr.  Brickett  of  Augusta,  called  up  the  bill 
to  repeal  the  act  establishing  a  state  police.  On  the  22nd  of  the 
month  the  Republicans,  fearing  that  a  majority  of  the  house  was  in 
clined  to  repeal  the  law,  held  a  conference.  Mr.  Dingley  moved 
that  the  Republicans  act  as  a  unit  and  made  a  vigorous  speech  in 
support  of  his  motion,  stating  that  the  question  was  in  politics  and 
the  Republicans  must  act.  At  the  state  temperance  convention 
which  was  in  session  at  Augusta,  Joshua  Nye,  state  constable,  made 
an  address  opposing  the  repeal  of  the  constabulary  act.  He  said  the 
Democrats  had  misrepresented  the  act  of  1858.  This  strengthened 
the  hands  of  the  temperance  men,  and  Mr.  Dingley  introduced  a 
bill  in  the  house  explaining  the  law  and  putting  an  end  to  all  op 
portunity  to  misrepresent  it.  But  on  the  29th  of  January  the  re 
pealing  bill,  after  a  long  and  exciting  debate,  passed  the  house  by  a 
vote  of  100  to  33.  Mr.  Dingley  was  active  in  promoting  educa 
tional  matters,  and  early  in  the  session  introduced  a  bill  to  establish 
a  state  board  of  education.  The  bill  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of 
84  to  32.  Another  educational  bill  which  he  prepared  and  intro 
duced  and  which  became  a  law  enlarged  the  duties  of  the  state 
superintendent,  provided  for  state  and  county  teachers'  institutes 
and  provided  for  a  text-book  commission  to  secure  the  uniformity 
of  text-books  at  reduced  rates.  This  law  was  of  permanent  benefit 
to  the  state. 


90  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

About  this  time  the  whole  country  was  agitated  over  the  im 
peachment  of  President  Johnson;  1  and  on  the  25th  of  February 
Mr.  Dingley  introduced  a  resolution  reciting  "that  the  people  of 
Maine,  through  their  legislature,  hereby  express  their  hearty  ap 
proval  of  the  course  of  the  representatives  in  congress  from  this 
state,  in  unanimously  voting  for  the  impeachment  of  Andrew  John 
son,  president  of  the  United  States  for  high  crimes  and  misde 
meanors."  In  support  of  this  resolution  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "for 
two  years  the  person  occupying  the  position  of  chief  magistrate  of 
the  nation  had  made  it  his  first,  last  and  sole  purpose  to  obstruct 
the  reconstruction  of  the  union  on  a  basis  of  justice  and  loyalty;  to 
interfere  with  and  oppose  the  decisions  of  that  branch  of  the  gov 
ernment  which  under  the  constitution  make  laws,  before  which  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  executive  to  bow,  and  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the 
country.  For  two  years,  sir,  this  country  has  been  shaken  from 
center  to  circumference  by  the  mad  ambitions  of  one  man,  who, 
forgetting  that  his  position  called  him  simply  to  execute  the  laws 
and  the  policy  of  congress,  has  set  up  a  policy  of  his  own,  and  at 
tempted  to  force  it  upon  the  nation.  *  *  *  Our  forbearance 
has  only  stimulated  this  accidental  president  to  renewed  efforts  to 
obstruct  the  laws,  and  now  we  have  staring  us  in  the  face  a  clear, 
unquestioned,  bold  attempt  to  set  aside  a  law  of  the  land  regula 
ting  the  occupancy  of  the  war  department — an  attempt  evidently 
made  with  a  view  of  securing  control  of  the  army  for  the  most  dan 
gerous  purposes.  *  *  *  The  facts  are  patent,  and  the  neces 
sity  for  this  action  clear.  It  is  now  time  to  act." 

Mr.  Bradbury,  one  of  the  Democratic  leaders  spoke  against  the 
resolution,  saying  that  the  action  was  a  case  of  indecent  haste. 
Mr.  Andrews  of  Buckfield  did  likewise.  Mr.  Hale  of  Ellsworth 
said :  "I  give  this  resolution  God  speed."  Mr.  Walker  of  Machias 
spoke  against  it.  Mr.  Fessenden  of  Auburn  said  that  "imperial 
and  despotic  power  was  never  vested  in  President  Johnson,  and 
never  will  be."  Mr.  Foster  of  Portland  argued  for  delay.  Mr. 
Webb  of  Portland  said :  "All  unite  and  demand  that  this  wicked 
man,  who  neither  regards  the  laws  of  God,  nor  the  rights  of  man, 
go  not  unpunished ;  demand  that  he  be  made  powerless  to  do  evil." 
The  resolution  was  passed  under  a  suspension  of  the  rules  by  a 
vote  of  92  to  33.  Twenty-six  were  absent. 

1— The  trial  began  in  the  Senate  March  23,  and  lasted  nearly  two  months, 
attracting  the  closest  attention  of  the  whole  country.  Johnson  was  acquitted 
for  lack  of  a  two-thirds  majority  against  him,  the  vote  on  the  several  articles, 
of  impeachment  standing,  guilty  35,  not  guilty  19.  A  few  Republicans,  led  by 
Mr.  Pessenden,  of  Maine,  not  believing  him  guilty  of  an  offense  warranting  his 
removal  from  office,  voted  with  the  Democrats. 


SAMUEL  CONY.     ISRAEL  WASHBURN. 
HANNIBAL  HAMLIN.     SIDNEY  PERHAM. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  91 

On  the  2ist  of  February  Mr.  Bradbury  of  Hollis,  in  the  course 
of  a  debate  charged  that  General  Grant  in  the  first  months  of  the 
rebellion  endeavored  to  get  a  situation  in  the  rebel  army.  Mr. 
Dingley  branded  this  statement  as  false,  and  challenged  Mr.  Brad 
bury  to  prove  its  truth.  Mr.  Dingley  denied  Bradbury's  statement 
that  the  Democratic  party  had  been  the  loyal  party  and  had  saved 
the  country.  He  reviewed  the  plot  to  break  up  the  union  and  read 
Franklin  Pierce's  letter  to  Jeff  Davis.  He  also  read  an  extract 
from  a  letter  written  in  January,  1861,  by  Paul  S.  Merrill,  then 
chairman  of  the  Democratic  state  committee,  incriminating  the 
whole  Democratic  party.  Mr.  Dingley  closed  with  these  impas 
sioned  words:  "Loyal  indeed!  The  men  who  became  sad  when 
Union  victories  in  the  field  were  announced  and  joyful  when  the 
rebels  triumphed  are  pretty  specimens  to  talk  of  loyalty  and  devo 
tion  to  the  union." 

Throughout  the  session  Mr.  Dingley  assisted  in  the  promotion 
of  temperance,  education,  loyalty  and  good  morals.  He  also  man 
aged  to  find  time  to  lecture  at  Waterville  on  "The  Southern  Trav 
eler,"  1  address  a  large  Republican  gathering  in  Lewiston  to  dis 
cuss  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson,  and  to  attend  the  con 
vention  of  the  grand  lodge  of  Good  Templars  at  Bath,  over  which 
he  presided.  At  this  convention  he  declined  a  re-election  as  grand 
worthy  commander.  On  the  7th  day  of  March  the  legislature  fin 
ally  adjourned ;  and  in  the  closing  hour  of  the  house,  Mr.  Dingley 
said :  "I  simply  desire  to  say  that  I  concur  entirely  in  the  resolve 
which  is  before  the  house,  and  in  the  sentiments  which  have  been 
expressed  by  the  gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me,  with  reference 
to  the  gentleman  who  has  presided  over  the  house  during  this  ses 
sion.  I  may  say  with  them  that  we  are  greatly  indebted  to  the  for 
bearance  and  courtesies  and  skill  with  which  the  gentleman  who  has 
presided  over  the  house  has  conducted  our  business.  We  came  here 
many  of  us,  as  strangers;  we  shall  part,  not  simply  as  acquaint 
ances,  but  as  friends.  We  never  shall  meet  again ;  but  let  us  carry 
from  here  those  precious  memories,  those  tender  associations 
which  shall  always  be  among  the  sweet  recollections  of  life." 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  legislature,  Mr.  Dingley  was 
again  urged  to  be  a  candidate  for  congress.  Assured  of  consider 
able  support  he  started  out  to  make  a  vigorous  canvass.  The 
friends  of  William  P.  Frye  also  brought  him  forward  as  a  candi 
date;  and  the  contest  between  the  two  gentlemen  became  very 

1— See  Appendix. 


92  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

animated.  Mr.  Dingley  visited  every  town  in  the  county  between 
May  1 2th  and  June  25th,  the  day  of  the  convention.  The  race  was 
about  even.  Mr.  Frye  carried  the  Lewiston  caucus,  Mr.  Dingley 
making  no  contest.  June  6th  the  county  slate  footed  up:  Mr. 
Dingley,  30  delegates ;  Mr.  Frye,  32  delegates.  The  district  con 
vention  met  in  Auburn.  It  was  a  very  hot  day,  and  excitement  was 
intense.  Mr.  Dingley's  friends  stood  by  him  loyally.  The  first  bal 
lot  resulted :  Perham  68,  Frye  66,  Morrill  60,  Gilbert  46,  Dingley 
45.  The  second  ballot  was:  Frye  72,  Perham  64,  Morrill  59, 
Dingley  46,  Gilbert  45.  The  third  ballot  resulted :  Frye  70,  Per 
ham  62,  Morrill  62,  Gilbert  46,  Dingley  39.  The  fourth  ballot  was : 
Frye  78,  Morrill  64,  Perham  53,  Gilbert  43,  Dingley  38.  At  this 
point  Mr.  Dingley  requested  that  his  name  be  withdrawn.  There 
was  no  choice  on  the  5th  or  6th  ballots ;  and  at  the  end  of  the  6th 
-Mr.  Perham's  name  was  withdrawn.  He  had  already  served  three 
terms  in  congress,  and  his  withdrawal  at  this  time,  received  with 
cheers  had  a  tendency  to  harmonize  the  convention.  There  was 
no  choice  on  the  7th  ballot ;  but  on  the  8th  ballot  Morrill  was  nomi 
nated,  receiving  160  votes  to  102  for  Frye  and  14  for  Gilbert.  It 
was  the  most  exciting  congressional  convention  held  in  that  dis 
trict  for  years;  and  Mr.  Dingley's  only  comment  was:  "Every 
thing  passed  off  pleasantly,  and  the  result  is  acquiesced  in  by  all." 

Mr.  Dingley  emerged  from  this  contest  stronger  than  ever,  and 
entered  the  campaign  for  the  Republican  nominee  with  more  than 
usual  vigor.  Governor  Chamberlain  had  been  re-nominated  for 
governor  by  the  Republicans,  and  Eben  F.  Pilsbury  had  been  re- 
nominated  by  the  Democrats.  Mr.  Dingley  stumped  a  portion  of 
the  district  with  S.  P.  Morrill,  who  had  carried  off  the  congres 
sional  nomination,  presided  at  Republican  mass  meetings,  spoke  at 
flag  raisings,  presided  over  a  Republican  mass  meeting  in  Lewis- 
ton  addressed  by  Senator  Morrill  and  Ex-Senator  Crosswell,  took 
part  in  several  joint  political  discussions,  and  wrote  vigorous  edi 
torials  for  the  Lewiston  Journal. 

To  the  surprise  of  all  Dr.  Alonzo  Garcelon  accepted  the  Demo 
cratic  nomination  for  congress  in  that  district,  and  Mr.  Dingley 
observed :  "We  cannot  believe  that  Dr.  Garcelon  has  been  drawn 
into  political  association  with  Seymour,  Pilsbury,  V.  D.  Parris,  and 
Moses  McDonald." 

On  the  1 4th  of  September  the  Republicans  carried  the  state  by 
19,000  majority.  Governor  Chamberlain  received  75,523  votes, 
Eben  F.  Pilsbury  56,207  votes.  Five  Republican  members  of  con 
gress  were  elected — Samuel  P.  Morrill,  John  A.  Peters,  James  G. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  93 

Elaine,  Engene  Hale,  and  John  Lynch.  This  victory  paved  the  way 
for  another  Republican  victory  in  November.  The  national  cam 
paign  followed  quickly  on  the  heels  of  the  state  campaign.  The 
Republican  ticket,  Grant  and  Colfax,  aroused  great  enthusiasm, 
and  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "the  victory  in  Maine  has  insured  the 
election  of  Grant  in  November.  *  *  *  Truly  as  the  certainty 
of  Grant's  election  manifests  itself,  the  light  breaks  in  every  direc 
tion."  On  the  night  of  October  3Oth  there  was  a  long  and  brilliant 
torch  light  procession  in  Lewiston.  The  whole  city  was  illumi 
nated  from  one  end  to  the  other,  and  Mr.  Dingley,  catching  the  en 
thusiasm  of  the  hour,  aroused  his  fellow-citizens  to  their  duty  in 
November.  Grant  was  triumphantly  elected  and  the  work  of  re 
construction  resumed.  "Grant's  election  will  greatly  diminish  the 
crimes  in  the  south,  and  bring  about  a  condition  of  peace  and  se 
curity,"  was  Mr.  Dingley's  comment. 

When  the  state  legislature  met  in  January  1869,  there  was  great 
excitement  over  the  contest  between  Mr.  Morrill  and  Mr.  Hamlin 
for  U.  S.  senator.  Both  claimed  the  prize.  Mr.  Morrill,  who  was 
U.  S.  senator,  was  in  Washington  attending  to  his  duties.  Mr. 
Hamlin  was  in  Augusta.  The  Republican  caucus  was  held  January 
7th.  Mr.  Hamlin  received  75  votes,  Mr.  Morrill  74,  and  there  was 
one  blank.  The  casting  of  this  blank  ballot  made  all  the  trouble. 
The  friends  of  Mr.  Hamlin  insisted  he  was  fairly  nominated,  and 
that  any  man  who  failed  to  vote  for  him  would  be  called  a  bolter 
and  disorganizer.  They  published  the  card  of  the  member  who 
cast  the  blank  vote  in  which  he  said  he  intended  to  vote  for  neither 
candidate.  Mr.  Merrill's  friends  insisted  that  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not 
have  a  clear  majority  and  the  caucus  adjourned  with  the  ruling 
of  the  chair  that  no  nomination  had  been  made.  It  was  claimed 
that  every  Republican  member  was  at  liberty  to  do  as  he  pleased, 
Mr.  Hamlin,  however,  was  nominated,  amid  intense  excitement. 

From  September  1868  to  September  1872,  Mr.  Dingley  led  an 
active  and  varied  life.  His  newspaper,  the  Lewiston  Journal,  was 
increasing  in  circulation  and  influence.  It  was  a  business  success 
and  an  object  of  pride  to  him  who  had  watched  it  and  nursed  it 
since  1856.  The  Journal  was  always  uncompromisingly  Republi 
can — a  political  guide  to  the  Republicans  of  Maine.  It  was  to 
Maine  Republicans  what  the  New  York  Tribune  was  to  the  Re 
publicans  at  large. 

Mr.  Dingley  attended  and  addressed  state  and  national  tem 
perance  conventions,  Congregational  conventions  and  political 


94  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

conventions.  The  latter  part  of  May  he  went  to  Oswego,  N.  Y.,  to 
attend  the  national  convention  of  Good  Templars.  June  24th  he 
tended  the  Republican  state  convention  at  Bangor,  when  Governor 
Chamberlain  was  renominated.  Mr.  Dingley,  however,  supported 
Sidney  Perham.  Early  in  August  he  attended  the  state  editorial 
convention  at  Portland  and  delivered  a  public  address  at  city  hall. 
In  September  he  went  to  California  in  search  of  rest  and  recreation, 
returning  only  to  be  seriously  ill  and  reduced  in  weight  to  123 
pounds.  December  i7th  Horace  Greeley  lectured  in  Lewiston  and 
Mr.  Dingley  presided. 

In  the  winter  of  1870  he  went  to  Augusta,  attended  the  Repub 
lican  caucus  and  appeared  before  legislative  committees  in  behalf 
of  important  railroad  and  educational  measures.  He  advocated 
the  granting  of  a  charter  for  a  railroad  from  Lewiston  to  Rumford ; 
also  a  bill  in  favor  of  uniformity  of  text-books. 

The  Republican  state  convention  was  held  June  I5th  1870.  Sid 
ney  Perham  1  was  nominated  for  governor.  Mr.  Dingley,  who 
was  one  of  Mr.  Perham's  warm  supporters,  2  presided  over  this 
convention,  and  in  the  course  of  his  address  said  that  "recent  his 
tory,  brief  as  it  may  be  in  years,  covers  a  series  of  events  such  as 
only  centuries  ordinarily  produce,  and  which  must  immortalize  that 
organization  to  which  was  committed  the  responsibility.  *  *  * 
But  there  are  still  rights  to  be  defended;  there  are  principles  of 
justice  to  be  asserted."  It  was  fitting  for  Mr.  Dingley  to  preside 
over  a  convention  that  nominated  Sidney  Perham  for  governor, 
for  Mr.  Dingley  and  Mr.  Perham  had  for  years  been  co-laborers  in 
the  cause  of  temperance  and  good  government.  3 

June  29th,  William  P.  Frye,  was  nominated  for  congress  by  the 
Republicans  of  that  district.  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "Mr.  Frye  will 

1— S.  F.  Hersey,  Hannibal  Hamlin's  candidate  for  governor,  was  opposed  to 
Mr.  Perham.  The  latter  says:  "I  owe  my  nomination  in  this  convention  largely 
to  the  untiring  efforts  of  Mr.  Dingley." 

2— "It  always  seemed  strange  to  me,"  says  Gov.  Perham,  "that  Mr.  Dingley, 
sc  eminently  qualified  for  this  place,  and  evidently  having  in  mind  his  own  se 
lection  for  governor,  chose  to  step  aside  at  this  time  and  help  secure  my  nomina 
tion.  Doubtless  for  some  reason  he  felt  it  was  not  his  time." 

3— Governor  Perham  said  in  1900:  "Nelson  Dingley  started  the  movement  in 
my  favor,  and  his  influence  proved  to  be  a  power.  The  convention  was  in  Au 
gusta,  and  there  were  1,400  delegates  in  the  hall.  The  contest  was  an  exciting 
one,  and  I  won  by  40  votes.  In  many  respects  Nelson  Dingley  was  the  ablest 
public  man  Maine  has  ever  produced.  He  was  not  an  orator  or  a  great  debater 
but  in  general  information  and  judgment  he  had  a  wonderful  mind.  His  memory 
was  remarkably  retentive,  and  his  grasp  on  all  the  details  of  public  affairs  as 
tonished  all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  His  work  was  creative,  and  is  being 
shown  in  the  prosperity  of  the  country  today.  He  will  live  in  history  as  one  of 
the  greatest  men  the  country  has  ever  produced." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  95 

enter  congress  prepared  by  his  large  legislative  experience,  by  his 
familiarity  with  parliamentary  proceedings,  by  his  ability  and  elo 
quence  as  a  public  speaker,  and  by  his  practical  wants  of  the  dis 
trict,  to  at  once  take  a  high  position  in  the  national  house."  The 
state  campaign  was  very  uninteresting.  The  Republicans  were 
apathetic.  There  were  few  speeches  and  little  excitement.  Mr. 
Dingley  spent  the  summer  attending  the  Main  Congregational  con 
ference  at  Yarmouth,  the  editorial  convention  at  Rye  Beach,  and 
resting  at  his  summer  home  at  the  sea  shore.  The  Republicans  car 
ried  the  state  by  about  8,000  majority.  Sidney  Perham  received 
54,019  votes,  and  Chas.  W.  Roberts,  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
governor,  45,733  votes.  Five  Republican  members  of  congress 
were  elected — John  Lynch,  William  Frye,  James  G.  Elaine,  John 
Peters,  and  Eugene  Hale. 

The  winter  of  1870-1871  found  Mr.  Dingley  laboring  indus 
triously  on  the  Journal  and  in  the  lecture  field.  His  most  popular 
lecture  was  on  "The  Mormons."  1  He  secured  material  for  this 
lecture  when  in  California  the  summer  before. 

April  20,  1871,  was  Fast  Day  in  the  State  of  Maine,  and  public 
services  were  held  at  the  Pine  street  Congregational  church,  Lew- 
iston.  Alonzo  Garcelon  was  mayor  of  the  city;  and  public  senti 
ment  was  somewhat  aroused  over  what  was  claimed  to  be  a  failure 
to  enforce  the  liquor  law.  In  the  course  of  the  exercises,  Rev.  Mr. 
Boothby  prayed  that  "the  mayor  might  have  help  on  High  to  en 
able  him  to  discharge  his  duties."  Mayor  Garcelon  was  in  the  audi 
ence,  and  took  exceptions  to  the  prayer  of  Rev.  Mr.  Boothby. 
Rising  from  his  seat  and  going  to  the  front  of  the  church  he  turned 
and  addressed  the  large  audience  saying:  "A  lie  will  travel  a 
league  while  truth  is  putting  on  its  boots.  I  suppose  from  the  re 
marks  of  the  reverend  gentleman  that  hell  itself  has  broken  loose 
in  our  city  and  that  the  waters  of  the  river  have  changed  to  rum. 
I  have  been  foully  libeled  in  this  prayer  to  Almighty  God.  I  wish 
to  state  that  all  my  appointments  have  been  with  a  view  of  enforc 
ing  the  law.  It  is  as  much  the  duty  of  every  citizen,  and  of  this  rev 
erend  libeler,  and  of  the  editor  of  the  Journal  to  execute  this  law  as 
it  is  of  the  public  police  force.  It  is  a  foul  bird  that  soils  its  own 
nest.  The  base  libel  put  fourth  in  the  prayer,  and  the  misrepresen 
tations  published  in  the  Journal,  reflect  upon  the  character  of  our 
reputable  city." 

The  editor  of  the  Journal  was  present  in  the  audience  when 
Mayor  Garcelon  made  this  speech.  The  next  day  the  Journal  con- 

1— See  Appendix. 


96  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

tained  a  long  and  vigorous  reply  setting  forth  a  large  amount  of 
good  sense  and  a  larger  amount  of  law.  It  completely  answered 
the  statement  of  Mayor  Garcelon,  sustained  the  reverend  gentle 
man  who  earnestly  invoked  Almighty  God,  and  aroused  public  sen 
timent  so  that  the  liquor  laws  were  strictly  enforced  thereafter. 

The  latter  part  of  May  Mr.  Dingley  was  in  Washington  and  at 
tended  a  large  reception  at  the  White  House  given  by  President 
Grant.  In  an  interesting  letter  to  the  Journal  describing  this  re 
ception  and  the  appearance  of  Mrs.  Grant  and  Nellie,  Mr.  Dingley 
said  that  "the  President  bore  the  ceremonies  like  a  martyr."  He 
spent  the  summer  at  his  island  home,  and  early  in  September  en 
tered  the  state  campaign.  He  spoke  at  several  large  rallies  and 
materially  assisted  the  Republicans  in  the  election  of  their  state 
ticket.  Sidney  Perham  was  re-elected  governor  by  about  10,000 
majority. 

During  these  years  Mr.  Dingley's  domestic  life  was  singularly 
happy.  He  was  fond  of  his  children  and  gave  to  them  that  love  and 
devotion  which  only  a  fond  parent  can  bestow.  His  first  sorrow 
came  on  the  6th  of  December,  1862,  when  his  little  son,  Charlie, 
passed  away  at  the  age  of  two  and  a  half  years.  Mr.  Dingley's 
diary,  for  years  after,  contained  loving  recollections  of  his  "dear 
boy"  who  had  passed  on  to  a  better  land.  For  almost  ten  years  af 
ter  this  first  visitation  of  death  in  his  family,  there  was  nothing  to 
bring  sorrow  into  the  household.  But  early  in  December,  1871, 
the  grim  messenger  again  appeared  at  the  family  altar ;  and  on  the 
2nd  day  of  that  month,  his  mother — "dearest  mother"  as  he  was 
wont  to  call  her — whom  he  revered  and  loved  with  a  tenderness 
that  only  a  lofty  and  noble  character  can  display,  passed  away.  To 
her,  of  whom  he  wrote  so  beautifully  in  earlier  years,  Mr.  Dingley 
paid  a  beautiful  tribute  in  the  columns  of  the  Journal.  1  "Asleep  in 
Jesus,"  and  "Jesus  Lover  of  My  Soul,"  were  sung,  the  latter  at  Mr. 
Dingley's  special  request,  as  it  was  his  favorite  hymn.  And  it  is  in 
teresting,  yes  pathetic,  to  note  that  at  the  request  of  Congressman 
Dingley's  family,  this  same  beautiful  hymn  was  sung  at  his  own 
funeral,  28  years  later,  in  the  national  house  of  representatives  at 
Washington ;  for  it  was  his  favorite  hymn. 

Mr.  Dingley's  most  important  public  work  in  the  winter  of 
1871-72  was  the  securing  of  a  charter  for  the  Grand  Trunk  railroad 
from  Lewiston  to  Danville  Junction.  He  fought  for  the  bill  before 
the  legislative  committee  and  the  legislature  itself.  Frederick 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  97 

Robie,  afterwards  governor  of  the  state  was  speaker.  x  There  was 
great  excitement  and  intense  feeling  aroused  by  the  opposition  of  a 
few,  interested  in  the  Maine  Central  railroad.  Public  meetings 
were  held,  addressed  by  Mr.  Dingley  and  others.  The  question  was 
whether  Lewiston  and  Auburn  should  subscribe  to  stock  in  the 
Lewiston  and  Auburn  railroad,  which  road  was  to  be  leased  to  the 
Grand  Trunk  railroad.  Most  of  the  opposition  came  from  the  own 
ers  of  the  local  mills,  residing  in  the  city  of  Boston.  As  a  result  of 
this  exciting  episode,  on  the  Qth  day  of  April  Lewiston  voted  by  an 
overwhelming  majority  to  take  stock  in  the  railroad.  Auburn  fol 
lowed  on  the  next  day,  and  there  was  great  rejoicing. 

From  January  to  April,  Mr.  Dingley  was  also  active  in  temper 
ance  matters,  addressing  several  conventions  and  gatherings  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  state. 

The  important  political  events  of  the  spring  and  summer  were 
the  nomination  of  Horace  Greeley  for  president,  by  the  Liberals, 
and  later  by  the  Democrats,  and  the  renomination  of  President 
Grant  by  the  Republicans  at  large,  and  the  renomination  of  Gover 
nor  Perham  by  the  Republicans  of  Maine.  The  Cincinnati  Liberal 
convention  "attracted  hangers-on  so  long  as  they  could  keep  their 
hands  in  the  fleshpots,"  said  Mr.  Dingley.  Greeley's  position  was 
the  result  of  a  resentment  on  account  of  President  Grant's  failure  to 
give  the  friends  of  the  philosopher  as  large  a  slice  of  the  national 
offices  as  the  editor  thought  due  him.  But  Mr.  Dingley  was  dis 
posed  to  be  fair  to  Mr.  Greeley,  by  saying  that  "it  is  a  disgrace  that 
many  of  the  leading  men  in  the  Republican  party  whom  Greeley 
elevated  to  influence,  have  been  so  ready  to  turn  their  backs  on 
their  benefactor.  But  then  politicians  are  generally  ungrateful." 

The  national  platform  of  this  year  was  "one  in  which  Republi 
cans  can  take  honorable  pride.  It  declares  for  protection,  the  ex- 
tention  of  American  commerce  and  ship-building  interests.  The 
cry  of  the  opposition  is,  anything  to  beat  Grant."  In  referring  to 
the  Democratic  convention  which  nominated  Greeley,  Mr.  Dingley 
called  it  "the  Baltimore  wedding,"  and  said  it  was  not  a  marriage 
of  affection  but  one  of  supposed  self-interest.  A  Grant  and  Wilson 
club  was  organized  in  Lewiston  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  elected  presi 
dent.  On  the  occasion  of  its  organization,  both  Mr.  Elaine  and  Mr. 
Morrill  spoke.  The  campaign  was  very  exciting,  and  Mr.  Dingley 

1— Former  Gov.  Robie  said  in  1900:  "For  Nelson  Dingley  I  entertained  the 
most  profound  regard.  I  was  always  acquainted  with  him,  and  we  were  always 
close  friends  personal  and  political.  He  helped  pie  to  the  first  speakership  in 
1872  and  the  other  also  in  1876,  for  that  matter.  On  both  of  these  occasions  I  re 
ceived  the  unanimous  support  of  Androscoggin  county,  and  it  was  largely 
through  Mr.  Dingley's  influence.  He  was  a  great  man  and  a  great  power." 


98  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

took  an  important  part.  On  the  26th  of  July  he  made  a  speech  in 
Lewiston  in  reply  to  General  Kilpatrick,  in  which  he  said  that  "the 
question  is,  ought  Republicans  to  assist  in  the  movement  to  over 
throw  the  Republican  party  and  to  restore  the  Democracy  to  the 
power  they  wielded  in  1860?"  In  this  speech  he  said  that  the  Re 
publicans  were  urged  to  vote  for  Greeley  because  Grant's  adminis 
tration  was  corrupt  and  extravagant.  Mr.  Dingley  showed  by  facts 
that  it  was  one  of  the  most  economical  and  upright  that  the  coun 
try  had  ever  had.  He  also  spoke  at  other  points  in  the  state,  and 
on  the  6th  of  September  was  himself  nominated  for  representative 
to  the  state  legislature.  On  the  7th  of  September  there  was  a  great 
torchlight  parade — the  largest  demonstration  Lewiston  had  seen 
for  years.  It  was  the  close  of  the  state  campaign  and  the  whole 
country  had  its  eyes  fixed  on  the  state  of  Maine.  Every  school  dis 
trict  in  the  state  had  been  canvassed ;  and  when  on  the  night  of 
September  gth  the  votes  were  counted,  it  was  found  that  the  Re 
publicans  had  swept  the  state.  Governor  Perham  received  71,888 
votes  and  Chas.  B.  Kimball,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  gover 
nor,  55,343  votes.  Mr.  Dingley  was  elected  by  the  largest  majority 
he  ever  received  as  a  candidate  for  representative  in  the  state  legis 
lature.  He  called  it  "Maine's  Tidal  Wave,"  and  said  that  "its  in 
fluence  will  be  decisive  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  There  will  be  a 
general  stampede  to  Grant."  Mr.  Elaine  telegraphed  Grant :  "Our 
victory  is  complete  and  overwhelming  at  all  points,  and  insures  you 
more  than  25,000  majority  in  November." 

That  fall  Mr.  Dingley  addressed  temperance  conventions,  edu 
cational  conventions,  and  farmers'  associations. 

On  the  8th  of  November  President  Grant  was  re-elected  amid 
great  rejoicing.  Mr.  Dingley  observed:  "It  is  a  strange  situation 
— Greeley,  the  great  Republican  leader  endorsed  by  Sumner, 
Trumbull,  Schurz,  Banks — all  going  to  defeat.  The  reason  is  only 
personal  for  their  course.  There  is  not  a  single  principle  to  justify 
their  action.  The  probability  is  that  before  Grant's  second  term  ex 
pires,  the  south  will  settle  down  into  a  thorough  acceptance  of  the 
results  of  the  war,  and  the  colored  men  will  be  recognized  then  as 
citizens  having  equal  rights.  The  influence  in  financial  directions  is 
good.  The  nation's  policy  is  settled.  The  result  is  a  vindication  of 
Grant's  character  and  motives."  Maine  gave  Grant  30,000  major 
ity,  5,000  more  than  Mr.  Elaine  predicted. 

January  i,  1873,  Mr.  Dingley  took  his  seat  in  the  state  legisla 
ture  for  the  sixth  and  last  time.  Edmund  F.  Webb  of  Waterville 
was  elected  speaker,  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  appointed  chairman  of 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  99 

the  committee  on  education  and  a  member  of  the  committee  on 
judiciary.  He  was,  in  this  session,  as  in  the  last,  the  recognized 
leader  of  his  party  in  the  house.  Associated  with  him  were :  Ara 
Cushman,  the  well  known  shoe  manufacturer  of  Auburn ;  Weston 
F.  Milliken,  a  prominent  Republican  of  Portland ;  W.  W.  Thomas, 
Jr.,  later  U.  S.  minister  to  Sweeden;  D.  N.  Mortland,  afterwards 
state  railroad  commissioner;  and  James  R.  Talbot  of  Machias. 

Governor  Perham  reviewed  the  situation  of  the  country  in  his 
message  to  the  legislature.  He  said  that  the  recent  presidential 
election  indicated  great  unanimity  upon  the  leading  questions  of 
public  policy.  The  debt  of  the  state  Jan.  i,  1873,  was  $7,187,900. 
He  referred  to  the  educational  development  of  the  state  and  her 
great  resources.  Concerning  the  enforcement  of  the  prohibitory 
laws  he  said :  "It  is  probable  that  less  intoxicating  liquors  are 
drank  in  Maine  than  in  any  other  place  of  equal  population  in  the 
country,  perhaps  the  civilized  world." 

The  second  day  of  the  session  Mr.  Dingley  offered  a  bill  to 
authorize  the  formation  of  railroad  companies.  This  was  called  the 
free  railroad  bill  which  passed  the  house  but  was  defeated  in  the 
senate.  This  bill  authorized  twenty-five  or  more  persons  to  organ 
ize  as  a  railroad  company  the  same  as  if  specially  chartered.  He  also 
framed  and  championed  a  free  high  school  bill  and  a  bill  to  promote 
the  efficiency  of  the  public  schools  of  Maine,  both  of  which  became 
laws.  *  He  also  reported  a  bill  putting  normal  schools  under  the 
direction  of  a  board  of  seven  trustees. 

On  the  27th  of  February  the  legislature  adjourned,  and  in  his 
parting  message  to  his  fellow  members  and  to  the  hall  in  which  he 
had  spent  so  many  days  promoting  the  interests  of  the  state,  he 
said :  "This  session  has  to  me  at  least,  been  one  of  unusual  inter 
est,  and  in  separating  I  am  sure  that  not  only  myself,  but  every 
member  of  this  house  will  carry  with  him  the  remembrance  of  the 
associations  which  have  been  vouchsafed  to  us  during  the  past  two 
months.  I  am  sure,  too,  that  the  proceedings  of  this  legislature 
have  been  such  as  to  commend  themselves  to  the  judgment  of  th« 
people  of  the  state.  If  we  have  erred  at  all,  it  has  been  on  the  side 
of  caution.  *  *  *  I  am  sure  that  in  some  of  the  legislation, 
there  have  been  enacted  measures  which  will  tell  wonderfully  upon 
the  future  of  this  state.  *  *  *  It  has  been  my  fortune  to  have 
been  a  member  of  some  half  a  dozen  previous  legislatures,  and  I 

1 — Chapter  115,  acts  of  1873.  "An  act  to  enable  academies  to  surrender  their 
property  to  cities,  towns  or  plantations  for  the  benefit  of  free  high  schools." 

Chapter  124,  acts  of  1873.  "Towns  may  establish  and  maintain  free  high 
schools  and  may  receive  state  aid  not  exceeding  $500.00  to  any  one  town." 


ioo  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

can  say  from  my  heart  that  no  previous  session  has  seemed  to  me  to 
be  so  harmonious,  and  to  embody  so  much  that  we  shall  carry  away 
and  always  hold  in  fond  remembrance.  We  came  here  most  of  us 
strangers — we  part  friends.  *  *  *  We  shall  never  all  meet 
again  on  earth ;  but  I  trust  that  when  our  life-work  is  done,  and 
when  we  shall  cross  the  dark  river,  it  will  be  our  unspeakable 
happiness  to  be  gathered  in  that  distant  land — that  haven  prepared 
for  those  who  have  faithfully  done  their  duties."  Thus  closed  his 
legislative  career  in  the  state  house  of  representatives. 

In  addition  to  his  editorial  and  legislative  labors,  Mr.  Dingley 
delivered  his  lecture  on  "The  Mormons"  at  Auburn,  Augusta, 
West  Waterville,  Bath,  Pittsfield,  Biddeford,  Fryeburg  and  Harri 
son.  He  was  now  41  years  old.  He  had  served  in  the  house  six 
terms,  twice  as  speaker.  He  displayed  a  wonderful  grasp  of  par 
liamentary  and  legislative  questions,  and  gave  evidence  of  his  fu 
ture  greatness.  His  judgment  in  business  and  political  affairs  was 
unerring,  and  his  executive  ability  was  exceptional.  He  possessed 
a  mind  stored  with  facts  covering  a  wide  range.  His  memory  was 
wonderful.  His  powers  of  reasoning  were  rare.  He  was  consid 
erate  and  gentle,  yet  firm  and  decisive.  He  was  honest,  and  the 
people  had  faith  in  him.  He  was  a  Christian  and  the  people  revered 
him.  It  might  be  truthfully  said,  he  was  directed  by  an  unseen 
hand  to  great  and  good  deeds.  Not  even  a  shadow  of  scandal 
rested  upon  him.  Like  Caesar's  wife  he  was  above  suspicion.  1 

1 — Hon.  S.   J.  Chadbourne,  writes  as  follows  of  Mr.  Dingley  as  a  legislator: 
He  was  a  member  of  the  house  in  1873,  and  I  was  the  clerk.    As  a  legislator  he 
was  industrious,  methodical  and  painstaking,  thus  early  giving  promise  of  the 
great  ability  with  which  he  distinguished  himself,  later,  when  a  member  of  the 
itional  house  of  representatives.     During  his  service  in  the  Maine  house,  he 
was  ever  found  on  the  right  or  moral  side  of  all  important  public  measures.    Mr. 
mgley  as  is  well  known,  was  always  a  persistent,  consistent,  active  temperance 
n  and  worker,  and  he  gave,  while  in  the  public  service  of  the  state,  an  im- 
letus  to  the  cause  of  prohibition  that  placed  it  on  high  ground  above  the  as 
saults  cf  its  enemies.    He  stood  for  liberty,  humanity,  and  progress,  which  were 
the  tenets  of  his  party." 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
1873-1876. 

During  the  winter  of  1872-1873  Mr.  Dingley's  name  was  freely 
used  by  many  of  his  friends  in  connection  with  the  Republican 
nomination  for  governor ;  but  he  did  not  think  seriously  of  the  mat 
ter  until  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  legislature.  April  17  (Fast 
day)  he  went  to  Brunswick  to  address  a  temperance  reform  club. 
There  he  met  by  appointment,  Governor  Perham,  Col.  Fred  N. 
Dow,  Col.  Shaw,  Hon.  E.  W.  Stetson  and  other  friends,  and  de 
cided  to  allow  the  use  of  his  name  in  connection  with  the  guber 
natorial  nomination.  On  the  23rd  of  April  he  met  General  Murray, 
Col.  Drew,  Mr.  Stacey,  Congressman  Elaine  and  others  in  Au 
gusta  ;  and  the  information  he  obtained  led  him  to  arrange  at  once 
to  publicly  announce  his  candidacy.  He  made  no  canvass  but  simply 
wrote  letters  to  friends  in  every  county  in  the  state.  Having  de 
cided  to  be  a  candidate  for  governor  he  published  the  following  in 
the  Journal :  "From  the  relations  to  the  Journal  of  one  of  the  gen 
tlemen  mentioned  in  connection  with  this  nomination,  it  will  not  be 
expected  of  us  that  we  should  say  more  than  simply  to  quote  the 
views  of  some  of  our  Republican  contemporaries." 

Nearly  all  the  Republican  papers  in  the  state  favored  his  candi- 
cacy — the  Farmington  Chronicle  leading  off.  The  Chronicle  said : 
"He  is  the  strongest  man  in  every  desirable  sense  of  the  word,  that 
the  Republican  party  of  this  state  can  put  in  nomination."  The  Ox 
ford  Democrat  said :  "A  more  worthy,  competent  and  suitable  man 
to  fill  the  place,  could  not  be  brought  forward  than  Mr.  Dingley, 
and  he  only  consents  to  be  a  candidate  at  the  request  of  leading 
men  throughout  the  state."  The  Machias  Republican  said :  "Mr. 


102  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

.Dingley  is  no  trading  politician,  but  an  honest,  candid,  straight 
forward  man."  The  Bridgton  News  said:  "He  is  able  and 
thoroughly  conversant  with  the  affairs  of  the  state,  of  strict  integ 
rity,  and  in  every  respect  such  a  man  as  the  public  can  take  pleasure 
in  elevating  to  positions  of  honor  and  trust."  The  Portland  Star 
said :  "He  is  a  man  of  the  people,  and  his  name  is  identified  with 
many  of  the  reforms  in  which  the  public  have  taken  most  interest." 
The  Saco  Independent  said :  "He  is  a  man  of  high  character,  noble 
purpose  and  indomitable  will."  The  Calias  Advertiser  said :  "He 
is  a  man  of  the  people  and  not  a  politician.  A  man  of  integrity  and 
purity  of  personal  and  political  character." 

On  the  1 3th  of  May,  Hon.  N.  A.  Farwell,  who  was  also  a  candi 
date  for  governor,  withdrew,  and  declared  for  Ex-Judge  Kent  of 
Bangor.  There  was  great  excitement  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
canvass,  but  Mr.  Dingley  found  time  to  deliver  the  Memorial  day 
address  at  Bethel.  The  caucus  to  select  delegates  to  the  state  con 
vention  from  the  city  of  Lewiston,  was  held  June  7th.  Through  se 
cret  efforts,  largely  by  a  few  Republicans  who  objected  to  his  activ 
ity  in  securing  a  charter  for  the  Lewiston  and  Auburn  railroad 
(leased  to  the  Grand  Trunk  railroad),  a  few  delegates  opposed  to 
him  were  placed  upon  the  delegation.  There  was  much  feeling 
upon  the  part  of  Mr.  Dingley's  friends,  but  the  incident  was  passed 
by  unnoticed  by  him  who  was  most  deeply  interested. 

The  convention  met  in  the  city  of  Bangor,  June  igth.  Con 
gressman  Hale  presided,  and  Congressman  Wm.  P.  Frye  headed 
the  delegation  from  Lewiston.  There  were  1,246  delegates,  and  in 
addition  a  large  number  of  friends  of  each  of  the  candidates.  Mr. 
Dingley's  headquarter's  were  at  the  Bangor  house.  They  were 
thronged  with  his  friends  and  supporters,  all  confident  of  his  nomi 
nation,  notwithstanding  the  slight  defection  in  his  own  delegation. 
The  convention  met  at  eleven  in  the  morning  and  the  balloting  be 
gan  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  At  Mr.  Dingley's  sugges 
tion,  the  convention  voted  to  ballot  by  counties.  This  was  done  in 
order  to  bring  squarely  before  the  convention  whatever  defection 
existed  in  Lewiston.  The  plan  worked  successfully,  and  when 
Androscoggin  county  was  called,  the  vote  in  that  county  stood — 
Dingley  68,  Stone  5,  Kent  2.  Thus  the  opposition  to  him  in  his 
own  county,  small  as  it  was,  was  exposed.  The  first  ballot  resulted 
as  follows:  Dingley  816,  Stone  211,  Kent  170.  The  announce 
ment  was  received  with  intense  enthusiasm ;  and  in  the  midst  of 
long  and  enthusiastic  applause,  the  candidate  was  called  for  and 
escorted  to  the  platform.  In  accepting  the  nomination  he  said : 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.— 1874-5. 
GOVERNOR  OF  MAINE. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  103 

"For  the  distinguished  mark  of  confidence  which  as  I  am  informed 
by  your  committee  this  convention  has  conferred  upon  me,  I  tender 
you  my  most  sincere  thanks.  I  accept  the  nomination  with  which 
you  have  honored  me,  with  a  due  appreciation  of  the  regard  it  im 
plies,  and,  as  I  trust,  with  a  deep  sense  of  the  obligations  and  re 
sponsibilities  which  it  may  impose.  *  *  *  I  most  earnestly 
join  with  you  in  condemnation  of  such  flagrant  disregard  of  the  ob 
ligations  of  public  faith  and  virtue  as  was  some  months  since  shown 
by  the  officials  of  the  chief  commercial  city  of  the  union  and  more 
recently  in  a  less  extensive,  but  not  less  dangerous  manner,  by  such 
members  of  congress  as  accepted  an  interest  in  Credit  Mobilier 
stock  or  dividend,  after  they  had  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  in 
tended  to  influence  their  votes  for  legislation  favoring  the  corpora 
tions  at  the  expense  of  the  nation.  I  most  heartily  approve  of  the 
earnest  and  unequivocal  manner  in  which  you  have  rebuked  the 
action  of  the  late  congress  on  the  salary  measure  and  demanding  its 
prompt  repeal.  This  measure  I  cannot  but  regard  as  wrong  in 
principle,  and  dangerous  in  practice  and  involving  such  a  breach  of 
faith  as  would  make  it  a  pernicious  precedent  and  an  evil  example, 
should  it  not  be  repealed.  It  is  with  me  a  deep  and  abiding  convic 
tion  that  national  safety  is  to  be  assured  only  by  the  preservation  of 
public  virtue  and  integrity,  and  that  the  secret  of  compactness  is  in 
national  conscience,  national  affection,  and  national  faith  in  moral 
ideas."  •;< 

The  platform  adopted  denounced  the  recent  action  of  congress 
known  as  the  salary  grab,  deplored  the  increase  of  private  legisla 
tion  both  in  the  legislatures  of  the  state  and  in  the  national  con 
gress,  and  finally  declared,  "that  this  convention  presents  to  the 
people  the  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  as  a  gentleman  of  unspotted 
reputation,  distinguished  for  his  services  in  the  public  affairs  of  the 
state,  and  capable  of  filling  the  executive  chair  with  the  wisdom  and 
ability  demanded  by  the  first  office  in  the  state." 

That  night  Lewiston  indulged  in  a  rousing  celebration  over  Mr. 
Dingley's  nomination,  and  the  next  day  he  was  received  royally  by 
his  fellow  townsmen.  In  commenting  upon  Mr.  Dingley's  nomina 
tion,  the  Journal  said  with  characteristic  modesty :  "To  say  nothing 
of  the  candidate  selected,  the  other  gentlemen  were  of  so  high  char 
acter  and  so  unexceptional  and  conceded  ability,  that  there  was  a 
feeling  of  regret  among  most  Republicans  that  they  were  obliged 
to  select  one  and  set  aside  others." 

More  than  three-quarters  of  the  Democratic  papers  spoke  in 
words  of  strong  approval  of  Mr.  Dingley's  speech  of  acceptance. 


104  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

There  was  no  political  canvass  during  the  summer  on  either 
side,  Mr.  Dingley's  election  being  conceded.  There  was  little  in 
terest  in  the  campaign.  The  Democrats  nominated  Joseph  Tit- 
comb  of  Kennebunk  as  their  candidate  for  governor.  Even  the 
Democratic  papers  of  the  state  spoke  very  kindly  of  Mr.  Dingley's 
•candidacy,  so  highly  was  he  esteemed  by  men  of  all  parties.  The 
liberal  Democrats  nominated  Joseph  H.  Williams  for  governor,  but 
he  cut  very  little  figure  in  the  election.  The  contest  resulted  in  Mr. 
Dingley's  election  for  governor  by  a  majority  of  9,535  over  all. 
He  received  45,244  votes,  Titcomb  32,924,  Williams  2,160,  scat 
tering  625.  On  the  3Oth  of  December  he  held  a  conference  with 
Mr.  Elaine  at  the  latter's  home  in  Augusta,  and  on  the  8th  of  Jan 
uary  he  was  inaugurated  governor.  The  state  capitol  was  crowded 
on  that  day.  One  of  the  Republican  leaders  and  one  of  Maine's 
favorite  sons  was  to  assume  the  responsibilities  attending  the  posi 
tion  of  chief  executive  of  the  state.  His  record  as  a  temperance 
man  and  an  advocate  of  moral  legislation  had  made  him  famous 
throughout  the  state ;  and  his  inaugural  address  attracted  wide  at 
tention.  Among  other  things  he  said :  "In  entering  upon  the  dis 
charge  of  the  duties  to  which  we  have  been  respectively  called  by 
our  fellow-citizens,  it  is  fitting  that  we  should  recognize  our  de 
pendence  upon  that  Being  who  is  over  all  and  above  all.  We  have 
cause  for  devout  gratitude  for  the  Divine  favor  which  has  been 
shown  toward  the  state  and  .the  nation  during  the  year  which  has 
just  closed.  In  no  period  of  the  history  of  either,  has  our  advance 
in  population,  material  prosperity  and  other  conditions,  been  more 
conspicuous.  We  may  well  congratulate  ourselves  that  so  marked 
progress  has  been  made  in  healing  the  wounds  of  the  terrible  strug 
gle  for  national  existence  and  in  re-uniting  all  sections  of  our  be 
loved  country  in  a  common  devotion  to  a  republic  preserved  from 
the  enemies  without  and  within,  redeemed  from  the  curse  of  slavery 
and  consecrated  to  the  grand  work  of  maintaining  the  equal  rights 
of  every  citizen.  The  financial  panic  which  so  recently  threatened 
to  cause  serious  derangement  to  the  business  of  the  country,  has 
not  been  without  its  influence  for  good.  It  has  given  new  emphasis 
to  the  great  economic  law,  that  the  savings  rather  than  the  incomes 
of  the  people  are  the  measure  of  their  material  prosperity.  The 
careful  observer  of  the  tendencies  to  extravagance  so  noticeable 
everywhere,  cannot  but  recognize  the  truth  that  economy  is  the  one 
word  that  needs  to  be  spoken  and  put  in  practice  in  private  as  well 
as  public  circles.  Fortunately  the  wave  of  extravagance  has  not 
been  felt  in  this  part  of  the  country  with  as  much  force  as  elsewhere. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  105 

Although  the  public  affairs  of  the  state  have  been  managed  with 
such  exceptional  prudence  and  integrity,  that  the  opportunities  for 
retrenchment  are  few ;  yet  you  will  undoubtedly  consider  it  an  im 
perative  duty  at  this  time  to  study  the  closest  economy  and  to  con 
fine  your  appropriations  within  as  narrow  limits  as  is  consistent 
with  the  public  welfare.  In  wisely  prescribing  the  extent  of  public 
expenditures,  and  in  determining  such  cases  of  compensation  of 
public  officers  as  may  arise,  you  cannot  fail  to  recognize  those  rules 
which  are  at  once  the  safety  and  glory  of  a  popular  government — 
that  frugality  and  simplicity  are  essential  characteristics  of  free  in 
stitutions;  and  that  official  position  should  be  sought  less  for  the 
salaries  attached  to  them  than  for  the  satisfaction  and  honor  which 
comes  from  faithful  public  service.  In  every  endeavor  to  maintain 
and  promote  the  highest  efficiency,  economy  and  integrity  in  all  the 
departments  of  the  state  government,  you  will  have  my  earnest  co 
operation.  *  *  *  It  will  be  observed  that  up  to  the  present 
time  almost  the  only  resource  of  the  state  to  meet  both  ordinary 
and  extraordinary  expenditures,  has  been  direct  taxation.  The 
state  tax  last  year  was  five  mills  on  the  dollar,  but  it  is  the  judgment 
of  the  treasurer  that  the  tax  may  be  reduced  the  present  year  to 
41-2  mills  providing  the  legislature  shall  make  no  unusual  appro 
priations.  I  most  earnestly  urge,  however,  that  you  should  con 
sider  whether  it  is  not  advisable  to  devise  some  method  other  than 
direct  taxation  to  secure  a  part  of  the  revenue  required  for  state  ex 
penditures  ;  so  that  the  rate  of  taxation  may  be  still  further  reduced. 
Pennsylvania  finds  no  difficulty  in  securing  sufficient  receipts  from 
indirect  taxation  to  support  the  state  government.  A  large  share 
of  the  state  expenditures  of  Massachusetts  is  met  by  the  proceeds 
of  a  state  tax  upon  the  valuation  of  the  corporate  stock  of  railroads 
and  other  corporations  over  and  above  municipal  taxation  for  real 
estate  and  machinery ;  and  upon  the  business  of  the  fire  and  life  in 
surance  companies.  Without  indicating  more  in  detail  what  sources 
of  revenue  may  be  made  available  in  this  state,  I  desire  to  call  your 
attention  to  the  subject,  and  to  suggest  a  careful  investigation  and 
inquiry,  with  a  view  of  devising  methods  of  lifting  some  portion  of 
the  burden  of  taxation  from  real  estate.  Such  a  policy  would  give 
needed  encouragement  to  our  agricultural  interests  and  promote 
the  developments  of  the  resources  of  the  state.  *  *  *  The  re 
port  of  the  superintendent  of  common  schools  presents  an  encour 
aging  view  of  the  conditions  and  prospects  of  the  educational  inter 
ests  of  the  state.  The  increase  in  school  money  arising  from  the 
state  mill  tax  and  the  tax  on  savings  banks ;  the  improvements  in 


io6  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

methods  of  teaching  growing  largely  out  of  the  work  of  our  normal 
schools ;  and  the  already  marked  influence  of  the  free  high  school 
system  adopted  by  the  last  legislature,  have  materially  improved 
the  character  and  efficiency  of  our  public  schools  and  aroused  a  new 
interest  in  the  cause  of  education.  The  free  high  school  system, 
although  in  practical  operation  but  little  more  than  half  of  the  year, 
has  already  achieved  so  great  a  success  as  to  surpass  the  utmost  ex 
pectations  of  its  warmest  friends  and  to  promise  within  a  reason 
able  time,  results  that  but  satisfy  all  of  the  wisdom  of  the  policy. 
The  official  reports  show  that  150  free  high  schools,  in  133  different 
towns  and  plantations,  representing  every  county  in  the  state,  have 
been  maintained  from  one  to  three  terms  each,  since  the  first  of 
March  last ;  and  that  these  schools  have  been  supported  by  munici 
pal  appropriations  to  the  amount  of  $83,523,  and  state  aid  to  the 
amount  of  $28,134.  In  these  schools  10,286  pupils  have  received 
instructions  in  those  branches  usually  taught  in  the  common 
schools,  including  primary  studies;  and  also  in  such  other  direc 
tions  as  are  demanded  by  the  increasing  industrial  and  business 
wants  of  the  time.  *  *  *  Many  youths  who  will  hereafter 
make  valuable  teachers  of  our  common  schools  are  receiving  in  the 
free  high  schools  that  broader  and  deeper  culture  so  essential  to 
prepare  them  for  this  high  work.  *  *  *  It  was  feared  by  some 
that  the  system  would  be  impractical  for  small  towns ;  but  some  of 
the  most  successful  free  high  schools  maintained  during  the  autumn 
have  been  in  just  such  localities.  *  *  *  Indeed,  thus  far  the 
most  complete  success  of  the  free  high  school  system  has  been  in 
exclusively  farming  towns  where  this  adjunct  of  the  common  school 
system  is  affording  such  facilities  of  education  as  can  serve  to  in 
crease  the  attraction  of  that  rural  life  which  is  the  source  of  our  na 
tional  strength  and  purity.  With  a  continuance  of  the  system  there 
can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  within  a  brief  period  these  schools  will 
be  established  in  most  all  the  towns  of  the  state ;  and  will  give  such 
an  impetus  to  our  educational  interests  as  nothing  else  could. 

''It  is  cheaper  and  more  effective  and  beneficent  to  prevent 
crime  by  removing  its  causes,  than  to  allow  these  to  ripen  into  crim 
inal  acts  which  require  punishment.  A  large  part  of  this  work  of 
prevention  is  within  the  sphere  of  personal  moral  effort ;  yet  that 
important  portion  which  consists  in  removing  the  hindrances  to 
right  conduct,  and  repressing  the  temptation  to  vice  interposed  by 
men  in  their  relations  as  citizens,  comes  confessedly  within  the  do 
main  of  the  law.  Indeed  no  government  fulfills  its  mission  which 
forgets  that  the  state  can  in  this  way  do  much  to  make  it  easy  to  do 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  107 

right  and  difficult  to  do  wrong.  So  large  a  proportion  of  pauperism 
and  crime  arises  from  intemperance  of  which  the  dram  shop  is  the 
prolific  cause,  that  all  citizens  who  have  regard  for  the  public  safety 
and  welfare,  as  well  as  the  highest  court  of  the  nation,  unite  in  af 
firming  the  principle  that  the  liquor  traffic  is  a  source  of  great  peril 
to  society,  against  which  it  is  the  duty  of  the  state  to  protect  itself 
by  such  enactments  as  the  legislative  authority  shall  consider  best 
calculated  to  that  end.  On  this  well  settled  principle  has  rested  all 
the  legislation  ever  had  in  restraint  of  the  liquor  traffic,  whether  in 
volving  the  principle  of  license  or  prohibition.  For  more  than  200 
years,  first  in  the  parent  province  and  commonwealth  and  subse 
quently  in  the  state  of  Maine,  a  thorough  trial  was  had  of  the 
license  system  in  every  form  that  could  be  devised.  This  experi 
ence  led  to  so  wide-spread  conviction  that  any  system  of  licensing 
dram  shops  is  nearly  powerless  to  repress  the  temptations  which 
promote  intemperance,  that  in  1851  this  state  adopted  the  policy  of 
prohibiting  drinking  houses,  and  tippling  shopes  altogether,  and  of 
authorizing  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  only  for  medicinal  and 
mechanical  purposes,  by  agents  appointed  for  that  purpose.  This 
system  has  had  a  trial  of  only  22  years ;  yet  its  success  in  this  brief 
period  has  on  the  whole  been  so  much  greater  than  that  of  any 
other  plan  yet  devised,  that  prohibition  may  be  said  to  be  accepted 
by  a  large  majority  of  the  people  as  the  proper  policy  of  this  state 
toward  drinking  houses  and  tippling  shops,  and  to  be  acquiesced  in 
to  a  great  extent  by  others,  as  an  experiment  which  should  have  as 
thorough  a  trial  as  other  systems  which  preceded  it.  By  dealing  in 
this  spirit  with  a  question  affecting  so  momentous  interests,  there 
will  ultimately  be  substantial  agreement  among  all  good  citizens  on 
such  a  policy  as  experience  shall  have  shown  to  be  the  most  effec 
tive  in  repressing  the  evils  of  the  liquor  traffic.  To  this  end  such  an 
investigation  into  the  effects  of  the  traffic,  and  the  results  of  the 
legislation  to  suppress  or  restrain  the  same,  as  is  contemplated  by  a 
proposition  introduced  into  congress  by  one  of  the  representatives 
from  this  state,  could  not  fail  to  be  in  the  highest  degree  beneficial. 
It  would  be  unwise  for  anyone  to  claim  that  prohibition  has  entirely 
suppressed  or  can  entirely  suppress  the  dram  shop.  That  is  no 
more  possible  than  it  is  for  human  enactments  to  entirely  prevent 
theft,  robbery,  arson,  or  even  murder.  Indeed,  any  effective  en 
actments  against  practices  which  are  exceptionally  profitable,  and 
at  the  same  time  pander  to  mens'  appetites  and  passions,  are  pecul 
iarly  difficult  of  thorough  enactment  as  has  already  been  found  the 
case  with  statutes  prohibiting  gambling  saloons,  as  well  as  drink- 


io8  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ing  houses  and  tippling  shops.  The  true  test  of  the  merits  of  such 
legislation  of  whatever  character,  is  not  whether  it  entirely  uproots 
the  evils  prohibited,  but  whether  on  the  whole  it  does  not  repress 
them  as  effectually  as  any  system  that  can  be  devised.  Where  our 
prohibitory  laws  have  been  well  enforced,  few  will  deny  that  they 
have  accomplished  great  good.  In  more  than  three-fourths  of  the 
state,  especially  in  rural  portions,  where  forty  years  since  intoxicat 
ing  liquors  were  as  freely  and  commonly  used  as  any  article  of  mer 
chandise,  public  sentiment  has  secured  such  an  enforcement  of 
these  laws  that  there  is  now  in  these  districts  few  open  bars ;  and 
eten  secret  sales  are  so  much  reduced  as  to  make  drunkenness  in 
rural  towns  comparatively  rare.  The  exceptions  to  this  state  of 
things  are  mainly  in  some  of  the  cities  and  larger  villages,  where 
public  sentiment  on  this  question  is  usually  not  so  sustained  as  in 
towns  more  remote  from  the  tide  of  immigration.  But  even  in  these 
places  our  prohibitory  legislation  has  always  been  enforced  to  some 
extent,  and  not  infrequently  with  much  thoroughness ;  and  has 
never  been  without  that  important  influence  for  good  which  all  laws 
in  moral  directions  exert.  *  *  *  Valuable  and  indispensable 
as  is  the  prohibitory  system  of  legislation  for  the  repression  of 
drinking  houses  and  tippling  shops,  whose  fruits  are  drunkenness, 
ignorance,  brutality,  waste,  pauperism,  crime,  impaired  health, 
shattered  intellect,  premature  decay  and  untimely  death,  it  should 
not  be  forgotten  that  the  efficiency  of  law,  as  well  as  the  power  of 
those  moral  instrumentalities  which  law  only  supplements,  depend 
upon  the  constancy  and  energy  with  which  labors  are  directed  to 
maintain  a  high  standard  of  public  sentiment  on  this  question.  In 
so  glorious  a  moral  work  as  this,  every  good  citizen  should  unite  his 
sympathies  and  efforts.  *  *  *  Our  obligations  to  the  men  who 
took  their  lives  in  their  hands  and  went  forth  to  the  call  of  their 
country,  will  not  be  redeemed  so  long  as  there  shall  remain  a  desti 
tute  boy  in  blue  or  an  indigent  family  of  a  living  or  dead  soldier 
whose  necessities  are  not  supplied,  and  supplied,  too,  not  as 
paupers,  but  as  citizens,  who  are  only  receiving  what  they  have 
more  than  earned.  *  *  *  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  3Oth  day 
of  May  each  year  has  been  designated  by  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  as  the  soldiers  memorial  day,  there  seems  to  me  to  be 
eminent  propriety  in  giving  the  same  legal  recognition  to  the  day 
in  this  state  as  is  given  to  other  holidays.  *  *  *  I  suggest 
whether  it  would  not  be  more  in  accord  with  the  dignity  of  the  state 
and  the  independence  of  the  office  of  railroad  commissioner,  if  the 
salaries  of  the  commissioners  should  be  paid  from  the  state  treas- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  109 

ury  and  the  state  itself  should  assess  the  several  railroad  corpora 
tions  for  the  amount  of  the  same.  Railroads  have  become  so  in 
dispensable  an  agency  in  the  material  development  of  the  state  and 
exert  so  important  an  influence  over  the  public  interests,  as  to  make 
the  laws  relating  to  them  worthy  of  your  thoughtful  attention. 

"The  pressing  necessity  for  the  extention  of  new  railroads  into 
large  sections  of  our  state,  have  thus  far  made  restrictions  on 
railroad  corporations  in  the  public  interest,  seem  to  be  less  essential 
than  in  many  other  states.  The  fact  that  such  a  feeling  of  confi 
dence  exists  to  a  great  extent,  makes  the  present  time  peculiarly 
favorable  for  such  a  careful  revision  of  our  railroad  legislation,  as 
will,  on  the  one  hand,  impose  upon  railroad  corporations  just  re 
sponsibilities  and  restraints,  and  on  the  other  hand,  properly  pro 
tect  capital  and  inspire  that  public  confidence  which  is  so  essential 
to  the  true  interests  of  railroads  as  well  as  communities.  Inasmuch 
as  railroad  corporations  are  granted  extraordinary  powers  which 
partake  of  the  nature  of  sovereignty,  it  is  only  after  many  limita 
tions  and  restrictions  that  they  can  be  said  to  be  private  corpora 
tions  at  all.  Railroads  should  not  and  cannot  be  regarded  simply  or 
even  principally  as  the  property  of  individuals  to  be  managed  as 
they  please.  They  are  public  works,  no  matter  by  whose  capital 
built ;  and  while  the  rights  of  the  property  in  them  may  not  be  vio 
lated,  yet  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  state  to  see  to  it  that  they 
are  so  managed  as  to  serve  the  public.  So  superior  are  they  to 
every  other  means  of  land  transportation,  and  so  expensive  is  the 
construction  of  competing  lines,  that  railroads  are  practically  and 
not  necessarily  in  any  offensive  sense,  monopolies  along  their  re 
spective  lines  of  business ;  and  unless  there  is  some  power  to  re 
strain  them  expressly  or  impliedly  reserved,  in  the  control  of  the 
state,  as  there  always  is  in  other  grants  of  exclusive  privileges^ 
they  may  not  only  impose  such  freight  and  passenger  tax  on  the 
people  as  to  control  markets  and  destroy  or  build  up  communities, 
but  they  may  discriminate  between  citizens  at  pleasure.  Valuable 
and  even  indispensable  as  railroads  may  be  to  a  community  so  long 
as  these  corporations  are  servants,  yet,  in  view  of  the  tendency  to  a 
combination  of  their  interests  and  aggregation  of  their  capital  in 
the  hands  of  a  few,  if  they  are  allowed  to  become  masters,  a  large 
part  of  the  benefits  which  the  public  have  a  right  to  expect  from 
them,  will  be  lost  and  the  corporations  become  sources  of  oppres 
sion  and  public  peril.  *  *  *  The  question  as  to  how  far  the 
legislature  may  exercise  control  of  the  railroad  corporations  which 
it  has  hitherto  chartered — the  most  of  them  with  peculiar  privileges 


no  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

and  powers — is  still  in  some  important  aspects  an  open  one,  al 
though  judicial  decisions  are  gradually  developing  legislative  rights 
which  these  corporations  have  steadily  denied.  It  has  been  held  by 
the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  that  railroad  corporations 
are  common  carriers,  as  that  office  is  defined  by  the  common  law — 
at  least  as  far  as  to  require  them  to  provide  sufficient  and  conven 
ient  methods  of  transportation  and  to  carry  passengers  and  freight 
for  all  persons  without  distinction  and  without  unjust  discrimina 
tions  ;  even  if  not  on  such  terms  as  may  be  determined  to  be  reason 
able.  It  has  also  been  held  that  a  railroad  corporation  may  be 
judicially  deprived  of  its  franchises  for  non-use  or  misuse  of 
them;  and  that  notwithstanding  the  ownership  of  a  railroad 
may  be  private,  yet  the  use  is  public,  and  the  road  itself  a  public 
highway.  And  as  a  necessary  consequence  of  this  the  court  added 
by  way  of  argument  that  'the  legislature  is  the  executive  judge  of 
the  mode  of  use,'  and  this  carries  with  it  the  right  to  make  such 
provisions  and  impose  such  restrictions  as  the  legislature  may 
think  necessary  for  public  convenience  as  well  as  safety.  *  *  * 
I  recommend  a  general  law  for  the  formation  of  railroad  cor 
porations  and  construction  of  railroads.  Hitherto  this  has  been 
done  by  special  charter  and  has  involved  not  only  all  the  evils 
incident  to  all  special  ordinary  legislation,  but  also,  at  least 
in  some  other  states,  in  cases  where  proposed  railroads  are 
supposed  to  conflict  with  existing  railways,  those  fearfully 
demoralizing  practices  to  which  great  corporations  sometimes 
resort  to  defeat  or  promote  legislative  measures.  These  evils 
would  be  entirely  removed  by  a  general  law  authorizing  a  suitable 
number  of  persons,  under  restrictions  which  carefully  protected  pri 
vate  as  well  as  public  interests,  to  construct  railroads  between  such 
points  as  they  desire  and  could  obtain  the  means  to  build.  *  *  * 
Inasmuch  as  it  must  ever  be  the  aim  of  the  managers  of  a  railroad 
corporation  to  make  the  net  earnings  sufficient  to  pay  the  interest 
on  the  bounded  indebtedness  and  stock  of  the  road,  the  law  should 
guard  against  the  serious  evils  which  have  resulted  in  some  states 
from  what  is  popularly  known  as  'watering  stock'  by  absolutely 
prohibiting  the  issuing  of  any  stock  except  for  a  consideration  of 
money,  labor  or  property  equal  to  the  par  value  of  such  stock ;  or 
any  bonds  or  other  evidence  of  indebtedness  except  for  such  con 
sideration  equal  to  perhaps  80  per  cent  of  their  value.  *  *  * 
So  much  danger  is  incident  to  the  growing  practice  of  railroad  cor 
porations  in  purchasing  and  holding  real  and  personal  property  for 
other  purposes  than  those  necessary  to  carry  on  the  business  for 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  in 

which  they  are  incorporated,  that  it  may  be  well  to  consider 
whether  all  such  transactions  should  not  be  clearly  forbidden  by 
law.  *  *  *  You  will  rejoice  with  me  that  Maine  has  entered 
upon  a  career  of  marked  prosperity.  We  have  been  ready,  perhaps 
too  ready,  to  conceive  that  Maine  is  not  a  good  agricultural  state, 
yet  with  all  its  drawbacks  of  climate  and  soil,  it  is  capable  of  demon 
strating  that  the  farmers  in  those  sections  of  our  state  where  manu 
facturing  and  industrial  operations  have  developed  home  markets, 
are  as  prosperous  as  those  of  states  which  have  a  more  genial  cli 
mate,  and  a  more  fertile  soil  but  are  further  removed  from  the  con 
sumer.  *  *  *  It  is  such  a  development  of  our  natural  re 
sources  as  will  create  home  markets,  that  those  engaged  in  agricul 
tural  pursuits  must  look  for  a  permanent  promotion  of  their  inter 
ests.  *  *  *  In  this  great  work  as  well  as  in  every  measure  cal 
culated  to  promote  the  material  and  moral  interests  of  our  beloved 
state  I  shall  take  pleasure  in  earnestly  co-operating.  Invoking  the 
favor  and  guidance  of  that  kind  Providence  who  is  over  states  and 
nations  as  well  as  individuals,  may  we  severally  consecrate  our 
selves  to  the  work  before  us." 

This  message  was  received  with  almost  universal  approval.  It 
was  deemed  a  non  partisan  document  commending  itself  to  every 
good  citizen.  The  following»constituted  Governor  Dingley's  ex 
ecutive  council :  E.  C.  Spring,  Jonathan  Fogg,  F.  A.  Chase,  A.  B. 
Shaw,  A.  R.  Reed,  E.  Hanson,  and  L.  L.  Lowell. 

In  accordance  with  the  governor's  recommendation,  Hon.  A. 
W.  Paine  of  Bangor,  formerly  insurance  commissioner,  was  ap 
pointed  to  inquire  into  the  tax  system  of  Massachusetts  and  other 
states,  with  a  view  to  devising  resources  other  than  direct  taxation, 
to  meet  state  expenditures.  Governor  Dingley  wrote  that  "it  is  es 
timated  there  are  more  than  20  out  of  the  30  or  40  millions  of  rail 
road  property  in  Maine  not  taxed  a  cent  for  any  purpose."  He  was 
also  in  favor  of  taxing  foreign  insurance  companies,  believing  that 
they  should  contribute  to  the  revenue  of  the  state.  As  a  result  of 
the  agitation  relative  to  the  taxation  of  railroads  and  other  corpor 
ations,  about  the  middle  of  February  agents  of  railroad  and  insur 
ance  companies  appeared  to  oppose  all  such  legislation.  They  hired 
able  lobbyists  and  employed  every  means  to  defeat  the  plan  pro 
posed  and  inaugurated  by  Governor  Dingley.  But  success  crowned 
his  efforts,  and  a  law  was  enacted  providing  for  the  taxation  of  rail 
roads,  based  upon  their  capital  stock,  the  par  value  of  their  shares 
and  the  length  of  their  lines.  Such  railroads  were  to  pay  annually 
into  the  state  treasury  a  tax  of  one  and  one-half  per  cent  upon  their 


112  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

corporate  franchises.  This  act  was  approved  March  4,  1874,  and 
together  with  amendments  made  in  1880  and  1881,  is  substantially 
the  railroad  law  today  relative  to  the  taxation  of  railroads.  A  bill 
was  also  passed  taxing  foreign  insurance  companies ;  and  the  princi 
ple  incorporated  in  the  law  is  on  the  statute  books  today.  Another 
law  resulting  from  the  Governor's  efforts  was  one  providing  that 
railroads  should  make  annual  reports  to  the  county  commissioners, 
giving  their  receipts,  indebtedness,  etc.  Concerning  this  new  rail 
road  legislation,  the  Governor  said :  "In  April  the  railroads  are  to 
be  taxed  one  and  one-half  per  cent  on  their  market  value  as  ascer 
tained  by  multiplying  their  number  of  shares  by  the  market  price 
per  share,  and  deducting  therefrom  the  valuation  of  real  estate  of 
the  road  taxed  by  municipalities."  The  general  railroad  incorpora 
tion  bill  and  the  railroad  connection  bill,  were  defeated  by  the 
lobby. 

The  railroads  of  the  state  resisted  the  payment  of  this  tax.  The 
Maine  Central  and  the  Grand  Trunk  appealed  to  the  courts.  The 
courts  however  sustained  the  law  and  the  principle  inaugurated  by 
Governor  Dingley  was  upheld.  These  cases  can  be  found  in  the 
Maine  reports — State  of  Maine  vs.  Maine  Central  66  Maine,  488, 1 
and  State  of  Maine  vs.  Maine  Central  Railroad,  74  Maine,  382.  2 
General  Henry  B.  Cleaves  was  attorney  general  of  the  state  when 
the  suit  was  commenced  against  the  Grand  Trunk  for  the  state  tax 
of  1880  and  1881.  The  suit  went  through  the  courts  of  the  United 
States  and  was  finally  argued  before  the  supreme  court  by  Hon. 
Charles  E.  Littlefield,  attorney  general  of  the  state,  and  decided  in 
favor  of  the  state  in  the  winter  of  1891-2.  It  is  thus  interesting  to 
note  that  this  important  principle  of  taxing  railroads  originally  on 
values,  later  on  gross  earnings,  inaugurated  by  Governor  Dingley 
in  the  state  of  Maine,  was  finally  settled  in  the  United  States  su 
preme  court  by  Hon.  Charles  E.  Littlefield,  Governor  Dingley's 
successor  in  congress. 

Governor  Dingley  found  time  outside  of  his  official  duties  to 
make  an  address  at  the  dedication  of  the  Hollowell  classical  insti- 

1 — 66  Maine  488 — An  action  of  debt  to  recover  of  the  defendant  corporation, 
a  tax^uly  assessed  upon  its  corporate  franchise  in  accordance  with  chapter  258 
of  the'  laws  of  1874.  Consolidation  does  not  give  a  railroad  exemption  from  taxa 
tion.  Immunity  of  taxation  is  not  one  of  the  franchises  of  a  corporation. 

2 — 74  Maine  382— The  tax  authorized  by  the  act  of  1880  is  a  tax  upon  railroad 
corporations  on  account  of  their  franchises,  and  not  upon  their  real  or  personal 
estate;  that  while  it  is  true  the  amount  of  the  tax  is  measured  by  the  value  of  a 
portion  of  the  corporate  property  as  well  as  the  corporate  franchises,  still,  it  is 
not  a  tax  upon  real  or  personal  estate,  within  the  meaning  of  the  constitution, 
but  a  tax  upon  the  powers  and  privileges  of  these  corporations;  and  that  the 
tax  is  one  which  it  was  constitutionally  competent  for  the  legislature  to  impose." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  113 

tute  on  the  I4th  day  of  January,  to  deliver  a  temperance  address  at 
Gardiner  on  the  iQth  of  that  month,  to  preside  over  the  state  tem 
perance  convention  at  Augusta  on  the  28th,  and  to  preside  at  a  pub 
lic  temperance  meeting  in  Lewiston  early  in  April.  In  May  he 
started  for  Washington  with  his  wife,  where  he  conferred  with  the 
Maine  delegation.  Hannibal  Hamlin  and  Lot  M.  Morrill  were  the 
two  senators  from  Maine,  and  the  members  in  the  lower  house 
were — John  H.  Burleigh,  William  P.  Frye,  James  G.  Elaine,  Sam 
uel  F.  Hersey  and  Eugene  Hale.  May  13  they  made  a  social  call 
upon  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Elaine,  and  there  met  the  congressional  dele- 
gation.  The  next  evening  they  dined  at  Mr.  Elaine's.  It  is  re 
lated  by  Mrs.  Dingley  that  there  were  thirteen  at  the  table,  and 
when  Mr.  Elaine  discovered  it,  he  called  in  his  young  son  to  break 
the  unlucky  number.  The  young  man  took  his  seat  among  the 
guests,  but  was  too  young  to  appreciate  the  dignity  of  the  occasion. 
He  was  reproved  by  his  father  and  sent  away  from  the  table ;  and 
the  unlucky  number  of  thirteen  again  confronted  the  host,  who  was 
strangely  superstitious. 

Governor  Dingley  returned  home  the  latter  part  of  May,  and 
attended  the  graduating  exercises  of  the  normal  school  at  Castine, 
presenting  the  diplomas  to  the  graduates.  On  the  3Oth  of  May  he 
delivered  a  memorial  address  in  Lewiston,  and  early  in  June  ad 
dressed  a  large  delegation  of  Odd  Fellows  besides  presiding  over  a 
temperance  convention.  June  17,  Bates  college,  located  in  Lewis- 
ton,  conferred  the  degree  of  LL.  D.,  upon  Governor  Dingley,  and 
on  this  occasion  he  made  a  notable  address  at  the  dinner.  On  the 
1 8th  of  June  he  was  renominated  for  governor  at  the  state  conven 
tion  held  in  the  city  of  Augusta.  Thomas  B.  Reed  was  one  of  the 
delegates  to  this  convention,  and  was  selected  as  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions.  There  were  516  delegates,  and  Gover 
nor  Dingley  was  renominated  by  acclamation.  The  platform  de 
clared  in  favor  of  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  at  the  earliest 
practical  day,  commended  Grant's  veto  of  the  currency  bill, 
thanked  congress  for  its  action  in  repealing  the  salary  measure  and 
abolishing  the  moiety  system  and  cutting  down  expenditures,  de 
clared  in  favor  of  developing  the  resources  of  the  state  and  ap 
proved  the  prohibition  policy  of  the  party  and  the  state  executive. 
Of  the  latter  the  platform  said :  "The  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
for  the  ability  and  fidelity  with  which  he  is  discharging  his  duty  as 
governor  of  Maine,  giving  careful  personal  attention  to  the  various 
institutions  and  departments  of  the  state,  seeking  equitable  admin- 


ii4  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

istration  to  the  extent  of  his  constitutional  powers,  is  entitled  to  the 
confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens  and  to  their  cordial  and  united  sup 
port  in  September  for  re-election."  He  was  re-elected  in  Septem 
ber,  1874,  receiving  50,865  votes,  Joseph  Titcomb,  the  Democratic 
nominee,  receiving  41,898  votes. 

From  the  first  of  July  to  the  day  of  election  Governor  Dingley 
traveled  about  the  state  visiting  different  localities,  addressing  tem 
perance  meetings,  educational  conventions,  political  gatherings 
and  the  state  muster  at  Bangor,  where,  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  volunteer  militia,  he  rode  at  the  head  of  his  troops  followed  by 
his  staff  in  glittering  gold  and  brass  buttons.  He  was  serenaded  at 
Camp  Dingley  and  was  given  a  public  reception  by  General  Cham 
berlain.  September  3Oth  he  was  sent  as  one  of  the  delegates  to  the 
national  Congregational  council  at  New  Haven,  Connecticut.  Re 
turning  home  in  October  he  found  time,  outside  of  his  duties  as 
governor,  to  address  a  temperance  meeting  at  Bangor,  one  atHoul- 
ton  and  another  at  Caribou.  October  I2th  he  went  to  Madawaska 
where  he  was  welcomed  by  a  large  cavalcade,  such  as  is  known  only 
in  that  region.  December  28  he  went  to  Augusta,  and  prepared  for 
his  second  inauguration  as  governor. 

He  was  inaugurated  governor  for  the  second  term  on  the  7th 
day  of  January,  1875.  In  his  address  to  the  legislature  he  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  financial  condition  of  the  state  was 
very  favorable.  The  state  debt  Jan.  i,  1875,  was  $5,561,076.  Dur 
ing  the  year  the  debt  had  been  reduced  $321,575.  He  suggested  a 
reduction  of  the  assessment  on  account  of  the  debt  from  three  to 
two  mills  and  a  renewal  of  a  certain  portion  of  the  loans  by  the 
isue  of  bonds  payable  in  the  sum  of  $200,000  so  that  sinking  funds 
could  be  done  away  with.  The  amount  of  money  collected  from 
railroads  under  the  corporate  franchise  tax  passed  by  the  previous 
legislature  in  accordance  with  Governor  Dingley's  recommenda 
tion,  amounted  to  $105,069.33.  The  Atlantic  and  St.  Lawrence  and 
Maine  Central  railroads  "claim  that  a  clause  in  their  charters  ex 
empts  them  from  all  taxation  until  the  net  income  is  10  per  cent  on 
the  cost  of  the  road."  The  governor  recommended  an  amendment 
to  act  258  authorizing  the  supreme  judicial  court  to  issue  an  in 
junction  restraining  these  railroads  from  the  prosecution  of  busi 
ness  until  they  paid  the  tax.  The  provision  of  the  special  charters 
the  roads  claimed  to  be  in  the  nature  of  a  contract  exempting  them 
from  taxation.  The  governor  said  that  "any  provision  in  a  charter 
which  pretends  to  exempt  a  corporation  from  taxation,  must  be 
held  to  be  void — first  because  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  one  legisla- 


MAINE  STATE  CAPITOL. 
RESIDENCE  OF  J.  G.  ELAINE, 
AUGUSTA,  MAINE. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  115 

ture  to  bind  successive  legislatures  not  to  exercise  in  behalf  of  the 
people  so  essential  a  sovereign  power  as  the  right  to  impose  a  tax. 
and  secondly  because  such  a  provision  is  in  contravention  of  the 
constitution  of  Maine  which  declares  that  all  taxes  upon  real  es 
tate,  assessed  by  authority  of  this  state,,  shall  be  apportioned  and 

assessed  according  to  the  just  value  thereof." 

He  referred  to  the  tax  on  foreign  insurance  companies  which 
was  bringing  a  good  sum  of  money  into  the  state  treasury  and 
equalizing  the  burdens  of 'taxation.  He  said  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
legislature  to  make  the  burdens  of  taxation  as  equal  as  possible  and 
added  that  "without  such  a  radical  reformation  as  will  lead  all  men 
to  be  honest  and  truthful  in  rendering  statements  of  their  property, 
it  is  of  course  impossible  to  devise  any  system  of  taxation  which 
will  be  absolutely  equal ;  as  capital  which  is  represented  by  stocks, 
bonds,  loans  and  currency,  cannot  be  reached  by  the  assessor  as 
readily  as  that  invested  in  farms,  houses,  stores,  mills,  work-shops, 
ships  and  other  valuable  property.  At  the  same  time  this  liability 
to  inequality  should  be  corrected  as  far  as  possible.  So  far  as  capi 
tal  is  invested  directly  or  indirectly  in  banking,  railroads,  tele 
graphs,  express  and  insurance  business,  it  may  be  and  should  be 
reached.  The  last  legislature  inaugurated  steps  in  the  right  direc 
tion  with  reference  to  a  part  of  these  interests.  I  earnestly  hope 
that  you  will  continue  to  press  forward  measures  looking  to  such  a 
system  of  taxation  as  will  tend  to  equalize  the  public  burden.  The 
educational  interests  of  the  state  are  gradually  improving.  The 
free  high  school  system  inaugurated  in  1873  nas  been  very  success 
ful.  During  the  year  161  towns  have  maintained  540  terms  of  free 
high  schools,  affording  instruction  to  14,000  pupils,  at  a  cost  of 
about  $100,000." 

Of  the  enforcement  of  the  prohibitory  laws  he  said  that  "laws 
will  accomplish  but  little  alone.  But  sustained  and  applied  by  a 
public  sentiment  which  brings  vividly  home  to  a  large  majority  of 
citizens  the  magnitude  of  the  evils  of  intemperance,  it  has  proved  in 
this  state  to  be  an  important  and  indispensable  adjunct  to  the  pro 
motion  of  temperance." 

He  discussed  the  loose  divorce  laws,  and  recommended  an 
amendment  thereof.  The  supreme  court,  in  answer  to  questions 
propounded  by  the  governor  and  council,  had  given  an  opinion  that 
women  could  not  under  the  constitution  act  as  justices  of  the 
peace,  or  hold  any  office  mentioned  in  that  instrument.  The  gov 
ernor  suggested  the  propriety  of  a  commission  to  propose  an 


n6  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

amendment  to  the  constitution,  saying:  "I  know  of  no  sufficient 
reasons  why  a  woman,  otherwise  qualified,  should  be  excluded." 

The  governor  then  proposed  a  revision  of  the  state  constitu 
tion.  He  said  that  55  years  had  passed  since  the  constitution  was 
framed.  It  was  a  series  of  patch-work,  and  there  was  only  one  way 
to  remedy  it,  and  that  was  for  two-thirds  of  both  houses  to  vote  for 
a  revision,  and  then  have  the  matter  submitted  to  the  people.  He 
recommended  that  a  commission  be  authorized  by  the  legislature 
to  make  such  revision. 

Referring  to  the  recent  business  depression,  he  said  that  the 
worst  had  passed.  The  country  was  paying  the  penalty  for  indulg 
ing  in  a  decade  of  unparalleled  extravagance  and  speculation,  ag 
gravated  by  an  excessive  and  depreciated  currency  "to  which  the 
necessities  of  the  case  obliged  us  to  resort." 

He  concluded :  "The  financial  panic  of  the  last  fifteen  months, 
has  exposed  the  delusive  character  of  the  prosperity  measured  by 
a  false  money  standard  and  resting  largely  on  credit,  and  convinced 
a  whole  lot  of  people  that  they  were  living  too  fast.  *  *  *  The 
obvious  remedy  lies  in  an  ultimate  restoration  of  the  currency 
to  the  basis  recognized  by  the  civilized  world." 

In  commenting  on  his  second  address  to  the  legislature,  he 
wrote :  "The  governor  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the 
railroad  companies  assessed  by  direction  of  an  act  of  the  last  legis 
lature,  refuse  to  pay  their  taxes,  and  recommends  the  enlargement 
of  the  remedy  for  the  collection  of  the  same  by  an  injunction  from 
the  supreme  court.  This  will  bring  fairly  before  the  legislature  the 
question  as  to  whether  or  not  a  tax  against  railroad  corporations 
shall  be  collected.  The  reasons  for  the  taxation  of  railroads  and 
the  enforcement  of  the  tax  are  presented  briefly;  and  we  are  sure 
that  the  people  will  sustain  the  position  taken,  both  with  reference 
to  this  class  of  corporations  and  insurance  companies,  and  also  with 
reference  to  the  question  of  taxation  in  general.  *  *  *  The 
gradual  improvement  in  the  enforcement  of  the  law  prohibiting 
dram  shops  is  commented  on,  and  the  necessity  of  maintaining  an 
active  temperance  sentiment  pointed  out,  as  a  means  of  further  pro 
gress.  While  nearly  all  the  sheriffs  have  endeavored  to  do  their 
duty,  a  few  have  failed.  As  sheriffs  and  county  attorneys  are 
elected  by  the  people  of  the  counties,  and  cannot  be  appointed  or 
removed  by  the  governor — as  Governor  Dingley  thinks  they  ought 
to  be,  in  order  to  secure  the  highest  efficiency  in  the  enforcement  of 
the  law — it  is  the  duty  of  the  temperance  voters  of  the  several 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  117 

counties  to  see  that  the  right  men  are  elected  to  the  positions.  *  * 
He  also  urges  important  modifications  in  our  divorce  laws,  so  as  to 
restrain  the  increasing  tendency  to  sunder  the  marriage  bond.  The 
statistics  and  remarks  of  the  governor  on  this  point  cannot  but 
arouse  the  public  to  the  necessity  of  immediate  action  in  this  direc 
tion.  The  governor  also  recommends  the  abolition  of  imprison 
ment  for  debt  where  no  fraudulent  practices  are  alleged  against  the 
debtor ;  and  we  regard  the  position  taken  as  sound  and  humane. 
*  *  *  For  some  years  there  has  been  a  growing  conviction  of 
the  necessity  of  some  important  changes  and  additions  to  our  state 
constitution ;  but  the  legislature  has  had  no  time  to  give  to  the 
subject.  Governor  Dingley  recommends  that  the  object  be  reached 
through  a  commission  of  ten  eminent  citizens  from  both  political 
parties,  who  shall  meet  at  Augusta  this  winter  and  consider  and 
prepare  amendments  for  the  legislature  to  act  upon  and  submit  to 
the  people  next  September." 

A  large  amount  of  interest  was  taken  in  the  election  of  members 
of  the  legislature,  the  preceding  September,  as  the  duty  of  electing 
a  United  States  senator  was  to  devolve  on  that  body,  and  a  good 
deal  of  activity  was  displayed  by  those  who  favored  Hannibal  Ham- 
lin  for  re-election  and  those  who  were  opposed  to  him.  The  legis 
lature  was  overwhelmingly  Republican  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  was 
nominated,  and  re-elected  United  States  senator  on  the  iQth  day  of 
January.  The  governor's  council  this  year  were:  J.  M.  Mason, 
Geo.  Warren,  F.  C.  Perkins,  F.  E.  Richards,  Henry  Williamson, 
William  Grindle,  and  Chas.  Buffum. 

As  the  result  of  the  recommendations  of  the  governor  relative 
to  the  collection  of  railroad  taxes,  the  legislature  passed  an  act  to 
enforce  their  collection.  This  law  is  chapter  16  of  the  acts  of  1875, 
authorizing  the  state  treasurer  to  issue  his  warrant  directed  to  the 
sheriff  of  any  county,  to  compel  railroads  to  pay  their  taxes.  Chap 
ter  44,  (relating  to  foreign  insurance  companies),  and  chapter  46, 
(relating  to  the  legal  reserves  of  insurance  companies)  of  the  acts  of 
1875,  are  the  immediate  results  of  Governor  Dingley's  recommen 
dations.  y 

Perhaps  the  most  important  act  of  this  legislature  was  the  pas 
sage  of  a  resolution  (recommended  by  the  governor)  authorizing 
him  to  appoint  a  constitutional  commission  to  recommend  certain 
revisions  of  the  state  constitution.  The  resolution  was  that  "the 
governor  be  and  hereby  is  authorized  to  appoint  a  commission,  con 
sisting  of  ten  persons,  to  consider  and  frame  such  amendments  of 
the  constitution  of  this  state  as  may  seem  necessary,  to  be  reported 


u8  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

by  them  to  the  legislature  for  such  action  as  may  seem  advisable, 
and  for  final  submission  to  the  people  at  the  annual  election  in 
September  next.  Said  commission  shall  assemble  as  soon  as  may 
be,  at  the  state  capital  and  finally  submit  the  result  of  their  labors 
to  the  present  legislature  on  or  before  the  1 5th  day  of  February 
next."  The  resolution  was  approved  by  the  governor  Jan.  I2th. 
He  appointed  as  members  of  the  constitutional  commission :  Ed 
ward  Kent,  of  Bangor;  William  P.  Haines,  of  Biddeford;  George 
F.  Talbot,  of  Machias;  James  C.  Madigan,  of  Houlton;  Fred  A. 
Pike,  of  Calais ;  Washington  Gilbert,  of  Bath ;  A.  P.  Gould,  of 
Thomaston;  William  M.  Rust,  of  Belfast;  William  J.  Kimball,  of 
Paris ;  Henry  E.  Robins,  of  Waterville. 

This  commission,  after  due  deliberation,  submitted  17  amend 
ments  to  the  legislature.  Nine  were  submitted  to  the  people  by  a 
resolution  adopted  Feb.  24th,  and  all  were  adopted  at  the  annual 
election  Sept.  13,  1875.  These  amendments  were  as  follows : 

i — XIII — In  relation  to  the  election  of  senators  by  a  plurality 
vote. 

2 — XIV — Special  legislation  and  corporations. 

3 — XV — Power  of  governor  to  pardon. 

4 — XVI — Appointment  of  judges  of  municipal  and  police 
courts. 

5— XVII— Taxation. 

6 — XVIII — Abolishing  the  land  agency. 

7 — XIX — Constitutional  conventions. 

8 — XX — Bribery  at  elections. 

9 — XXI — Codification  of  the  amended  constitution. 

The  railroads  of  the  state,  especially  those  which  resisted  the 
payment  of  the  tax,  fought  bitterly  the  recommendations  of  the 
governor  and  the  proposed  legislation  to  force  the  collection  of  un 
paid  taxes.  Hon.  Anson  P.  Morrill  appeared  before  the  judiciary 
committee  for  the  Maine  Central  railroad  and  denounced  the  gov 
ernor  and  his  recommendation.  Chas.  Goddard,  who  was  em 
ployed  by  the  Maine  Central,  tried  to  have  the  matter  postponed 
until  the  court  settled  it.  Mr.  Morrill  threatened  to  have  the  mat 
ter  carried  into  the  courts ;  but  Governor  Dingley  held  his  ground, 
and  the  legislature  stood  by  him.  The  fight  between  the  state  and 
the  railroads,  as  has  already  been  stated,  was  carried  on,  through 
the  courts,  for  five  years,  before  it  was  finally  settled. 

Governor  Dingley  was  urged  to  be  a  candidate  for  governor  for 
a  third  term,  but  on  the  I2th  day  of  April  he  recorded  in  his  diary 
that  "he  had  decided  not  to  be  a  candidate  for  governor."  But  the 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  119 

state  convention  which  met  in  June  of  that  year,  did  not  adjourn 
without  paying  him  a  just  tribute.  One  of  the  resolutions  recited 
that  "Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  the  able  and  upright  executive  of 
Maine,  is  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the  people  of  the  state  for  the 
intelligence,  the  integrity,  the  fidelity  and  the  ability  with  which  he 
has  discharged  the  responsibilities  and  duties  of  his  office." 

Throughout  his  second  term  as  governor,  Mr.  Dingley  kept  in 
close  touch  with  the  people  of  the  state.  On  the  2ist  of  January  he 
presided  over  the  state  temperance  convention  held  at  Augusta. 
On  the  1 8th  of  April  he  was  in  Boston  attending  the  celebration  of 
the  commemoration  of  Robert  Newton's  signal  to  Paul  Revere. 
Services  were  held  at  the  old  North  church.  On  the  iQth  of  April 
he  was  at  Concord,  Mass.,  l  where  he  delivered  an  address  at  the 
centennial  celebration  of  the  Concord  fight.  Tables  to  accommo 
date  four  thousand  persons  were  placed  in  rows  rumting  across  the 
tent  from  side  to  side.  On  the  platform  were  tables  to  accommo 
date  two  hundred.  At  the  center  table  were  the  president  of  the 
day,  E.  Rockwood  Hoar,  R.  W.  Emerson,  Hon.  James  G.  Elaine, 
and  Hon.  Joseph  R.  Hawley.  On  the  right  were  Gov.  Ingersoll  of 
Connecticut  and  staff,  Gov.  Dingley  of  Maine  and  staff,  Gov.  Peck 
of  Vermont  and  staff;  and  on  the  left  G.  E.  Boutwell,  G.  F.  Hoar 
and  President  Eliot.  On  the  2Qth  of  April  he  went  to  Biddeford 
where  he  was  received  and  escorted  by  the  military  of  Saco  and 
Biddeford  and  in  the  evening  given  a  reception.  In  May  he  was  at 
Belfast  and  Castine  (where  he  attended  the  exercises  of  the  normal 
school),  and  at  Biddeford  on  the  3Oth  day  of  the  month  where  he 
delivered  a  Memorial  day  address.  June  3rd  he  was  at  Kent's  Hill 
where  he  addressed  the  graduating  class.  Thence  he  went  to  Au 
gusta,  Waterville,  Bucksport,  and  Ellsworth,  where  he  conferred 
with  Congressman  Hale,  and  where  he  was  serenaded  in  the  eve 
ning.  June  nth  he  was  at  Cherryfield  and  Machias,  receiving  a 
serenade  at  the  latter  place.  The  next  day  he  made"  an  address  at 
the  centennial  celebration  of  that  city  and  on  the  I3th  went  to  East 
Machias  and  Machiasport,  thence  to  Portland  by  steamer.  On  the 
1 6th  of  June  he  started  for  Boston  to  attend  the  centennial  exer 
cises  commemorating  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  At  Portland  he 
was  joined  by  his  staff,  and  escorted  to  Music  hall  by  the  Portland 
cadets  and  there  given  a  reception.  On  the  24th  of  June  he  made 
an  address  at  the  Maine  central  institute,  and  later  in  the  month  at 
Farmington  where  he  was  serenaded.  On  the  following  day  he 

1 — See  Appendix. 


120  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

presented  the  diplomas  to  the  graduates  of  the  normal  school  in 
that  city.  July  7th  he  visited  President  Chamberlain  at  Bowdoin 
college,  where  he  heard  Longfellow  read  his  poem  before  the  class 
of  1825.  July  28th  he  attended  commencement  at  Waterville  col 
lege,  and  on  the  I7th  of  August  addressed  a  temperance  camp- 
meeting  at  Old  Orchard.  The  latter  part  of  August  he  addressed 
a  Republican  mass  meeting  in  Lewiston  and  early  in  the  following 
month  addressed  a  temperance  meeting  at  Portland.  Thus  he  led 
a  busy  and  active  life. 

The  state  election  was  held  September  I3th,  and  Selden  Con 
nor  was  elected  governor  by  4,500  majority.  The  result  was  a  dis 
appointment  to  the  Maine  Republicans.  The  Democrats  had 
gained  over  12,000  votes  over  the  year  before,  and  the  Republicans 
were  very  much  surprised.  Gov.  Dingley  said :  "If  there  are  any 
Republicans  who  think  that  the  presidential  contest  of  next  year  is 
to  be  a  holiday  affair,  they  may  as  well  open  their  eyes  to  the  situa 
tion."  In  this  election  the  Republicans  stayed  at  home.  They 
seemed  to  be  alarmingly  apathetic.  The  Greenback  party  was  just 
making  its  appearance  in  state  affairs,  and  Gov.  Dingley  began  the 
discussion  of  the  currency  question  in  earnest,  preparing  for  the 
contest  of  1876.  He  wrote  that  "nothing  but  gold  redemption  will 
make  the  greenback  as  good  as  gold." 

On  the  loth  day  of  October  there  was  a  great  temperance  re 
form  meeting  in  Lewiston  addressed  by  Governor  Dingley.  Later 
in  the  month  he  addressed  the  West  Oxford  Agricultural  society, 
visited  the  Indians  at  Oldtown,  the  normal  school  at  Farmington 
(where  he  delivered  a  temperance  address),  and  on  the  I5th  of  No 
vember  went  to  Augusta  to  prepare  for  his  departure  from  the  ex 
ecutive  office.  In  Augusta  he  was  the  guest  of  General  Connor, 1 
Gov.-elect.  January  3rd  he  went  to  the  state  capitol  as  governor  for 
the  last  time,  and  on  the  following  day  he  was  busy  closing  up  state 
affairs.  On  the  5th  day  of  the  month  the  state  legislature  was  or 
ganized,  and  Governor  Dingley  administered  the  oath  of  office  to 
the  members.  While  sitting  in  the  governor's  room  that  evening, 
his  military  staff  and  other  friends  visited  him  and  through  General 
Murray,  presented  him  with  a  costly  and  beautiful  statuette  of  "The 
Muse  of  History."  He  was  taken  greatly  by  surprise,  and  replied 
fittingly  and  feelingly  to  the  brief  presentation  address.  On  the 

1— Former  Governor  Selden  Connor  writes  the  author  of  these  volumes:  "My 
clearest  and  pleasantest  recollection  of  Mr.  Dingley  relates  to  the  week  he  was 
our  guest  while  attending  the  last  meeting  in  his  administration,  of  the  governor 
and  council.  We  all  enjoyed  his  society  exceedingly,  and  he  gave  me  much  valu 
able  information  in  regard  to  the  duties  I  was  about  entering  upon  as  his  suc 
cessor  in  office.  Mr.  Dingley  was  my  friend  and  supporter." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  121 

next  day,  Jan.  6th,  1876,  Gov.  Connor  was  inaugurated;  and  Gov. 
Dingley  retired  from  the  gubernatorial  office  l  after  serving  two 
years  successfully  and  ably.  In  the  afternoon  he  was  at  the  state 
house  where  he  bade  adieu  to  his  council.  He  wrote  in  his  diary: 
"We  all  felt  sad  at  parting.  This  is  the  pleasantest  part  of  official 
position — retiring  from  office."  January  /th  he  returned  to  his 
home  in  Lewiston  and  recorded  this  brief  but  feeling  comment :  "I 
am  glad  to  be  at  home  again,  free  from  official  cares."  Thus  Gov 
ernor  Dingley  retired  from  public  office  until,  five  years  later,  he 
was  called  to  higher  duties  in  the  city  of  Washington. 

During  these  years  of  arduous  public  labor,  Mr.  Dingley's  do 
mestic  life  was  unusually  happy,  and  his  family  circle  a  source  of 
joy  to  him.    Five  sons  and  one  daughter  had  come  to  him,  one  de 
parting  this  life  in  infancy.    He  was  fond  of  his  children  and  deeply 
devoted  to  his  wife.    While  absorbed  in  the  responsibilities  of  the 
office  of  governor  and  absent  from  his  dear  ones,  he  recorded  in  his 
diary :    "God  enable  me  to  be  entirely  devoted  to  my  dear  wife. 
"  'Take  the  bright  shell  from  its  home  on  the  lea 
And  wherever  it  goes,  it  will  sing  of  the  sea ; 
So  take  the  fond  heart,  from  its  home  and  its  hearth, 
'Twill  sing  of  the  love  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.' ' 

1— Hon.  S.  J.  Chadbourne  writes  of  Governor  Dingley  as  follows:  "He  was 
twice  governor  of  the  state,  first  in  1874,  succeeding  himself  in  1875.  His  adminis 
tration  was  an  able  one,  marked  for  its  economy  in  all  branches  of  the  public 
service  wherever  his  influence  was  felt.  His  ability  was  recognized  by  the  lead 
ing  men  of  both  parties  and  there  are  those  today,  Republicans  and  Democrats, 
who  fully  believe  he  was  one  of  the  best,  if  not  the  best  governor  Maine  ever  had. 
He  distinguished  himself  by  his  efforts  to  secure  revenue  for  the  state  from 
sources  heretofore  not  available  and  he  urged  a  strong  hard  fight  which  resulted 
in  1874  in  the  passage  of  'an  act  for  the  taxation  of  railroads.'  The  railroads 
continued  the  fight  and  carried  the  matter  to  the  courts,  but  it  was  finally  de 
cided  in  favor  of  the  state,  and  has  resulted  in  the  production  of  a  large  annual 
revenue,  which  has  tended  to  lessen  the  burden  of  the  tax  payers  and  endeared 
him  to  the  hearts  of  the  farmers  of  the  state  who  still  remember  him  as  a  bene 
factor.  It  was  a  Tiard  fought  contest  and  his  efforts  were  most  bitterly  resisted 
by  some  of  the  railroads,  but  it  made  his  administration  celebrated  because  of 
his  espousal  of  the  cause  of  the  common  people.  It  was  a  great  victory  for  Gov 
ernor  Dingley." 


CHAPTER  IX. 
1876-1878. 

In  1876,  Seldon  Connor,  was  renominated  by  the  Republicans 
of  Maine  for  governor  on  a  distinctly  sound-money  platform.  This 
was  on  the  2ist  of  June.  Mr.  Dingley  was  present  and  made  a 
notable  speech  at  this  convention.  He  urged  the  Republicans  to 
take  a  firm  stand  on  the  money  question,  denounced  the  proposi 
tion  of  the  Greenbackers  and  advocated  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments. 

A  notable  event  at  this  period  in  Mr.  Dingley's  career,  was  the 
famous  Brooklyn  council,  summoned  by  the  Congregational 
churches  of  the  country  to  determine  the  guilt  or  innocence  of 
Henry  Ward  Beecher.  Mr.  Dingley  and  Dr.  Warren  were  selected 
as  delegates  from  the  Congregational  church  in  Lewiston  to  attend 
this  Plymouth  church  advisory  council.  There  were  191  ministers 
and  171  laymen.  The  council  assembled  in  the  city  of  Brooklyn 
February  15,  1876.  Rev.  Dr.  Bacon  was  chosen  moderator,  and 
Mr.  Dingley  was  chosen  assistant  moderator.  l  On  the  I7th,  Mr. 
Dingley  presided  over  that  notable  assembly.  The  several  ques 
tions  were  first  considered  by  very  able  committees  and  then  re 
ferred  to  a  special  committee  of  nine,  consisting  of  President  Por- 

1— Mr.  Dingley  received  the  following  letter  from  Mr.  Beecher:  Monday, 
February,  1867.  Gov.  Dingley.  My  dear  sir:  Will  you  not  request  eight  or  ten 
gentlemen  of  the  council  to  meet  the  church  committee  at  Mr.  Sherman's  at 
nine  tomorrow  morning.  We  want  to  speak  with  you  respecting  Moulton — the 
new  evidence  so  called  and  a  few  other  matters  bearing  upon  a  thorough  and 
final  work  by  council.  You  will  know  who  are  astute,  thorough  and  impartially 
wise;  and  if  you  will  select  them  and  ask  them  to  meet  at  nine  a.  m.  (perhaps  it 
will  be  just  as  well  to  make  the  request  openly  and  say  that  you  had  taken  the 
liberty  of  selecting  the  persons)  it  will,  I  think,  be  worth  all  the  trouble.  Please 
say  to  bearer  if  you  deem  it  wise  to  comply.  Cordially  yours,  Henry  Ward 
Beecher. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  123 

ter  of  Yale  college,  Rev.  Dr.  Bacon  of  New  Haven,  Rev.  Dr. 
Strong  of  Boston,  Rev.  Dr.  Salter  of  Iowa,  President  Sturtevant 
of  Illinois  college,  President  Fairchild  of  Oberlin,  Judge  Wood  of 
Albany,  Judge  Wythe  of  Minnesota,  and  Former  Governor  Ding- 
ley  of  Maine.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  proceedings  of  the 
council  attracted  crowds  of  people.  On  the  2Oth  of  February  Mr. 
Dingley  heard  Mr.  Beecher  preach  and  Moody  and  Sankey  sing. 
Under  the  circumstances  it  was  a  most  impressive  religious  exer 
cise.  The  sub-committee  made  its  report  and  expressed  regret 
that  the  course  provided  in  Matthew  XVIII  was  not  adopted  at 
the  beginning  of  the  controversy.  The  church  had  already 
thoroughly  investigated  the  scandal. 

On  the  24th  of  February  the  council  closed  with  a  public  meet 
ing.  Plymouth  church  was  packed  and  President  Porter,  and  Dr. 
Bacon  made  notable  speeches.  Mr.  Beecher  replied,  stating  in  the 
course  of  his  speech  most  dramatically :  "Before  God  I  am  utterly 
incapable  of  committing  the  crime  charged  against  me.  My  soul 
revolts  at  the  thought."  Then  the  vast  congregation  sang  "Jesus 
Lover  of  My  Soul,"  and  dispersed.  Thus  closed  the  largest  and 
most  notable  ecclesiastical  council  of  the  kind  ever  convened  in  this 
country.  Throughout  this  trying  affair,  Mr.  Dingley  stoutly  main 
tained  that  Mr.  Beecher  was  innocent ;  and  the  latter  expressed  his 
deep  appreciation  of  Mr.  Dingley's  loyalty  and  support,  in  subse 
quent  acts  of  kindness  and  manifestations  of  deep  regard.  His  per 
sonal  letters  to  Mr.  Dingley  were  marked  by  expressions  of  gen 
uine  affection. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  James  G.  Elaine  was  talked  of  for 
president.  He  had  made  a  brilliant  record  as  a  member  of  the 
lower  house  of  congress,  and  had  promoted  the  interests  of  his 
party  and  his  country,  and  had  taken  a  popular  and  impregnable 
stand  on  the  questions  of  amnesty  and  currency.  Maine  was 
anxious  to  honor  her  chosen  son,  and  on 'the  2Oth  of  January  Mr, 
Dingley,  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Blaine,  was  chosen  by  the  state  legis- 
ture,  chairman  of  the  Maine  delegation  to  the  national  Republican 
convention.  1 

The  friends  and  supporters  of  Mr.  Blaine  in  his  own  state — 
those  who  knew  him  best — were  not  disturbed  by  the  cruel  charges 
made  against  him  on  the  floor  of  the  national  house.  Mr.  Elaine's 

1 — Mr.  J.  H.  Manley  writes  the  editor  of  these  volumes:  "I  remember  very 
well  why  Mr.  Dingley  was  selected  as  a  delegate.  It  was  at  Mr.  Elaine's  sug 
gestion.  He  said  to  me  and  others  that  he  desired  Mr.  Dingley  to  be  a  delegate 
and  represent  him  because  he  was  his  loyal  friend,  a  man  of  great  discretion  and 
rare  judgment  of  men,  and  one  of  the  representative  men  of  Maine,  who  knew 
many  of  the  public  men  of  the  country.  Mr.  Dingley  shared  Mr.  Elaine's  confi 
dence  and  he  had  unbounded  faith  in  his  judgment." 


I24  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF 

own  vigor  and  brilliant  qualities,  had  made  him  enemies ;  and  it  was 
not  surprising  that  at  this  critical  juncture  in  his  political  career, 
some  of  them  searched  high  and  low  for  material  with  which  to 
forge  an  instrument  to  stab  him  in  the  back  and  strike  him  down 
before  his  state  and  the  nation.  His  answer  to  these  charges  on 
the  floor  of  the  house  April  24th,  1876,  were  deemed  a  complete 
exoneration,  not  only  by  his  immediate  friends,  but  by  impartial 
observers  and  students  of  political  history.  The  second  district  Re 
publican  convention  to  elect  delegates  to  the  national  convention 
was  held  in  the  city  of  Auburn.  Mr.  Dingley  was  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions,  and  framed  the  resolutions  that  were 
adopted.  They  congratulated  the  Republicans  and  the  country 
"on  the  signal  manner  in  which  the  people  have  expressed  their 
condemnation  of  the  wicked  attempt  to  overthrow  the  popular  ver 
dict  at  the  polls ;"  declared  for  Elaine  "as  the  candidate  of  the  Re 
publican  party  for  president,  believing  that  he  is  a  man  pre-emi 
nently  fitted  to  lead  the  Republican  party  to  victory  in  the  coming 
national  campaign,  and  to  fill  the  presidential  chair  with  ability  and 
success."  Concerning  the  temperance  cause,  the  resolutions  said : 
"In  spite  of  jeers,  in  spite  of  opposition,  in  spite  of  declarations, 
that  the  temperance  cause  is  retrograding  instead  of  advancing,  the 
good  work  will  go  on  in  Maine,  and  year  by  year  will  show  new 
triumphs  in  the  great  battle  against  King  Alcohol." 

At  the  second  district  congressional  convention  in  Auburn, 
Congressman  Frye  was  renominated ;  and  Mr.  Dingley  on  this  oc 
casion  said  in  the  course  of  his  speech :  "I  predict  that  the  Repub 
licans  will  nominate  at  Cincinnati  Maine's  true  and  tried  statesman, 
James  G.  Elaine."  At  a  meeting  of  the  state  Elaine  club  held  at  the 
Augusta  house,  Frederick  Robie  presided.  Mr.  Dingley  was  pres 
ent  and  spoke  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Elaine.  Hon.  John  L.  Stevens  and 
Hon.  C.  A.  Boutelle,  were  also  present  and  made  vigorous  ad 
dresses.  There  was  great  enthusiasm  among  the  followers  and  ad 
mirers  of  Maine's  chieftain,  and  it  was  voted  that  the  delegation 
from  the  state  of  Maine  should  establish  its  headquarters  at  the 
Burnett  house  and  the  Grand  hotel  and  should  leave  Portland  June 
9th  in  special  cars.  The  delegation  left  for  the  scene  of  the  conflict, 
at  the  appointed  hour.  The  delegates  were  as  follows:  Nelson 
Dingley  Jr.,  John  L.  Stevens,  J.  H.  Drummond,  Francis  Cobb,  J. 
M.  Brown,  J.  M.  Stone,  William  P.  Frye,  Enoch  Foster  Jr.,  R.  B. 
Shepherd,  Edwin  Flye,  C.  A.  Boutelle,  J.  M.  Mayo,  S.  L.  Millikin 
and  Eugene  Hale.  The  Elaine  and  Maine  headquarters  were  in  two 
spacious  parlors  on  the  second  floor  of  the  Burnett  house.  At  the 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  125 

Grand  hotel  were  the  friends  of  Conkling  with  one  thousand  trained 
workers  and  many  brass  bands.  There  was  intense  excitement. 
The  headquarters  of  the  different  candidates  were  thronged  with 
political  workers,  and  the  air  was  blue  with  the  smoke  of  the  con 
flict.  The  city  was  beautifully  decorated,  Elaine's  pictures  adorn 
ing  every  window  and  every  available  space. 

June  1 2th,  while  Mr.  Dingley  and  the  other  members  of  the 
Maine  delegation  were  busy  canvassing  the  situation,  circulating 
among  the  different  delegations,  and  urging  upon  them  the  claims 
of  their  favorite  candidate,  they  were  stunned  by  the  report  from 
Washington  that  Mr.  Elaine  had  received  a  sun  stroke.  This 
startling  information  came  like  a  flash  of  lightning  from  a  clear  sky; 
but  a  second  dispatch  announcing  that  it  was  not  a  sun  stroke  but 
only  a  slight  ill-turn  due  to  excessive  excitement,  quieted  the  fears 
of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Elaine,  and  they  redoubled  their  efforts  to  se 
cure  his  nomination.  Mr.  Dingley  and  Mr.  Hale  received  frequent 
messages  from  Mr.  Elaine  in  Washington,  the  Maine  candidate 
having  arranged  for  a  special  wire  in  his  residence  at  the  capital. 
There  was  a  lobby  doing  effective  work  for  Senator  Morton  of  Indi 
ana,  while  a  large  delegation  of  New  York  Greeley  Republicans 
circulated  about  the  hotels  and  the  different  headquarters  and  made 
things  lively.  All  day  long,  June  I3th,  the  canvassing  was  pro 
ceeding  and  excitement  rising  to  fever  heat.  The  convention  met 
in  Exposition  hall,  where  Greeley  was  nominated  in  1872.  The 
committee  on  resolutions  of  which  Mr.  Dingley  was  the  member 
from  Maine,  met  early  in  the  evening  at  the  club  room  and  dis 
cussed  matters  in  a  desultory  fashion  until  nearly  midnight.  No 
body  had  prepared  full  resolutions.  The  only  resolution  ready 
for  consideration  was  one  prepared  by  Former  Attorney-General 
Speed  on  civil  service.  This  was  promptly  adopted.  The  money 
question,  the  tariff  and  every  other  public  question  was  informally 
discussed ;  but  little  was  accomplished.  Finally  about  midnight,  it 
dawned  upon  the  members  of  the  committee  that  a  sub-committee 
must  be  appointed  if  anything  was  to  be  accomplished.  This  was 
done,  and  at  half-past  twelve  in  the  morning  the  sub-committee, 
consisting  of  Gen.  Hawley  of  Connecticut,  Gen.  Speed  of  Ky.,  Gov. 
Chamberlain,  of  S.  C,  Former  Gov.  Dingley  of  Maine,  Chas.  Emory 
Smith  of  N.  Y.,  (postmaster  general  in  President  McKinley's  cabi 
net)  and  Judge  Howe,  of  Wisconsin,  retired  in  private.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  was  particularly  interested  in  the  question  of  schools  and 
framed  the  section  that  was  adopted  declaring  that  "the  public 


126  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

school  system  of  the  several  states  is  the  bulwark  of  the  American 
republic ;  and  with  a  view  to  its  security  and  permanence,  we  recom 
mend  an  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  for 
bidding  the  application  of  any  public  fund  or  property  for  the  bene 
fit  of  any  schools  or  institutions  under  sectarian  control."  The 
money  l  and  tariff  planks  were  the  products  of  the  combined  efforts 
of  the  members  of  the  sub-committee,  each  submitting  his  views. 
At  the  last  moment  Mr.  Smith,  who  was  the  youngest  member  and 
secretary  of  the  sub-committee,  suggested  that  there  should  be  a 
brief  but  sharp  indictment  of  the  Democratic  party.  He  read  what 
had  been  inserted  in  the  New  York  Republican  state  platform  that 
year  (he  was  then  a  resident  of  New  York)  which  so  pleased  the 
committee  that  it  was  adopted  at  once  as  section  sixteen  of  the 
platform.  The  sub-committee  did  not  finish  its  labors  until  six 
o'clock  in  the  morning  and  reported  to  the  full  committee  shortly 
before  nine  in  the  morning.  Through  its  chairman,  Gen.  Hawley, 
the  full  committee  reported  to  the  convention. 

The  convention  met  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  June  i6th,  and 
proceeded  to  ballot.  It  was  a  very  hot  day,  and  the  delegates  were 
at  a  very  high  temperature.  The  story  of  that  convention  is  well 
known  to  students  of  political  history.  The  name  of  Mr.  Elaine  had 
been  presented  by  that  matchless  orator,  Robert  Ingersoll,  who  in  a 
speech  of  remarkable  power  and  unusual  eloquence,  carried  the 
convention  off  its  feet.  It  was  in  this  speech  that  Mr.  Ingersoll  re~ 
ferred  to  Mr.  Elaine  as  the  "Plumed  Knight,"  which  sobriquet  at 
tached  to  Mr.  Elaine  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.  This  speech  was 
the  event  of  the  convention.  Mr.  Elaine's  nomination  was  regarded 
almost  certain  when  the  balloting  began.  The  other  prominent  can 
didates  were  Oliver  P.  Morton,  of  Indiana,  Roscoe  Conkling,  of 
New  York,  Benjamin  F.  Bristow,  of  Kentucky,  and  James  F. 
Hartranft,  of  Pennsylvania.  Bristow's  power  came  from  the  ele 
ment  dissatisfied  with  Grant's  administration.  Bristow,  after  a  per 
sonal  quarrel  with  Grant,  had  resigned  from  the  cabinet.  The  sup 
porters  of  Elaine  came  to  him  by  reason  of  his  popularity  and  his 
reputation  as  a  congressional  leader. 

For  six  ballots  the  delegates  struggled  between  the  several  can 
didates.  The  friends  of  Mr.  Elaine  rallied  their  forces  and  did 

1 — The  financial  plank  of  these  resolutions  was  as  follows:  "In  the  first  act 
of  congress  signed  by  President  Grant,  the  national  government  assumed  to  re 
move  any  doubt  of  its  purpose  to  discharge  all  just  obligations  to  the  public 
creditors,  and  solemnly  pledged  its  faith  to  make  provisions  at  the  earliest  prac 
tical  period  for  the  redemption  of  the  U.  S.  notes  in  coin.  Commercial  prosper 
ity,  public  morals  and  national  credit  demand  that  the  promise  be  fulfilled  by  a 
steady  progress  to  specie  payment." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  127 

everything  in  their  power  to  secure  the  desired  result.  The  enemies 
of  Mr.  Elaine,  headed  by  Roscoe  Conkling  and  his  followers,  find 
ing  that  Mr.  Elaine  was  likely  to  be  nominated,  if  they  adhered  to 
their  original  plan,  on  the  seventh  ballot  changed  front,  concen 
trated  their  forces  on  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  and  nominated  him 
amid  wild  excitement. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Mr.  Elaine's  friends,  not  only  in  Maine, 
but  all  over  the  country,  were  disappointed  over  the  result.  But 
Mr.  Blaine,  with  characteristic  generosity,  immediately  telegraphed 
to  Mr.  Hayes,  congratulating  him  upon  his  nomination.  He  also 
sent  messages  to  Mr.  Dingley,  the  chairman  of  the  Maine  delega 
tion,  and  to  the  others  who  did  such  noble  work  in  keeping  the 
Blaine  lines  intact.  It  is  needless  to  now  discuss  the  causes  of  Mr. 
Elaine's  defeat.  Like  all  positive  public  men,  he  had  bitter  enemies 
as  well  as  warm  friends;  and  the  influence  of  Cincinnati  and  of  a 
large  percentage  of  those  in  attendance  upon  the  convention  as 
spectators,  was  against  the  candidate  from  Maine.  But  Mr.  Blaine 
apparently  was  the  least  disappointed  of  all ;  and  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  he  predicted  a  fortnight  before  the  convention,  to  Jere 
miah  S.  Black,  that  in  all  probability  "The  Great  Unknown,"  would 
be  nominated.  This  prediction  came  true. 

Mr.  Dingley  returned  to  Maine  by  way  of  Washington,  and 
when  in  the  latter  place  called  upon  Mr.  Blaine.  This  was  June  18, 
1876.  Mr.  Blaine  received  the  chairman  of  the  Maine  delegation 
with  unusual  warmth.  His  deepest  regret  was  that  he  had  caused 
his  friends  so  much  labor  and  so  much  anxiety.  On  the  2Oth  of 
June  Mr.  Dingley  was  once  more  in  his  home  circle. 

The  state  campaign  opened  August  2ist.  Mr.  Blaine  and  Mr. 
Ingersoll  spoke  at  a  Republican  rally  in  the  city  of  Lewiston.  Mr. 
Dingley  entered  this  campaign  with  his  usual  zeal,  speaking  every 
night  for  ten  days  and  advocating  the  election  of  Governor  Connor 
and  the  triumph  of  the  Republican  sound  money  platform.  Septem 
ber  9th,  the  day  before  electipn,  Mr.  Blaine  spoke  in  City  hall,  Lew 
iston.  It  is  unnecessary  to  state  that  the  meeting  was  a  grand  suc 
cess.  The  defeated  candidate  for  president  was  received  by  his 
friends  and  admirers  in  Lewiston  with  unbounded  enthusiasm. 
Governor  Connor  was  re-elected  by  about,  15,000  majority ;  and  the 
event  was  celebrated  in  Lewiston  by  a  torchlight  procession.  The 
entire  Republican  congressional  ticket  was  elected — Thomas  B. 
Reed,  William  P.  Frye,  Stephen  D.  Lindsey,  Llewellyn  Powers  and 
Eugene  Hale.  Connor  received  75,867  votes,  Talbot,  the  Demo- 


128  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

cratic  nominee  for  governor,  60,423  votes.  Almon  Gage,  the 
Greenback  candidate  for  governor  received  only  520  votes. 

The  national  campaign  followed  quickly  on  the  heels  of  the  state 
campaign ;  and  in  this  Mr.  Dingley  took  part.  Hayes  was  elected 
president  November  7th,  receiving  4,033,768  votes  and  Tilden 
4,285,099  votes.  There  were  81,737  Greenback  votes  and  9,522 
Prohibition  votes.  Tilden  had  a  majority  of  the  popular  vote,  but 
Hayes,  after  a  memorable  struggle  in  which  the  aid  of  an  electoral 
commission  was  invoked,  was  declared  elected  by  a  majority  of  one 
in  the  electoral  college.  Mr.  Dingley  warmly  defended  the  electoral 
commission  as  the  only  safe  and  constitutional  way  out  of  the  diffi 
culty  ;  and  it  is  to  the  everlasting  credit  of  the  American  people  and 
their  form  of  government,  as  well  as  the  Democratic  party,  that  the 
decision  was  acquiesced  in  on  all  sides,  and  peace  and  quiet  re 
stored. 

In  addition  to  his  political  and  journalistic  duties,  Mr.  Dingley 
found  time  to  deliver  several  lectures,  attend  temperance  conven 
tions  and  farmers'  gatherings  during  the  fall  and  winter.  Novem 
ber  1 5th,  Henry  Ward  Beecher  lectured  in  Lewiston  and  was  a 
guest  at  Mr.  Dingley's  home,  where  old  friendships  were  renewed. 

On  the  1 2th  day  of  January,  1877,  Mr.  Dingley  received  an  in 
vitation  to  attend  a  reception  at  Mr.  Elaine's  home  in  Augusta,  but 
sickness  prevented  him  from  accepting.  Late  in  January  he  at 
tended  a  state  temperance  convention,  and  on  the  I5th  of  March  a 
banquet  given  to  Congressman  Frye  at  his  home  in  Lewiston. 
From  the  first  of  April  to  the  first  of  July  he  devoted  his  time  to 
journalistic  labors,  temperance  addresses  and  Sunday  school  con 
ventions. 

The  Republican  state  convention  held  August  9th,  was  a  stormy 
gathering.  There  was  a  fight  over  the  platform  as  well  as  the  nomi 
nee.  Governor  Connor,  however,  was  renominated.  Joseph  H. 
Williams  was  the  regular  Democratic  candidate  for  governor  and 
Henry  C.  Munson  the  Greenback  candidate.  In  that  election  the 
Greenback  vote  was  about  4,000,  and  Selden  Connor  was  elected 
governor  by  about  6,000  majority.  The  election  over,  Mr.  Dingley 
on  the  20th  of  September  spoke  at  Skowhegan  on  "Farming  as  a 
Remedy  for  Hard  Times."  This  lecture  was  really  a  campaign 
speech ;  for  it  was  intended  as  a  complete  answer  to  the  complaint 
of  the  farmers  of  the  state  that  the  Republican  policy  had  brought 
about  the  panic  of  1873.  It  was  the  hard  times  accompanying  and 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  129 

following  this  panic,  and  the  struggle  to  place  the  country  again 
upon  a  specie  basis,  that  caused  the  financial  stress  of  the  times. 

October  I7th  Mr.  Dingley  attended  the  triennial  Congrega 
tional  council  in  the  city  of  Detroit ;  x  and  on  the  25th  delivered  an 
address  on  "The  Scholar  and  the  State,"  2  before  the  national  Zeta 
Psi  convention  at  Cleveland.  From  Cleveland  he  went  to  Chicago 
and  thence  to  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  where  he  met  many  old 
friends  from  the  state  of  Maine.  Returning  home  early  in  Novem 
ber,  he  made  a  temperance  address  at  Portland  November  6th,  lec 
tured  in  West  Falmouth  on  "Duties  of  Citizens  of  the  Republic," 
spoke  at  Pittsfield  December  4th  on  the  currency  question,  lectured 
December  6th  at  East  Winthrop  on  the  Mormons;  and  at  Win- 
throp  addressed  the  state  reform  temperance  convention.  In  addi 
tion  to  all  this,  on  the  i6th  of  December  he  successfully  carried 
through  an  effort  to  raise  the  debt  of  the  Pine  street  Congrega 
tional  church,  of  which  he  was  a  member.  In  one  Sunday  through 
his  earnest  efforts  as  a  leader,  $10,500  was  raised  among  the  mem 
bers  and  attendants  of  the  church. 

From  early  manhood  Mr.  Dingley  had  been  a  consistent  advo 
cate  of  the  cause  of  temperance.  The  state  of  Maine  through  the 
efforts  of  men  like  Mr.  Dingley,  had  taken  an  advanced  position  on 
this  question,  and  had  incorporated  the  principles  of  prohibition 
in  the  state  law  and  finally  in  the  constitution.  The  first  important 
movement  in  behalf  of  prohibition  was  in  1851,  when  leading  mem 
bers  of  the  Sons  of  Temperance — Joshua  Nye  of  Waterville,  John 
S.  Kimball  of  Bangor,  H.  K.  Morrill  of  Gardiner,  and  Samuel  L. 
Carleton  of  Portland — advocated  a  state  movement.  The  organi 
zation  known  as  Good  Templars  was  founded  in  1860.  3  It  was  the 

1 — Five  names  were  proposed  for  moderator  and  two  hundred  votes  cast,  out 
of  which  President  Chapin  of  Beloit  college,  Wis.,  received  fifty;  Ex-Gov.  W. 
B.  Washburn  of  Massachusetts,  eighty-three;  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  of  Maine, 
twenty-five;  Col.  C.  G.  Hammond  of  Chicago,  forty-one;  and  Rev.  J.  F.  Gaylord, 
one.  Mr.  Dingley  and  Col.  Hammond  withdrew  on  the  second  ballot  which  re 
sulted  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Washburn.  For  first  assistant  moderator  President 
Chapin  was  chosen  without  opposition  and  for  second  assistant  Mr.  Dingley's 
name  was  again  proposed  but  he  withdrew  in  favor  of  Col.  Hammond  before  a 
ballot  was  taken. 

During  the  session  of  the  council  Mr.  Dingley  was  placed  upon  the  commit 
tee  on  the  American  Missionary  report.  He  was  also  chosen  one  of  the  five  dele 
gates  to  the  general  conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church,  he  being  the 
only  lay  delegate  selected. 

2— See  Appendix. 

3— Grant  Rogers,  grand  secretary  of  Maine  Good  Templars,  writes  the  editor 
of  these  volumes:  "Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  was  initiated  into  membership  by 
United  Lodge  No.  13,  Independent  Order  of  Good  Templars,  of  Lewiston,  Feb.  11, 
1867.  At  none  of  the  anniversaries  of  United  lodge  are  the  names  of  the  lamented 
brothers  forgotten.  It  is  ever  the  proud  boast  of  this  lodge  that  Nelson  Dingley 
was  a  member  until  his  death.  At  the  9th  annual  session  of  the  grand  lodge  of 
Maine,  held  at  Bangor,  beginning  April  9,  1867,  Mr.  Dingley  was  elevated  to  the 


I3o  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

first  order  to  acknowledge  the  right  and  duty  of  women  to  labor 
equally  with  the  men  in  the  temperance  reform.  This  included  in  its 
ranks  a  large  number  of  most  faithful  and  efficient  friends  of  the 
cause,  men  and  women,  who  were  never  tired  of  doing  good.  Neal 
Dow,  the  famous  apostle  of  prohibition  says  in  his  reminiscences : 
"I  recall  as  having  been  connected  with  the  order  such  men  as 
Major  H.  A.  Shorey,  Rev.  David  Boyd,  Rev.  Smith  Baker,  Rev.  H. 
C.  Munson,  George  E.  Brackett.  At  the  head  of  the  Good  Tem 
plars  in  Maine  for  a  time  was  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  afterwards  gov 
ernor  of  the  state,  and  now  (1885)  a  member  of  congress  from  this 
state.  Able,  honest,  indefatigable,  and  conscientious  in  everything 
he  undertakes,  Governor  Dingley  is  sure  to  be  useful  and  influ 
ential  in  any  movement  that  is  fortunate  enough  to  receive  his  ap 
proval  and  assistance.  Maine  owes  much  to  him  for  what  he  has 
done  for  her  in  various  fields,  but  friends  of  temperance  here  and 
everywhere  have  reason  to  be  especially  thankful  for  his  constant, 
unswerving,  and  consistent  devotion  to  that  cause." 

The  Maine  law  enacted  in  1851  was  entitled  an  act  "to  suppress 
drinking  houses  and  tippling  shops."  The  political  effect  of  the 
Democratic  opposition  to  the  Maine  law,  is  best  shown  by  noting 
the  fact  that  in  1852  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  state  was 
33,000,  while  in  1856  the  Republican  majority  was  19,000.  The 
Democrats  sought  to  punish  Governor  Hubbard  for  approving  the 
law;  but  the  people  took  the  matter  in  their  owm  hands,  and  re 
buked  the  party  that  dared  to  oppose  the  suppression  of  the  liquor 
traffic. 

At  that  time  Rev.  John  L.  Stevens  was  one  of  Neal  Dow's  co- 
laborers.  He  was  then  a  Universalist  clergyman,  but  later  went 
into  politics.  He  was  a  personal  friend  and  political  confidant  of 
James  G.  Blaine,  receiving  several  appointments  at  his  hand,  the 
last  being  minister  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

highest  office  In  the  gift  of  the  grand  lodge,  that  of  Grand  Worthy  Chief 
Templar,  which  office  he  held  for  two  years.  During  the  last  years  of  the  sixties, 
also  in  the  seventies  his  name  is  often  found  on  important  committees  with 
Joshua  Nye,  Major  H.  A.  Shorey,  and  other  temperance  leaders  of  those  days. 
He  was  several  times  sent  as  a  representative  to  the  right  worthy  grand  lodge 
which  is  now  known  as  the  international  supreme  lodge.  He  was  universally 
respected  and  admired  by  all  of  his  temperance  associates.  No  greater  praise  of 
him  can  be  said  than  that  he  withstood  the  contaminating  influence  of  politics 
and  the  investigations  incident  to  the  holding  of  high  political  office,  and  came 
through  it  all  with  a  clean  record  and  enjoying  the  same  high  confidence  of  the 
temperance  leaders,  which  was  his  in  private  life.  His  name  is  the  synomyn 
of  loyalty  and  unfaltering  devotion  to  the  principles  taught  by  Good  Templary. 
When  surrounded  by  the  social  customs  of  public  life  in  congress,  where  weaker 
men  would  have  compromised  he  remained  true  to  the  doctrine  taught  by  Good 
Templary:  'Total  abstinence  for  the  individual  and  prohibition  for  the  state  and 
nation.'  " 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  131 

A  convention  of  bolting  Democrats  in  1853  nominated  Anson 
P.  Morrill  for  governor.  Ten  days  later  he  made  a  speech  de 
nouncing  the  position  of  the  Democratic  party  on  the  Maine  law. 
This  led  to  his  nomination  by  the  Maine  Law  party  in  1854.  Neal 
Dow  said  that  "Anson  P.  Morrill  was  a  man  of  ability  and  integ 
rity,  of  courage,  of  political  skill  and  experience." 

William  Pitt  Fessenden's  first  election  to  the  United  States 
senate  was  due  to  the  disaffections  in  the  Democratic  party  largely 
growing  out  of  the  temperance  question;  and  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  no  Democrat  has  been  sent  to  the  United  States  senate 
from  the  state  of  Maine  since  1847,  when  James  W.  Bradbury  was 
elected  for  the  term  beginning  in  1847  and  closing  in  1853.  This 
was  largely  due  to  the  temperance  movement  in  politics.  Lot  M. 
Morrill  was  the  regular  Democratic  candidate  for  United  States 
senator,  but  was  defeated  by  William  Pitt  Fessenden.  There  was 
great  excitement  at  this  legislative  convention,  the  temperance 
forces  carrying  the  day.  Subsequently  Messrs.  Fessenden  and 
Morrill  were  colleagues  in  the  United  States  senate  and  both  were 
afterwards  secretaries  of  the  treasury.  In  1857,  Lot  M.  Morrill 
was  elected  governor,  and  the  Maine  law,  which  had  been  super 
seded  a  short  time  previous  by  high  license,  was  re-enacted ;  and  in 
1883  prohibition  was  placed,  by  a  vote  of  the  people,  in  the  consti 
tution  of  the  state. 

Neal  Dow  and  Mr.  Dingiey  were  warm  personal  friends.  The 
latter,  however,  believed  that  it  was  better  for  the  temperance 
forces  to  remain  within  the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party  than  to 
form  a  separate  party  which  would  inevitably  draw  its  greater  pro 
portion  of  voters  from  the  Republican  party.  Mr.  Dingiey  looked 
at  the  question  from  a  practical  point  of  view,  desiring  to  accom 
plish  results.  He  was  a  temperance  man  not  only  in  theory  but  in 
practice,  and  held  a  spotless  reputation  in  his  own  home  and  dis~ 
trict  as  well  as  in  the  state  and  country  at  large.  Notwithstanding 
this,  it  is  strange  to  relate,  that  the  third  party  Prohibitionists  al 
most  invariably  nominated  candidates  against  him.  But  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  recognized  the  true  worth  of  Neal  Dow ;  and  when  that  veteran 
warrior  in  the  cause  of  temperance  passed  away  at  a  ripe  old  age, 
he  paid  him  this  tribute :  "And  as  the  years  pass,  the  nobility  of  Ms 
character,  the  fidelity  of  his  life,  and  the  unselfishness  of  his  aims 
will  be  more  and  more  recognized." 

As  an  editor  and  a  public  speaker,  Mr.  Dingiey  advanced  the 
cause  of  temperance.    Beginning  in  his  boyhood,  he  was  a  cham- 


132  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

pion  of  its  principles.  He  was  active  in  nearly  all  the  organizations 
by  which  temperance  was  promoted  and  encouraged.  Through  the 
Lewiston  Journal  and  by  his  public  addresses  he  did  most  effective 
service  in  the  cause.  One  of  the  most  notable  addresses  he  made 
was  at  a  mass  temperance  convention  at  Sebago  Lake,  in  August, 
1879.  Among  other  things  he  said:  "While  on  the  one  hand 
Maine  is  pointed  to  by  the  friends  of  temperance  abroad  as  well  as 
at  home  as  an  example  of  temperance  progress,  on  the  other  hand 
it  is  earnestly  contended  that  there  has  been  no  real  advance,  and 
that  there  is  proportionately  as  much  liquor  sold  and  drank  in  the 
state  as  ever.  This  controversy  is  due  to  the  fact  that  Maine  ha? 
combated  King  Alcohol  with  a  two-edged  sword — moral  suasion 
and  legal  agencies  instead  of  the  former  alone.  Had  we  been  con 
tent  to  use  only  moral  agencies,  the  enemies  of  temperance  would 
certainly  have  found  no  fault  with  our  policy.  The  activity  which 
they  now  show  in  representing  that  our  prohibitory  policy  is  a  fail 
ure  is  evidence  that  it  has  touched  the  liquor  trade  in  a  weak  spot. 
Those  who  deny  that  there  has  been  any  improvement  in  the  drink 
ing  habits  of  the  people  of  Maine,  endeavor  to  create  the  impres 
sion  that  we  have  abandoned  moral  means  and  are  relying  entirely 
on  legal  agencies.  These  men  wilfully  overlook  the  fact  that  in  no 
other  state  has  there  been  so  general  a  use  of  moral  agencies  in 
promoting  temperance  reform  as  in  Maine.  The  most  potent 
moral  movements  that  have  ever  been  known,  had  their  origin  here. 
The  prohibitionists  of  this  state  have  ever  been  foremost  in  moral 
work.  They  have  simply  used  legal  as  a  buttress  of  moral  suasion. 
They  have  done  this  in  order  that  the  men  saved  by  moral  agencies 
might  be  aided  in  keeping  their  good  resolutions  by  the  removal 
of  the  dram  shop  temptation.  They  have  felt,  also,  that  in  the 
realm  of  morals,  as  well  as  religion,  the  law  is  a  school-master  to  lift 
men  to  a  better  life.  We  are  told  that  the  use  of  law  in  promoting 
sobriety  and  virtue  is  inconsistent  with  the  use  of  persuasion ;  that 
men  cannot  be  made  sober  by  law.  It  is  amazing  that  candid  men 
should  present  this  objection,  when  they  see  no  inconsistency  in  the 
use  of  the  other  laws  to  aid  moral  agencies.  It  is  admitted  that 
laws  prohibiting  gambling  saloons  and  other  vices  are  powerful 
aids  to  moral  means  in  promoting  virtue.  They  remove  temptation 
which  would  seriously  weaken  the  influence  of  good  resolutions. 
So  laws  prohibiting  dram  shops,  not  only  brand  the  drinking  habit 
as  wrong,  but  also  lessen  the  temptation  which  otherwise  would 
stare  men  in  the  face,  and  destroy  much  of  moral  work."  In  con- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  133 

elusion,  Mr.  Dingley  urged  the  friends  of  temperance  to  stand  on 
the  rock  of  total  abstinence  as  the  only  platform  on  which  perma 
nent  temperance  triumphs  can  be  won. 

The  influence  which  Mr.  Dingley  had  on  the  social  and  tem 
perance  side  of  the  community,  cannot  be  over-estimated.  Former 
Governor  Perham  undoubtedly  voices  the  sentiment  of  the  tem 
perance  people  of  Maine  and  of  the  whole  country  when  he  says: 
"As  a  constant  observer,  and  to  some  extent,  a  co-worker  with  him, 
I  feel  justified  in  expressing  the  opinion  that  with  the  exception  of 
Neal  Dow,  no  other  man  in  Maine  has  done  so  much  to  create  and 
maintain  the  strong  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  total  abstinence  for 
which  the  state  is  distinguished."  Verily  his  works  live  after  him. 


CHAPTER  X. 
1878-1879. 

The  Greenback  party  made  its  first  appearance  in  American  pol 
itics,  with  the  nomination  of  William  Allen  for  governor  of  Ohio, 
by  the  Democratic  state  convention  of  1874,  in  opposition  to  Ruth 
erford  B.  Hayes,  upon  a  platform  containing  a  soft-money  clause. 
This  party  made  its  first  appearance  in  Maine  with  the  introduction 
into  the  Democratic  state  convention  of  1875,  by  Solon  Chase,  of 
Turner,  of  a  resolution  containing  this  Ohio  clause.  The  resolu 
tion  was  rejected.  Before  the  next  campaign,  Solon  Chase  estab" 
lished  a  Greenback  paper,  and  a  party  was  formed  which  nominated 
Almon  Gage  of  Lewiston  for  governor,  who  received  520  votes. 
The  Republican  state  convention  which  renominated  Gov.  Connor 
in  1877  adopted  this  financial  plank:  "A  sound  currency — based 
on  coin  and  redeemable  in  coin — is  essential  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
people.  Its  attainment  would  impart  confidence  to  capital,  secure 
remunerative  employment  to  labor,  decrease  the  expense  of  living, 
remove  stagnation  from  trade,  and  greatly  promote  the  develop 
ment  of  commerce  in  which  Maine  is  so  deeply  interested.  We 
therefore  demand  that  in  the  resumption  of  specie  payment,  the 
promise  of  the  national  government  be  kept  in  an  honest,  straight 
forward  manner,  and  that  no  backward  or  sideway  steps  be  taken." 
Senator  Elaine  was  a  member  of  the  committee  on  resolutions. 

The  Greenback  vote  this  year  was  about  5,000;  and  the  Repub 
licans  of  the  state  were  beginning  to  be  somewhat  alarmed  over  the 
growth  of  the  new  financial  doctrine,  plausible  on  its  face,  but  ab 
solutely  false  in  principle.  Solon  Chase  with  his  paper  and  "them 
steers,"  exercised  a  hypnotic  influence  over  the  voters  who  em- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  135 

braced  the  new  financial  doctrine  as  a  panacea  for  all  ills.  He  cam 
paigned  over  the  state  with  this  yoke  of  oxen  and  rallied  to  the  sup 
port  of  his  ideas  thousands  of  farmers  who  were  suffering  from  the 
hard  times  which  followed  the  panic  of  1873  and  accompanied  the 
return  of  the  country  to  a  sound  specie  basis. 

Solon  Chase,  the  chief  apostle  of  Greenbackism  in  Maine,  was  a 
rare  and  shrewd  character.  He  had  had  experience  in  the  state 
legislature  and  used  the  vernacular  of  the  farmer  and  backwoods 
man  that  captivated  the  tillers  of  the  soil.  Moreover  he  was  a 
quick  witted  man,  a  glib  talker,  and  a  debater  full  of  sophistry  and 
plain  homely  illustrations  drawn  from  the  farmer's  experiences, 
that  were  dangerous  to  the  Republican  party  and  the  whole  state.  1 

The  Republican  national  convention  of  1876  demanded  "con 
tinued  and  steady  progress  to  specie  payment."  The  Democrats 
denounced  the  Republican  plan  of  resumption  and  predicted  that  it 
.would  end  in  a  new  suspension  which  would  be  a  "fresh  calamity, 
prolific  of  confusion,  distrust  and  distress."  The  election  of  Ruth 
erford  B.  Hayes  gave  the  country  fresh  confidence  and  courage, 
and  the  greenback  rose  to  94.7  cents  in  gold  in  May,  1877.  But  the 
Greenbackers  thought  the  Republicans  were  in  league  with  the 
money  kings  to  rob  the  people ;  and  they  denounced  the  payment 
of  the  greenbacks  in  coin.  They  said  that  fiat  money  was  good 
enough  for  them,  and  advocated  the  issue  of  greenbacks  until  all 
should  be  rich,  happy  and  prosperous. 

As  editor  of  the  Lewiston  Journal,  Mr.  Dingley  was  one  of  the 
first  men  of  prominence  to  sound  the  note  of  alarm  and  to  combat 
the  false  financial  theories  of  the  Greenbackers.  In  the  state  and 
national  campaigns  of  1876,  and  in  the  state  campaign  of  1877,  he 
fought  with  voice  and  pen  the  false  and  pernicious  doctrine  of 
greenbackism  as  taught  by  Solon  Chase  and  "them  steers."  In  the 
winter  of  1877-78,  the  Republicans  of  Maine  were  alarmed  over  the 
situation.  The  farmers  were  flocking  to  the  support  of  the  new 
doctrine  and  it  looked  as  if  the  Greenbackers  would  sweep  the  state 
in  the  next  election.  Some  of  the  Republican  leaders  wanted  to 
compromise  and  yield  to  the  craze ;  but  Mr.  Dingley  urged  a  bold 
and  steady  opposition.  He  argued  that  greenbackism  was  a  craze 
founded  on  false  principles  and  would  soon  pass  away.  He  main 
tained  that  the  Republicans  could  not  afford  to  yield  one  iota ;  that 
they  should  stick  to  their  colors  and  fight  it  out  "if  it  took  all  sum- 

1— The  New  York  Times  attributed  Solon  Chase's  success  to  his  great  energy, 
nomespun  pride  and  shocking  bad  hat,  and  to  his  discussions  at  the  corner 
grocery. 


136  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

mer,"  and  he  might  have  added  if  it  took  all  winter.  The  Lewiston 
Journal  was  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  It  was  a  light  unto  the  Re 
publican  hosts  in  their  hour  of  trial;  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  their 
guide — their  rock  to  which  they  clung.  With  implicit  faith  they  fol 
lowed  his  leadership,  trusting  in  his  wisdom  and  wise  generalship. 

Early  in  February  of  that  year,  a  committee  from  the  state 
Greenback  organization  sent  a  challenge  to  Mr.  Dingley  to  debate 
with  Solon  Chase,  the  financial  issues  of  the  hour  and  the  doctrine 
of  greenbackism.  Mr.  Dingley  promptly  accepted  this  challenge 
and  agreed  to  meet  Mr.  Chase  in  a  joint  discussion  at  Auburn  hall. 
That  evening  Auburn  hall  was  packed ;  and  Solon  Chase  the  idol 
and  apostle  of  the  Greenbackers,  exhausted  all  his  logic  and  wit  in 
support  of  his  pet  ideas.  But  Mr.  Dingley  in  a  calm  and  candid 
manner,  with  solid  chunks  of  reason  bolstered  up  by  facts,  dealt 
blow  after  blow  against  the  fortress  erected  by  Mr.  Chase,  and  be 
fore  the  discussion  was  over  completely  demolished  it.  1  The  sup 
porters  of  both  Mr.  Dingley  and  Mr.  Chase  were  out  in  large  force, 
and  loudly  applauded  every  good  point.  This  debate  was  reported 
stenographically  by  J.  D.  Pulsifer  of  Auburn,  and  published  in  full. 
This  report  of  a  discussion  between  the  two  giants  of  Maine  repre 
senting  both  sides  of  the  controversy,  did  more  to  clear  up  the 
political  atmosphere  and  hold  in  line  wavering  Republicans,  partic 
ularly  farmers,  than  anything  else  that  occurred  that  year ;  and  Mr. 
Dingley  displayed  his  wide  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the  sub 
ject,  thus  placing  himself  among  the  foremost  students  of  finance 
not  only  in  the  state,  but  in  the  whole  country.  Throughout  that 
spring,  Mr.  Dingley  made  political  and  temperance  addresses  and 
delivered  many  of  his  popular  lectures.  On  the  29th  of  July  he  at- 
tended  a  conference  of  the  state  Republican  committee  in  Portland 
and  on  the  next  day,  July  3Oth,  attended,  as  a  delegate,  the  state 
convention  which  renominated  Governor  Connor.  In  this  conven 
tion  Mr.  Dingley  was  a  member  of  the  committee  on  resolutions 
and  framed  the  financial  plank  which  read:  "We  demand  honest 
money  for  the  people.  Our  currency  must  be  made  as  good  as  coin 
and  redeemable  in  it.  The  government  promised  this.  The  Re- 

1— Solon  Chase  writes:  "I  served  two  terms  in  the  Maine  legislature  with  Mr. 
Dingley  and  knew  him  and  respected  him  during  his  active  life.  The  secret  of 
his  success  was  the  pains-taking  hard  work  he  put  into  whatever  he  was  en 
gaged  in.  He  was  not  an  expert  in  everything,  but  he  was  an  expert  in  what  he 
undertook.  When  I  began  to  preach  the  gospel  according  to  'them  steers,'  Nel 
son  Dingley  did  not  meet  me  with  ridicule.  He  met  me  with  logic  in  joint  de 
bate.  He  presented  the  strong  points  of  his  side  of  the  question  with  force  and 
simplicity,  and  after  twenty  years  of  discussion  no  points  that  he  did  not  then 
make  have  oeen  presented." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  137 

publican  party  has  legislated  to  perform  it,  and  in  the  course  of  re 
sumption,  now  nearly  accomplished,  there  must  be  no  steps  side- 
wise  or  backwards.  We  congratulate  our  fellow-citizens  on  the 
unmistakable  evidence  that  the  near  approach  of  a  stable  currency 
is  preparing  the  way  for  an  early  permanent  revival  of  business  and 
industry,  so  long  depressed  by  causes  growing  out  of  a  gigantic 
civil  war,  among  which  a  depreciated  and  fluctuating  currency  is 
the  most  prominent  and  greatly  aggravated  by  the  mischievous  ag 
itation  of  demagogues  in  and  out  of  congress  for  measures  which, 
if  adopted  as  the  policy  of  the  government,  would  bring  permanent 
disaster,  and  ruin  to  business,  discredit  and  dishonor  upon  the  na 
tion,  and  tend  to  subvert  many  of  those  principles  which  are  funda 
mental  to  the  existence  of  civilized  society."  Congressman  Hale 
presented  the  report  of  the  committee  on  resolutions,  while  Sen 
ator  Hamlin,  General  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  Senator  Blaine,  and 
Congressman  Frye,  made  addresses. 

The  Greenback  state  convention  was  held  in  Auburn  hall,  June 
4th.  Solon  Chase,  the  temporary  chairman,  said :  "I  can  see  that 
the  vote  we  are  going  to  throw  this  fall  will  strike  both  parties  like 
a  streak  of  chain  lightning."  The  platform  declared  in  favor  of  "the 
principles  of  the  national  Greenback  party ;  the  abolition  of  all  bank 
issues ;  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver ;  and  the 
issuing  by  the  government  of  full  legal  tender  paper  money,  re 
ceivable  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  in  accordance  with  ex 
isting  contracts,  and  in  amounts  sufficient  to  meet  the  wants  of 
trade."  The  platform  further  stated  that  the  Greenback  party  "in 
tends  to  restore  the  country  to  that  purity  which  is  in  accordance 
with  the  civilization  of  the  iQth  century."  Joseph  L.  Smith  was 
nominated  for  governor. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  was  held  in  Portland  June 
1 8th.  It  nominated  Alonzo  Garcelon  of  Lewiston  for  governor, 
and  adopted  a  platform  which  declared  "in  favor  of  the  payment  of 
the  bonded  debt  of  the  United  States  as  rapidly  as  practicable ;  op 
position  to  an  irredeemable  currency,  but  in  favor  of  the  same  cur 
rency  for  the  government  and  people,  the  laborer  and  office-holder, 
the  pensioner  and  soldier,  the  producer  and  bond-holder." 

The  state  campaign  opened  early  in  August.  It  was  a  fierce 
fight  from  beginning  to  end.  Mr.  Dingley  took  an  active  part  in 
the  fight,  speaking  nearly  every  night  and  writing  vigorous  edi 
torials.  In  this  campaign  James  A.  Garfield  spoke  in  Lewiston 
September  2nd.  In  discussing  the  evils  of  irredeemable  currency, 


138  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Mr.  Dingley  observed  that  "in  the  face  of  the  fact  that  the  fluctua 
tions  of  prices  which  have  caused  the  wide-spread  commercial  dis 
asters  are  largely  due  to  a  depreciated  dollar  measure,  it  is  surpris 
ing  that  any  intelligent  man  can  listen  for  a  moment  to  the  pro 
posal  to  administer  a  remedy,  increasing  permanent  doses  of  the 
very  irredeemable,  fluctuating  paper  money  which  has  caused  our 
troubles.  It  would  be  just  as  sensible  for  a  physician  to  recommend 
his  delirium  tremens  patient  to  drink  harder  and  deeper  as  a  rem 
edy  for  his  difficulties,  as  for  a  statesman  to  recommend  more  irre 
deemable  paper  money  to  a  country  suffering  from  the  evils  of  a 
fluctuating  currency." 

In  answer  to  the  query  of  a  Greenback  correspondent,  he  wrote : 
"The  Greenbackers  build  their  whole  structure  on  the  idea  that  the 
greenback  is  not  a  promise  of  the  government  to  pay  the  value  ex 
pressed  on  it  in  coin  (as  the  sound  money  men  claim) ;  but  that  it  is 
absolute  money  itself,  just  as  good  and  valuable  as  gold,  made  so 
by  the  government  stamp,  without  any  promise  or  purpose  of  re 
demption.  Whether  the  sound  money  men  or  soft  money  men  are 
right  in  this  fundamental  principle  our  correspondent  admits  he 
don't  pretend  to  know;  yet  in  the  face  of  this  confession,  he  vir 
tually  proceeds  to  accept  the  doctrine  of  an  irredeemable  currency 
and  found  all  his  complaints  on  it.  This  is  why  the  Greenback 
fallacy  deludes  so  many  men  who  are  intelligent  on  other  subjects ; 
they  don't  stop  to  consider  that  this  fundamental  question  of  re 
deemable  or  irredeemable  currency  must  be  first  correctly  decided 
before  anyone  can  intelligently  decide  all  other  questions  of  finan 
cial  policy.  *  *  *  The  real  question  which  all  persons  who  are 
inclined  to  accept  Greenback  ideas,  should  first  solve  to  their  satis 
faction  is  this  :  'Can  our  paper  currency  be  brought  and  kept  at  par 
without  having  it  redeemable  in  coin  ?'  No  intelligent  man  can  con 
sistently  accept  any  of  the  Greenback  complaints  and  remedies,  un 
til  he  is  prepared  to  answer  in  the  affirmative  and  give  good  rea 
sons  for  his  conclusions." 

In  discussing  currency  and  business  Mr.  Dingley  wrote :  "It  is 
a  familiar  theory  of  some  of  the  Greenback  papers  and  speakers, 
that  rising  prices  are  needed  to  revive  business,  and  that  in  order 
to  secure  this  paper  money  must  be  issued.  This  theory  rests  on 
the  fallacy  that  the  volume  of  paper  money  outstanding  when  the 
value  of  each  dollar  remains  unchanged,  whether  productively 
used  or  not,  determines  prices — a  theory  which  is  utterly  dissipated 
by  the  fact  that  we  have  today  twice  as  much  paper  money  per  in 
habitant  as  we  ever  had  before  the  war ;  while  prices,  excepting  in 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  139 

a  few  directions,  where  machinery  and  over-production  have 
glutted  the  market,  are  about  the  same  as  before  the  war;  and  that 
prices  are  50  per  cent  or  more  lower  than  from  1868  to  1872,  when 
our  paper  money  was  no  larger  than  it  has  been  the  past  two  years. 
The  principle  of  political  economy  is  that  the  volume  of  money 
actually  used,  and  not  the  volume  outstanding,  where  each  dollar  is 
kept  at  par,  affects  prices  simply  by  effecting  the  demand.  In  other 
words,  it  is  demand  and  supply  that  regulates  exchangeable  values. 

"A  fluctuation  in  the  value  of  the  dollar  measure,  however,  with 
out  any  change  of  the  volume  of  paper  money,  does  directly  af 
fect  prices,  just  as  any  fluctuation  in  the  length  of  the  yard  stick 
would  affect  the  number  of  yards  in  a  piece  of  cloth.  This  is  why 
the  paper  dollar  worth  only  70  cents  necessarily  gave  higher 
prices  in  1868,  than  it  does  now,  when  it  is  worth  nearly  100  cents 
without  any  change  in  the  volume  of  paper  money.  But  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  as  shortening  or  lengthening  a  yard  stick 
would  not  increase  or  decrease  the  amount  of  cloth,  so  increasing 
or  decreasing  the  value  of  the  greenback  dollar  does  not  actually 
change  the  real  or  exchangeable  value  of  any  man's  property.  He 
may  call  himself  worth  more  or  fewer  dollars;  but  his  steers  and 
home  and  farm  are  unchanged,  and  will  sell  for  the  same  amount 
of  other  products.  In  other  words,  a  general  rise  of  prices  caused 
by  a  depreciation  of  the  greenback  dollar,  helps  no  one  except 
speculators,  who  purchase  on  the  rise  and  take  care  to  sell  out  be 
fore  the  inevitable  fall. 

"There  is  no  way  to  increase  prices  or  lessen  the  burdens  of 
debt  by  issuing  more  greenbacks,  unless  the  greenback  dollar  is 
to  be  depreciated.  *  *  * 

"What  the  country  wants  is  a  stable  currency  based  on  coin,  and 
the  stable  prices  which  they  give  under  the  operation  of  supply  and 
demand.  Changing  prices  arising  from  a  fluctuating  currency,  as 
Webster  so  well  said,  are  good  for  fortunate  speculators,  but  ruin 
ous  to  the  people,  as  our  own  experience  has  shown.  Now  we  have 
nearly  reached  this  sound  currency  basis,  and  passed  through  the 
perils  of  a  fluctuating  dollar  measure,  it  would  be  suicide  to  go 
back  to  a  depreciated  currency  and  be  obliged  again  to  go  through 
greater  suffering  than  ever." 

Again  he  wrote:  "The  Greenbackers  seem  to  think  that  be 
cause  the  greenback  dollar  is  a  legal  tender,  it  must  be  ac 
cepted  by  a  creditor  as  a  discharge  for  a  dollar's  indebtedness 
where  there  is  no  misunderstanding  to  the  contrary,  therefore  it  is 


140  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

as  good  as  a  gold  dollar  even  when  it  is  at  a  discount  as  compared 
with  gold.  To  be  sure  it  will  discharge  a  dollar's  old  indebtedness 
even  though  it  may  be  worth  only  75  cents  in  gold,  but  it  don't  pre 
vent  a  gold  dollar  at  the  same  time  being  voluntarily  accepted  in 
discharge  of  $1.25  of  indebtedness,  though  the  law  may  continue  to 
say  that  each  shall  be  accepted  for  a  dollar.  *  *  *  When  the 
government  made  its  greenback  promise  a  legal  tender,  it  simply 
said  that  the  creditor  should  receive  the  government  as  a  sub 
stitute  for  the  private  debtor's  promise.  The  debt  is  not  finally  paid 
until  the  government  redeems  its  promise.  It  is  for  this  reason  that 
the  government  cannot  finally  pay  one  of  its  own  promises  with 
anything  but  coin;  for  an  exchange  of  one  kind  of  government 
promise  for  another  kind,  is  not  payment.  *  *  *  When  we 
come  to  the  purchasing  power  of  the  greenback  dollar — the  chief 
use  to  which  money  is  put — then  it  is  received  only  at  its  value  in 
coin,  without  regard  to  its  legal  tender  qualities.  Government 
never  did,  and  can't  compel  anybody  to  sell  his  products  at  the  same 
price  for  depreciated  paper  as  for  coin.  If  the  depreciated  green 
back  dollar  is  called  a  dollar,  then  prices  quoted  in  greenbacks  ad 
vance  to  make  up  the  depreciation.  When  greenbacks  were  worth 
50  cents  in  gold,  one  could  buy  twice  as  much  for  a  gold  dol 
lar  as  for  a  greenback  dollar  and  pay  twice  as  large  a  debt.  The 
greenback  and  the  gold  dollar  are  equal  in  value,  that  is  purchasing 
power,  only  when  the  former  is  convertible  into  the  latter ;  and  this 
cannot  come  until  the  government  is  ready,  or  about  ready,  to  re 
deem  in  coin  the  promise  written  on  the  face  of  the  greenback." 

In  answer  to  the  query  "is  not  the  laboring  man  better  off  in  a 
country  with  an  irredeemable  currency,  than  in  one  on  a  specie 
basis?"  Mr.  Dingley  replied :  "No.  The  reverse  is  true,  and  every 
political  economist  of  note,  and  every  great  statesman  so  says. 
The  trouble  is  that  the  workingman  is  deceived  as  to  what  his  real 
wages  are  when  he  is  paid  in  a  depreciated  currency;  and  ulti 
mately  after  a  brief  period  of  unhealthy  stimulation,  industry  itself 
is  ship-wrecked.  The  true  measure  of  wages  is  the  amount  of  ne 
cessities  of  life  they  will  purchase." 

In  answer  to  the  question,  "what  will  be  gained  by  resumption 
of  specie  payment?"  Mr.  Dingley  wrote:  "First,  we  shall  then, 
and  not  until  then,  have  a  stable  currency,  every  dollar  of  which  will 
be  worth  just  the  same  as  a  gold  dollar,  and  practically  unchange 
able  from  month  to  month.  This  will  prevent  the  further  fluctua 
tions  of  the  greenback  dollar,  in  which  prices  have  been  measured, 
and  debts  contracted,  take  away  the  most  prolific  cause  of  our  busi- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  141 

ness  disasters,  give  us  stable  prices,  inspire  confidence  in  the  fu 
ture,  unlock  idle  capital,  gradually  revive  business,  and  start  up  the 
wheels  of  industry.  Second,  the  volume  of  currency  will  at  all  times 
rise  and  fall  with  business  wants,  and  take  away  from  demagogues 
all  opportunity  to  disturb  confidence  by  proposals  to  remedy  the 
evils  of  this  life  by  printing  more  government  notes.  Gold  is 
acknowledged  by  every  commercial  nation  to  be  the  most  unvary 
ing  and  reliable  standard  of  value,  and  all  accepted  political  econ 
omists  agree  that  paper  money  of  a  sufficient  volume  for  business 
purposes,  cannot  be  maintained  at  par  with  it  in  any  other  way  than 
by  redemption  in  coin." 

In  discussing  the  bond  question,  and  the  proposition  raised  by 
the  Greenbackers  that  "bloated  bondholders"  were  being  paid  in 
coin,  while  the  soldiers  in  the  field  were  obliged  to  receive  de 
preciated  currency,  he  said  that  "in  time  of  peace  the  government 
pays  its  expenses  month  by  month,  with  the  receipts  of  taxation. 
In  the  struggle  for  the  existence  of  the  nation  in  the  dark  days  of 
the  war,  the  government  found  the  current  receipts  insufficient  to 
maintain  its  armies  in  the  field,  and  hence  it  was  obliged  to  buy 
and  borrow  on  promises  to  pay  in  the  future.  It  issued  its  promises 
in  two  forms — one  in  greenbacks,  payable  at  no  definite  time,  but 
understood  to  be  after  the  war,  without  interest,  having  the  legal 
tender  or  debt  paying  power  (which  means  simply  that  a  private 
debt  may  be  discharged  by  a  government  promise  to  pay  the 
amount)  ;  and  the  other  the  bond,  payable  at  a  definite  time  with  in 
terest.  Those  who  furnished  supplies  or  gave  their  services,  were 
at  liberty  to  take  either  kind  of  government  promises.  But  neither 
greenback  nor  bond  promises  of  the  government  to  pay  dollars  will 
be  finally  discharged,  until  they  are  paid  in  coin.  The  fact  that  both 
bonds  and  greenbacks  were  sold  or  paid  out  for  less  than  par  in 
coin,  because  of  the  fear  that  the  nation  would  not  be  able  to  pay 
them,  cannot  change  the  obligation  of  the  government  to  pay  ac 
cording  to  the  understanding,  even  if  the  same  men  now  hold  both, 
that  originally  received  them  at  a  discount.  But  the  men  and  wo 
men  who  now  hold  these  securities, — rarely  capitalists  and  men  of 
large  means — have  bought  them  since  in  the  market,  generally  at 
higher  rate  than  they  now  command." 

Again  he  wrote :  "A  Greenback  exchange  says  'the  country  is 
suffering  for  want  of  money,  and  that  government  is  the  only  power 
that  can  produce  it.  Let  us  have  more  greenbacks  and  our  troubles 
will  cease.' 


142  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

"Our  trouble  has  largely  come  from  getting  off  the  stable 
money  basis  of  the  commercial  world  during  the  war,  and  attempt 
ing  to  do  business  with  a  fluctuating  currency  which  has  disturbed 
prices  by  first  inflating  and  then  correspondingly  depreciating 
them,  and  unsettled  the  foundation  of  business.  When  we  are 
fairly  back  to  a  stable  currency  and  all  efforts  to  disturb  it  over, 
then,  and  not  till  then, — shall  we  have  a  return  of  confidence  and  a 
consequent  revival  of  business." 

He  observed  that  "it  is  surprising  that  anyone  who  has  had  an 
opportunity  to  study  the  science  of  wealth  and  the  financial  history 
of  nations,  or  to  observe  our  recent  history,  should  adopt  the 
absurd  idea  that  whatever  congress  declares  to  be  a  dollar  is  a  dol 
lar,  with  the  same  value  as  a  gold  dollar.  *  *  *  Value  is  meas 
ured  by  purchasing  power." 

The  state  election  was  held  September  gth,  in  the  midst  of  great 
excitement.  Governor  Connor,  the  Republican  candidate,  received 
56,554  votes;  Alonzo  Garcelon,  the  Democratic  candidate,  re 
ceived  28,208  votes;  and  Joseph  L.  Smith,  the  Greenback  candi 
date,  received  41,371  votes.  There  was  no  choice  for  governor  by 
the  people.  Thus  closed  one  of  the  most  remarkable  campaigns  in 
the  history  of  the  state.  For  more  than  a  year  the  Greenback  ora 
tors  and  papers  had  been  constantly  representing  to  the  people  that 
hard  times  were  caused  by  the  financial  policy  of  the  government 
since  1862  and  not  by  the  war  and  a  depreciated  currency.  Taking 
advantage  of  the  peculiar  state  of  feeling  engendered  by  financial 
depression,  they  had  succeeded  through  a  succession  of  school 
house  meetings,  papers,  tracts,  etc.,  in  convincing  thousands  of 
people  that  resumption  of  specie  payments  was  the  cause  of  all  our 
trouble,  and  that  happiness,  prosperity  and  industry  would  be  at 
once  revived  by  dismissing  all  thought  of  resumption  and  issuing 
a  large  amount  of  irredeemable  greenbacks,  which  would  in  some 
unexplained  manner  find  their  way  into  every  poor  man's  pocket. 
At  no  other  time  could  such  ideas  have  found  lodgment  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  Maine.  The  friends  of  sound  money  made 
the  mistake  of  supposing  that  it  was  impossible  that  such  Green 
back  views  could  make  progress,  and  therefore  neglected  to  present 
the  other  side  except  through  a  portion  of  the  press,  until  the  cam 
paign  opened  the  first  of  August.  Aside  from  those  leaders  caught 
by  this  remarkable  financial  platform,  the  Greenbackers  gathered 
into  their  net  every  element  of  discontent. 

The  Republicans  hesitated  not  a  moment  to  take  a  square  and 
manly  ground  on  the  currency  question.  They  refused  to  cater  in 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  143 

any  manner  to  what  they  knew  was  wrong,  in  order  to  obtain  any 
present  advantage.  Notwithstanding  hard  times  had  created  a 
strong  temporary  sentiment  in  favor  of  Greenback  ideas,  yet  they 
risked  all  in  an  earnest,  manly  effort  to  disabuse  the  public  mind 
and  present  sound  financial  principles.  Notwithstanding  they  had 
only  a  short  time  on  the  stump  to  combat  the  specious  inculcations 
of  more  than  a  year,  yet  the  Republicans  succeeded  in  so  success- 
fully  resisting  the  greenback  tide  that  it  carried  over  not  more  than 
10,000  Republicans,  against  nearly  three  times  that  number  of 
Democrats.  The  Democratic  party  was  slowly  being  swallowed 
up  in  the  vortex  of  Greenbackism. 

A  revision  of  the  count  showed  that  in  the  legislative  vote  the 
Democrats  had  slid  into  the  Greenback  ranks.  The  senate  con 
sisted  of  20  Republicans  and  1 1  Greenbackers.  The  house  consisted 
of  65  Republicans,  61  Greenbackers,  15  sound  money  Democrats, 
and  10  fiat  money  Democrats.  The  balance  of  power  was  there 
fore  in  the  hands  of  the  15  sound  money  Democrats.  In  this 
election  Congressmen  Hale  and  Powers  were  defeated  by  two 
Greenbackers,  George  W.  Ladd  and  Thomas  Murch.  Three  Re 
publican  congressmen  were  elected — Thos.  B.  Reed,  William  P. 
Frye,  and  Stephen  D.  Lindsey. 

Between  the  state  and  the  November  elections  the  soft  money 
men  kept  up  a  continual  warfare  and  made  convert*  throughout  the 
state.  Mr.  Dingley,  however,  met  them  with  solid  arguments.  On 
one  occasion  he  observed  that  "honest  men  who  want  to  act  in 
telligently  and  wisely  should  ask  themselves  if  it  is  safe  to  assume 
that  the  ablest  and  wisest  men  of  the  past  five  centuries  have  been 
all  wrong  in  this  matter  of  a  paper  currency ;  and  that  the  men  who 
are  leading  the  greenback  movement — Voorhees,  Butler,  Ewing, 
Smith,  Chase,  Fogg,  Perry,  etc., — have  within  five  years  discovered 
principles  of  finance  which  overturn  Adam  Smith,  John  Stewart 
Mill,  Edmund  Burke,  George  Washington,  and  all  the  other  great 
men  of  history."  Again  he  said :  "The  historic  fact  stands  uncon- 
tradicted  that  there  never  has  been  an  instance  where  irredeemable 
paper,  issued  in  sufficient  quantity  to  transact  business  has  not  de 
preciated." 

Benjamin  Butler  was  a  candidate  for  governor  of  Massa 
chusetts  this  year,  and  Mr.  Dingley  wrote :  "For  a  man  with  such 
a  record,  possessing  two  millions  of  property,  receiving  often 
$10,000  for  a  single  law  suit,  to  set  himself  up  as  the  poor  man's 
friend  is  the  most  astounding  instance  of  brass  that  has  ever  been 
known." 


144  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  silver  question  was  also  occupying  the  attention  of  the 
country  and  the  people  of  the  state  of  Maine.  The  Greenback  con 
vention  of  this  year  had  indorsed  the  proposition  to  admit  silver  to 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  I.  The  act  of  1873 
had  been  upon  the  statute  book  five  years,  and  the  agitation  in 
favor  of  "more  money"  had  set  in  motion  the  desire  on  the  part  of 
the  financial  reformers  of  the  country  to  coin  more  silver  dollars. 
The  result  was  the  passage  of  the  so-called  Bland-Allison  act  of 
1878.  In  discussing  the  silver  question,  Mr.  Dingley  wrote  in  June, 
1878:  "Notwithstanding  the  claim  that  the  people  were  ready  to 
take  any  quantity  of  silver  dollars  at  par,  and  that  their  coinage 
would  at  once  revive  business ;  yet  so  far  the  performance  fails  to 
come  up  with  the  promise.  About  six  million  silver  dollars  has 
been  coined,  but  as  the  government  sells  them  instead  of  giving 
them  away,  nobody  wants  the  dollars  of  the  daddies.  Secretary 
Sherman  first  offered  them  at  par  for  gold,  but  nobody  would  take 
them.  He  then  offered  them  at  par  in  greenbacks,  and  only 
enough  were  taken  to  use  in  paying  duties,  while  none  went  into 
general  circulation.  He  then  changed  this  programme  and  tried 
to  get  the  'dollar  of  the  daddies'  into  circulation  through  the  banks, 
in  exchange  for  greenbacks,  but  the  banks  nearly  all  replied  that 
they  don't  care  for  the  silver  dollars,  because  their  customers 
object  to  taking  them,  preferring  bank  notes.  On  the  whole  the 
dollar  of  the  daddies  has  benefited  nobody,  although  when  the 
amount  coined  is  largely  increased  it  may  cause  some  mischief." 

Again  in  September  of  that  year  he  wrote :  "The  silver  dollar 
troubles  the  treasury  department.  Thirteen  millions  have  been 
coined  and  constant  attempts  have  been  made  to  get  them  into  cir 
culation  ;  but  four  out  of  five  of  them  have  immediately  found  their 
way  back  to  the  treasury  through  the  custom  houses,  where  they 
are  received  instead  of  gold.  In  spite  of  the  cry  that  money  is 
scarce,  nobody  wants  either  these  millions  of  dollars,  or  the 
hundred  millions  of  greenbacks  awaiting  purchasers  in  the 
United  States  treasury  and  other  places.  Thus  far  only  two  mil 
lions  silver  dollars  have  remained  in  circulation,  and  the  other  ten 
millions  are  back  in  the  treasury.  The  difficulty  is  that  everybody 
knows  that  they  are  really  worth  but  90  cents,  and  a  dollar  which  is 
actually  worth  ten  cents  less  than  a  gold  dollar,  and  passes  for  100 
cents  only  because  there  are  only  a  few  issued,  and  the  government 
will  give  that  for  it,  at  the  custom  houses,  necessarily  hobbles 
through  the  paths  of  business — especially  as  everybody  sees  that  as 
soon  as  enough  of  these  silver  dollars  are  out  to  make  this  kind  of 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  145 

redemption  insufficient  to  maintain  them  at  a  higher  figure  than 
their  real  value,  they  must  go  down  to  their  actual  worth.  Pay 
ment  of  them  to  bondholders  would  amount  to  nothing,  as  they 
would  be  returned  to  the  custom  houses  in  24  hours.  Besides,  such 
payment  would  stop  the  sale  of  four  per  cent  bonds.  The  only 
chance  that  the  government  has  to  make  the  silver  dollars  stay  out, 
is  to  get  them  into  remote  country  districts  where  a  longer  time 
will  be  occupied  in  getting  them  back  to  the  treasury. 

"P.  S.  We  forgot  to  say  that  government  does  not  give  away 
these  dollars,  but  sells  them  for  a  greenback  or  bank  dollar!!  It 
may  be  well  to  add  that  if  government  should  print  more  green 
backs  it  would  simply  sell  them  for  100  cents  in  coin — just  as  it  is 
now  ready  to  sell  a  hundred  million  of  those  already  printed ! !" 

Again  he  wrote:  "Notwithstanding  large  quantities  of  silver 
have  been  purchased  by  our  government  and  coined  into  'dollars  of 
the  daddies'  yet  the  market  price  continues  to  depreciate.  At  the 
present  nominal  New  York  rates,  the  silver  in  a  newly  coined  dollar 
is  worth  about  82  3-4  cents.  The  mint  is  continuing,  and,  under 
the  statutes  as  they  are,  must  continue  to  turn  out  from  two  to  four 
millions  of  these  coins  per  month.  It  would  be  folly  to  ignore  the 
fact  that  under  these  circumstances  the  depreciation  and  distur 
bance  of  our  currency  by  the  wholly  unmanageable  element  of  sil 
ver  in  it,  is  only  a  question  of  time.  If  congress  when  it  meets, 
passes  a  law  to  stop  the  further  coining  of  these  dollars,  it  will 
prevent  serious  injury  to  our  national  currency."  He  added :  "The 
fluctuation  in  the  value  of  silver  renders  it  unfitted  to  be  regarded 
as  a  standard  of  value.  The  suggestion  often  made  that  the  sil 
ver  dollar  should  be  made  heavy  enough  to  make  it  worth  a  gold 
dollar  contains  a  dangerous  fallacy.  As  long  as  the  value  of  silver 
is  fluctuating  as  it  has  fluctuated  during  the  last  three  years,  no 
such  device  would  succeed.  If  for  instance,  even  a  year  ago,  we 
had  begun  coining  the  silver  dollar  with  weight  enough  to 
make  it  equal  to  gold,  it  would  no'w  be  five  or  six  per  cent  below 
gold,  and  we  would  have  to  begin  over  again.  There  are  only  two 
ways  out  of  our  difficulty ;  one  is  to  restrict  silver  as  legal  tender  to 
small  amounts ;  the  other  is  to  estrict  the  coinage  of  it  to  the 
amount  which  experience  shows  to  be  called  for  small  change. 
Nothing  is  surer  than  if  we  go  on  coining  silver  at  the  present  rate 
until  enough  is  afloat  for  general  use,  we  shall  in  a  year  or  two  lose 
our  gold,  as  we  lost  it  in  1862,  and  have  silver  as  our  only  standard, 
unless  silver  rises  to  59  or  60  pence  per  ounce,  in  the  meantime. 
The  thing  to  be  done  now,  and  when  congress  meets,  is  to  talk  of 


i46  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

this  fact  in  the  language  and  frame  of  mind  of  business  men,  with 
out  passion  or  poetry,  and  deal  with  it  on  business  principles." 

In  discussing  the  functions  of  money,  Mr.  Dingley  observed: 
"It  is  fallacy  to  suppose  money  to  be  the  creator  or  master  of  busi 
ness.  The  truth  is  exactly  the  other  way.  Business  is  the  master 
of  money.  Money  is  but  a  servant.  It  flows  into  circulation  at  the 
demand  of  business,  and  retires  into  idleness  when  business  has  no 
further  profitable  use  for  it.  Contrive  to  stimulate  business  into 
activity,  inspire  confidence  in  business  men,  so  that  they  shall 
dare  risk  their  capital  in  business,  and  thus  create  employment  for 
more  money,  and  more  money  will  very  soon  go  out  in  response  to 
the  demand."  Thus  Mr.  Dingley  early  espoused  and  defended  the 
cause  of  sound  money. 

The  state  constitution  provided  that  in  the  election  of  gover 
nor  "if  no  person  shall  have  a  majority  of  votes,  the  house  of  rep 
resentatives  shall  by  ballot,  from  the  persons  having  the  four  high 
est  number  of  votes  on  the  list,  if  so  many  there  may  be,  elect  two 
persons  and  make  return  of  their  names  to  the  senate,  of  which  the 
senate  shall,  by  ballot,  elect  one,  which  shall  be  elected  governor." 
The  legislature  met  early  in  January,  1879.  The  constitutional 
candidates  selected  by  the  house  were  Selden  Connor,  Joseph  L. 
Smith,  Alonzo  Garcelon,  and  Frederick  Robie.  On  motion  of  Mr. 
Wallace  of  Belfast,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  receive  and  count 
the  votes  for  two  candidates  for  governor  to  be  sent  to  the  senate. 
The  result  was  declared  to  be  as  follows :  Smith  and  Garcelon  had 
85  votes  each,  Connor  and  Robie  64  each.  Therefore  the  names  of 
Smith  and  Garcelon  were  sent  to  the  senate.  The  senate  then  pro 
ceeded  to  vote  upon  these  two  names.  The  result  was  Alonzo  Gar* 
celon  21,  and  Joseph  L.  Smith  10.  Thereupon  Alonzo  Garcelon 
was  declared  to  be  the  constitutional  governor  for  the  state  of 
Maine  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  Republicans  in  the  senate  pre 
ferred  to  vote  for  Garcelon  rather  than  Smith,  because  the  former 
was  elected  on  a  platform  opposed  to  an  irredeemable  paper  cur 
rency. 

The  health  of  Mr.  Dingtey  at  this  time  was  very  poor.  His 
labors  on  the  stump,  on  the  lecture  platform  and  in  the  editorial 
chair  had  drawn  upon  his  vitality  to  an  alarming  degree.  Late  in 
the  spring  of  1878,  just  before  the  campaign  fairly  opened,  he  was 
taken  ill  in  his  office,  and  carried  home  in  a  state  of  physical  col 
lapse.  His  family  and  friends  were  very  much  alarmed  and  began 
to  urge  upon  him  the  necessity  of  taking  a  much-needed  rest. 
Therefore  early  in  October  of  that  year,  after  the  state  election  was 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  147 

over,  Mr.  Dingley  with  his  wife  and  Dr.  Cheney,  president  of  Bates 
college,  sailed  for  Europe,  intending  to  be  absent  several  months. 
They  left  New  York  on  the  5th  day  of  the  month,  and  landed  at 
Glasgow  October  I5th.  Mr.  Dingley's  fame  as  a  temperance  ad 
vocate  had  gone  before  him,  and  while  stopping  at  the  hotel  in 
Glasgow  he  was  given  a  reception  and  dinner.  At  this  dinner  he 
made  a  speech  on  the  Maine  law.  From  Glasgow  he  visited  other 
parts  of  Scotland,  was  entertained  by  Sir  Wilfred  Lawson,  and  on 
the  22nd  of  the  month  attended  the  United  Kingdom  alliance  coun 
cil  at  Manchester,  England,  where  he  spoke  in  response  to  the 
toast  "Canada."  At  Free  Trade  hall  he  spoke  in  the  evening  to  an 
audience  of  8,000  people.  From  Manchester  he  journeyed  back  to 
Glasgow,  then  to  Edinburg.  Here  he  visited  many  historic  places 
including  Melrose  Abbey,  Holyrood  Palace,  Parliament  buildings, 
and  the  High  Court.  On  the  3ist  he  was  at  London,  and  on  the 
6th  of  November  crossed  the  channel  and  entered  France.  In 
Paris  l  he  made  a  study  of  French  laws  and  customs,  especially  its 
financial  system.  From  France  he  journeyed  through  Italy, 
Switzerland,  Holland,  Belgium,  Germany,  Austria,  Greece,  and 
Turkey,  and  spent  more  or  less  time  in  Geneva,  Berlin,  Vienna, 
Rome,  Florence,  Athens,  Constantinople,  and  other  places 
of  interest.  He  spent  his  last  week  in  Ireland,  whence  he  sailed 
the  middle  of  May,  landing  in  New  York  on  the  8th  of  June. 
Throughout  this  trip  Mr.  Dingley  wrote  interesting  and  enter 
taining  letters  to  the  Journal,  giving  in  detail  his  experiences.  The 
letters  were  quoted  freely  by  the  papers  of  Maine. 

June  loth  he  reached  home.'  He  was  met  at  the  railroad  station 
by  a  large  number  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  a  committee  appointed 
at  a  meeting  held  the  Saturday  before.  The  spokesman  of  this 
committee  informed  Mr.  Dingley  that  it  was  the  wish  of  the  citi 
zens,  irrespective  of  party,  to  tender  him  a  public  reception  at  City 
hall.  Mr.  Dingley  expressed  his  grateful  surprise  at  this  token  of 
regard  and  indicated  his  readiness  to  meet  all  of  the  people  at  the 
appointed  time  and  place.  At  seven  o'clock  that  evening,  June 
loth,  with  the  Auburn  Light  Infantry  as  escort,  Mr.  Dingley  went 

1 — Mr.  Dingley  when  at  Paris  presented  his  credentials  to  Mr.  R.  R.  Hitt,  of 
Illinois,  secretary  of  the  American  lagation.  Mr.  Hitt  had  gained  some  reputa 
tion  as  the  man  who  reported  stenographically  the  famous  Lincoln-Douglas  de- 
hates  in  Illinois,  and  was  subsequently  a  member  of  congress  from  that  state, 
and  assistant  secretary  of  state  under  President  Garfleld.  Mr.  Hitt  describes 
Mr.  Dingley  when  he  saw  him  in  Paris,  as  a  slight,  black-haired,  ascetic  look 
ing  man,  exceedingly  scholarly  and  courteous.  Mr.  Hitt  and  Mr.  Dingley  did  not 
meet  again  until  1881  when  they  were  both  members  of  the  lower  house  of  con 
gress.  During  the  American- Spanish  war,  as  chairmen  of  the  ways  and  means 
committee  and  foreign  affairs  committee  in  the  national  house,  they  became  in 
timate  associates  and  warm  personal  friends. 


148  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

to  City  hall.  An  audience  of  2, 500  assembled  to  welcome  him.  Af 
ter  music  and  an  address  of  welcome,  Mr.  Dingley  replied  in  a 
speech  of  three-quarters  of  an  hour  giving  the  conclusions  he  had 
reached  during  his  tour  concerning  the  comparative  industrial, 
social  and  moral  advantages  of  the  various  states  of  Europe  and 
the  United  States,  an'd  saying  in  substance  that  the  United  States 
has  the  best  institutions  and  the  best  material  prosperity  of  any 
nation  on  earth.  The  address  was  frequently  interrupted  by  ap 
plause.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  he  returned  from  this  extended 
trip  in  improved  health,  ready  again  to  take  up  his  journalistic, 
political  and  moral  work.  His  success  in  the  past  had  been  great ; 
his  promise  of  future  success  was  greater. 


CHAPTER  XL 
1879-1880. 

The  Greenback  state  convention  was  held  in  the  city  of  Port 
land  June  3rd,  1879.  It  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable,  revolu 
tionary  and  tumultuous  political  assemblages  ever  held  in  Maine. 
Prominent  Greenbackers  were  present  from  all  over  the  state, 
among  them  Solon  Chase,  who  seemed  to  be  the  favorite  for  gov 
ernor.  He  had  a  large  following  among  the  delegates,  and  there 
was  a  plan  formulated  to  nominate  him  with  a  rush.  This  plan, 
however,  the  leaders  regarded  as  revolutionary  and  not  to  be  tol 
erated  ;  accordingly  the  managers  of  the  affair  promised  Mr.  Chase 
that  if  he  would  keep  out  of  the  contest  for  the  governorship,  he 
would  be  sent  to  the  United  States  senate.  His  great  faith  in  the 
coming  power  of  his  party  inclined  him  to  really  believe  that  this 
promise  could  be  fulfilled,  and  he  was  disposed  to  step  aside.  His 
friends  and  followers,  however,  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  pro 
posed  shelving  of  their  candidate.  The  Democrats  felt  inclined  to 
unite  with  their  Greenback  brethren,  but  after  the  members  of  the 
committee  got  together  they  found  that  the  Greenbackers  did  not 
wish  to  unite. 

When  the  convention  assembled,  Mr.  Chase  stepped  forward  to 
make  a  motion,  and  the  cry  of  enthusiasm  fairly  shook  the  hall. 
He  was  evidently  the  most  popular  man  in  the  convention.  The 
platform  adopted,  reaffirming  the  principles  of  the  Greenback  party 
of  1878,  congratulated  the  people  of  Maine  upon  the  reforms  in 
augurated  by  the  national  party  and  carried  forward  by  the  last 
state  legislature  of  Maine.  The  platform  further  endorsed  the  un 
limited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  to  be  supplemented  by  full  legal 


150  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

tender  paper  money  sufficient  to  transact  the  business  of  the  coun 
try.  In  the  midst  of  the  wildest  confusion  and  charges  of  fraud,  the 
balloting  proceeded.  Everybody  was  mad.  For  the  first  time  in 
history,  it  is  said,  Solon  Chase  violated  one  of  the  commandments. 
Finally  late  in  the  afternoon  Joseph  L.  Smith  was  nominated  for 
governor,  receiving  851  out  of  910  votes,,  Solon  Chase  having  only 
57.  Mr.  Dingley  observed  that  "the  state  Greenback  convention 
was  a  phenomenon  well  worthy  the  study  of  students  not  only  of 
political  but  of  mental  science.  No  one  who  has  followed  the  his 
tory  of  greenbackism  in  Maine  and  noted  the  heterogenious  ele 
ments  of  which  the  party  is  composed,  were  surprised  to  learn  that 
for  nearly  two  hours  the  convention  was  a  mob — utterly  unman 
ageable,  utterly  unreasonable,  in  method  utterly  communistic,  and 
in  manner  utterly  crazy." 

The  Republican  state  convention  met  in  the  city  of  Bangor 
June  2,6.  It  was  one  of  the  largest  Republican  state  conventions 
ever  held  in  Maine.  The  hotels  were  crowded  and  among  the 
prominent  men  present  were,  Senators  Elaine  and  Hamlin,  Con 
gressmen  Reed  and  Lindsey  and  Former  Congressmen  Hale  and 
Powers.  The  Androscoggin  delegation  met  on  the  evening  of  the 
25th  and  favored  the  presentation  of  the  name  of  Former  Governor 
Dingley,  notwithstanding  he  had  steadily  declined  to  allow  himself 
to  be  considered  a  candidate.  As  he  was  not  present,  measures 
were  taken  to  induce  him  to  allow  the  use  of  his  name,  but  he  posi 
tively  declined.  The  resolutions  reported  and  adopted  contained 
the  following:  "The  Republicans  of  Maine  pledge  their  hearty 
support  to  the  national  administration  in  its  efforts  to  uphold  the 
financial  credit  of  the  government  and  to  insist  upon  free  elections 
and  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  enforce  its  own  laws.  They 
believe  in  honest  money  for  the  people,  and  oppose  an  irredeem 
able  paper  currency  as  the  worst  curse  that  can  be  inflicted  upon  a 
nation.  We  rejoice  that  the  government's  promises  to  pay  are  now 
kept,  and  that  the  paper  currency  of  the  country  is  redeemable  on 
demand  in  coin,  so  that  now  the  dollar  of  the  laborer  is  as  good  as 
the  dollar  of  the  capitalist.  We  condemn  all  schemes  to  tamper 
with  the  currency  of  the  people  and  thereby  again  unsettle  public 
confidence  now  happily  fast  being  restored."  At  the  con 
clusion  of  a  spirited  address  by  Senator  Elaine,  Daniel  F.  Davis,  on 
the  third  ballot,  was  nominated  for  governor.  Mr.  Dingley  said 
that  "the  Republican  state  convention  was  one  of  the  largest,  most 
enthusiastic  and  harmonious  political  conventions  ever  held  in 
Maine." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  151 

The  Democratic  state  convention  met  in  Bangor  July  ist.  The 
resolutions  adopted  recited  among  other  things  "that  we  are  in 
favor  of  a  currency  of  gold,  silver  and  paper,  the  paper  to  be  kept 
at  par  with  coin  at  all  times,  and  are  in  favor  of  the  free,  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver."  Governor  Alonzo  Garcelon  was  re-nominated, 
but  there  was  a  manifest  absence  of  enthusiasm. 

The  campaign  of  1879  was  thus  launched.  Mr.  Dingley,  with 
renewed  vigor  and  restored  health,  entered  the  contest  and  labored 
with  voice  and  pen  for  the  support  of  the  Republican  ticket  and  the 
principles  of  sound  money.  July  24th  Secretary  John  Sherman 
made  an  address  in  Lewiston.  Mr.  Dingley  met  him  at  Portland 
and  escorted  him  to  Lewiston  where  the  distinguished  statesman 
of  Ohio  was  given  a  rousing  reception.  From  the  5th  day  of 
August  to  the  6th  day  of  September,  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  every  day. 
On  the  night  of  September  5th,  in  company  with  Senator  Hamlin, 
he  addressed  a  large  gathering  at  Winthrop.  The  same  night 
James  A.  Garfield  spoke  in  City  hall,  Lewiston.  On  the  night  of 
September  6th  the  Republicans  of  Lewiston  had  a  torchlight 
parade.  Enthusiasm  was  at  a  high  pitch,  all  of  which  augured  a 
Republican  victory  on  the  following  Monday.  Concerning  the 
issues  of  the  campaign  Mr.  Dingley  observed :  "Last  year  thous 
ands  of  well-meaning  men  went  into  the  greenback  movement  be 
cause  they  were  made  to  believe  that  hard  times  were  caused  by  the 
preparations  for  resumption.  They  accepted  the  prediction  of  the 
Greenback  orators  that  redemption  could  not  be  successfully  ac 
complished,  and  that  to  attempt  to  bring  it  about,  would  destroy 
business,  overturn  industries,  turn  men  out  of  employment  and 
bring  ruin  upon  the  country.  They  heard  the  declaration  of  Re' 
publican  speakers  and  sound  money  men  that  resumption  could  be 
easily  brought  about  and  was  necessary  to  a  permanent  revival 
of  business — but  naturally  found  it  easier  in  the  stress  of  times  to 
believe  prophets  of  evil  than  prophets  of  good.  A  year  has  passed 
since  the  contradictory  theories  and  predictions  were  made.  The 
time  set  for  resumption  has  passed,  resumption  has  been  easily 
brought  about,  the  effects  of  it  have  begun  to  be  felt,  and  every 
man  can  judge  for  himself,  whether  the  Greenback  prophets  of  in 
creased  woe  and  suffering  or  the  Republican  prophets  of  improved 
times  are  to  be  credited.  We  ask  honest,  well-meaning  men  who 
accepted  the  Greenback  theory  last  year,  to  look  about  themselves 
and  see  if  they  were  not  deceived.  The  experience  of  the  last  year 
clearly  shows  that  the  soft  money  movement  had  no  substantial 
foundation,  and  is  based  on  an  entire  misapprehension  of  financial 


152  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

principles — in  fact  ought  to  lead  nonest,  fair-minded  persons  who 
voted  the  Greenback  ticket  to  revise  their  views,  and  give  their 

vote  for  sound  money." 

In  discussing  the  free  coinage  of  silver  he  wrote :  "The  propo 
sition  to  allow  the  owner  of  silver  bullion  to  take  it  to  the  mints 
and  have  it  coined  free  into  Bland  dollars,  is  one  of  the  most  in 
defensible  discriminations  in  favor  of  the  owners  of  one  kind  of 
property  ever  suggested.  The  government  can  now  buy  to  any 
extent  the  bullion  in  a  silver  dollar  for  eighty-seven  and  a  half 
cents.  So  long  as  the  amount  is  limited  to  the  amount  that  the 
people  want  to  buy  these  silver  coins  can  be  sold  for  one  hundred 
cents.  Why  then,  should  not  the  people  of  the  country,  whom  the 
government  represents  have  the  profit  of  twelve  and  a  half  cents  on 
every  dollar,  instead  of  a  few  owners  of  silver  bullion  ?  Will  any 
body  give  us  any  reason  why  Jones'  or  Germany's  silver  should  be 
thus  increased  in  value  by  the  government  ?  We  believe  in  coining 
just  so  many  silver  dollars  for  government  profit  as  can  be  main 
tained  at  par  with  gold ;  but  we  are  utterly  opposed  to  giving 
owners  of  silver  mines  any  of  the  profits  of  coining ;  that  belongs  to 
all  the  people,  and  not  to  a  rich  few.  At  the  same  time  every  man 
who  has  studied  this  subject,  well  knows,  that  so  long  as  four 
hundred  and  twelve  and  a  half  grains  of  standard  silver  are  worth 
less  than  a  dollar  in  gold,  the  only  way  by  which  the  government 
can  preserve  the  equivalency  of  value,  is  by  carefully  limiting  the 
amount  outstanding  to  the  actual  public  demand.  The  fact  that 
more  than  half  of  the  silver  already  coined,  have  returned  to  the 
United  States  treasury,  and  stick  there,  shows  that  we  have  already 
more  coined  than  the  people  are  willing  to  buy.  When  silver  bul 
lion  shall  advance  so  as  to  be  actually  the  equivalent  to  gold,  it  will 
be  time  enough  to  talk  about  more  silver  coinage.  In  the  present 
state  of  the  market,  it  will  be  suicide  to  adopt  the  free  and  un 
limited  coinage  of  silver. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Greenbackers  and  the  Demo 
crats  held  separate  state  conventions,  there  were  evidences  com 
ing  to  the  surface  that  a  movement  toward  a  coalition  had  been 
started.  "With  two  or  three  exceptions,"  wrote  Mr.  Dingley,  "the 
Democratic  and  Greenback  press  of  Maine  approve  the  bargain 
made  by  the  leaders  of  the  two  parties  for  a  practical  consolida 
tion  of  their  forces.  This  coalition  is  proposed  in  order  to  secure 
the  spoils  of  office.  If  it  be  true  that  the  principles  of  the  two 
parties  are  the  same,  then  not  simply  the  fusion  of  the  organiza 
tions  on  one  ticket,  but  also  the  union  of  members  of  both  in  one 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  153 

party  would  be  right  and  commendable.  But  the  simple  fact  that 
this  is  not  squarely  attempted,  but  coalitions  are  arranged  privately 
on  county  and  legislative  tickets,  while  a  show  is  kept  up  of  sup 
porting  separate  candidates  for  governor,  is  an  admission  by  the 
leaders  that  their  coalition  is  not  to  be  defended  on  principle,  but 
simply  a  bargain  to  secure  the  offices.  The  Greenback  platform 
called  upon  the  voters  of  the  state  to  express  disapproval  of  the 
Republican  financial  policy,  but  significantly  omits  to  state  whether 
it  is  proposed  to  substitute  an  irredeemable  for  a  redeemable  cur 
rency.  The  design  evidently  was  to  leave  the  matter  so  indefinite 
that  the  platform  could  be  construed  either  way  to  suit  customers 
and  promote  a  fusion  with  the  Democrats.  The  Democratic  plat 
form  calls  on  the  people  of  the  state  to  oppose  Republicanism,  by 
which  is  meant  Republican  ideas  respecting  reconstruction;  and 
dodges  the  financial  question  by  declaring  that  the  party  favors 
gold,  silver  and  paper  money,  without  definitely  stating  whether  or 
not  it  is  to  be  paper  redeemable  in  coin.  It  does  go  the  whole 
length,  however,  in  favor  of  the  most  indefensible  financial  pro 
gram  yet  suggested,  that  is,  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  In  such 
a  state  of  things  fusion  becomes  a  mere  truck-and-dicker  affair  for 
offices  without  any  semblance  of  principles.  Honest  Greenback" 
ers  as  well  as  sound  money  Democrats  cannot  but  see  that  they  are 
being  made  the  tools  of  leaders  who  are  promoting  fusion  simply 
for  personal  ends." 

In  answer  to  a  question  raised  by  a  correspondent  who  desired 
a  little  light  upon  the  question  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  Mr. 
Dingley  wrote:  "The  advantage  to  the  owner  of  silver  bullion 
is  this :  He  can  carry  to  the  mint  property  that  is  worth  only  87  1-2 
cents  and  have  the  government  perform  an  operation  on  it  without 
charge,  which,  if  it  makes  it  the  equivalent  of  a  gold  dollar,  in 
creases  its  purchasing  power  or  exchangeable  value  12  1-2  cents. 
This  is  obviously  doing  for  the  few  owners  of  silver  bullion,  what 
the  government  will  not  do  for  the  owners  of  any  other  kind  of 
property ;  and  is  therefore  an  unjust  discrimination.  'The  wrong  to 
the  people'  evidently  lies  in  giving  the  profits  of  coinage  of  silver  to 
a  few  owners  of  silver  bullion  instead  of  to  the  whole  people  repre 
sented  by  the  government.  When  government  does  anything 
which  increases  the  value  of  bullion,  the  whole  people  and  not  a  few 
silver  bullionists  should  reap  the  advantage.  There  has  never  been 
a  proposition  before  the  American  people  so  unjust  and  one  sided 
as  that  of  the  Democrats  and  Greenbackers  of  Maine  to  have  the 
government  coin  87  1-2  cents  worth  of  silver  bullion  into  Bland 


154  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

silver  dollars  without  charge.  Our  correspondent  is  misled  by  his 
adoption  of  the  greenback  theory  that  whatever  the  law  declares 
to  be  a  dollar,  whether  412  1-2  grains  of  silver,  or  a  piece  of  paper 
with  a  greenback,  is  thereby  made  the  equivalent  of  a  dollar  in  coin 
without  redemption.  If  this  theory  be  true,  we  ask  our  corres 
pondent  why  silver  that  costs  87  1-2  cents  should  be  used  up  in 
making  a  dollar,  when  paper  and  lamp-black  that  cost  scarcely  two 
mills  will  make  just  as  good  a  dollar  ?  And  if  this  fiat  money  theory 
be  true,  why  should  the  government  give  silver  mine  owners  the 
12  1-2  per  cent  profit  of  silver  coinage,  when  it  may  secure  not 
only  the  same  profit,  but  also  (by  using  paper)  nearly  100  per  cent 
profit  for  the  whole  people  ?  A  little  reflection  ought  to  show  hon 
est  Greenbackers  that  they  are  seriously  mistaken  in  their  theory 
of  money.  Calling  a  piece  of  paper  a  dollar  by  law  does  not  make 
it  a  dollar  equivalent  to  gold,  unless  somebody  will  give  gold  for  it ; 
and  certainly  nobody  will  unless  the  government  that  issued  it 
stands  ready  to  do  it.  When  our  Greenback  friends  dismiss  this 
'fiat  moonshine/  and  look  at  money  as  one  kind  of  wealth,  which 
can  be  obtained  as  other  forms  of  wealth  are,  viz :  by  purchase  or 
theft — then  all  the  delusion  and  complaint  which  hang  on  the 
theory  that  government  can  make  money  without  it  costing  any 
thing,  will  at  once  be  dispelled." 

In  this  memorable  campaign  Solon  Chase  used  with  great  effect 
his  appeal  relative  to  the  depreciation  of  the  value  of  "them  steers." 
In  reply  to  this  homely,  but  effective  argument,  Mr.  Dingley  said 
that  "the  steer  argument  looks  very  plausible  to  men  who  float  on 
the  surface  of  the  currency  question,  but  has  no  foundation  the 
moment  we  understand  its  whole  bearing.  The  complaint  is  made 
that  the  prices  of  steers  and  all  other  property  have  declined,  so 
that  we  find  today  that  we  are  not  worth  so  many  dollars  as  we  sup 
pose.  Of  course  the  appreciation  of  the  greenback  dollar  from  50 
and  70  cents  has  changed  the  price  of  everything,  but  it  has  not 
taken  away  any  of  our  property.  Our  steers  and  other  product,  as 
a  whole,  will  purchase  more  of  everything  farmers  want  than  they 
would  before  the  war,  and  full  as  much  as  they  would  at  any  period 
in  the  flush  times.  Estimated  in  greenback  dollars,  steers  have 
depreciated,  because  greenback  dollars  have  been  brought  up  to 
par,  as  everybody  said  they  ought  to  be ;  but  estimated  in  the  arti 
cles  which  a  farmer  wants,  steers  will  buy  more  than  before  the 
war,  and  as  much  even  as  in  flush  times.  Wool  will  buy  much  more 
of  the  necessities  of  life  than  ever  before,  and  potatoes  twice  as 
much  as  before  the  war.  The  farmer  very  clearly  has  a  deep  in- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  155 

cerest  in  a  redeemable  currency,  worth  as  much  as  gold;  and  the 
men  who  are  trying  to  get  him  to  vote  to  overthrow  resumption 
and  go  back  to  an  irredeemable  and  therefore  depreciated  and 
fluctuating  currency,  are  his  worst  enemies." 

The  fight  between  the  soft  and  the  hard  money  men  of  Maine 
was  thus  fierce  and  bitter;  but  Mr.  Dingley,  by  his  courtesy,  fair 
treatment  and  serious  consideration  of  the  arguments  presented  by 
the  soft  money  men,  wielded  tremendous  influence  among  the 
voters  of  the  state.  Among  the  notable  Republican  speakers  in 
the  campaign  were,  the  candidate  for  governor,  Daniel  L.  Davis, 
Congressmen  Frye  and  Reed,  Senator  Elaine  and  Former  Con 
gressman  Hale,  Zachariah  Chandler  of  Michigan,  John  D.  Long 
of  Massachusetts  and  William  McKinley  Jr.,  of  Ohio.  The  columns 
of  the  Journal  throughout  this  campaign  were  filled  with  lucid  and 
sound  arguments  against  the  free  coinage  of  silver  and  the  issue  of 
irredeemable  money.  The  facts  in  the  history  of  all  nations  were 
clearly  brought  forth  and  the  fallacy  of  the  soft  money  men  ex 
posed  to  the  light  of  day.  The  arguments  presented  were  un 
answerable.  They  were  all  prepared  and  written  by  Mr.  Dingley 
who  clearly  showed  himself  not  only  a  master  of  the  subject  but 
the  best  posted  man  on  financial  matters  in  the  state  of  Maine,  with 
the  possible  exception  of  Mr.  Elaine.  In  this  campaign  the  Jour 
nal  was  a  tremendous  power,  and  its  articles  tearing  the  mask  from 
the  fallacies  of  the  fusion  forces,  were  a  powerful  factor  in  stem 
ming  the  tide  of  fiat  money  and  saving  the  state  from  even  a  worse 
disaster  than  that  which  befell  it  in  1880. 

Although  the  Democrats  and  Greenbackers  in  this  campaign 
nominated  separate  candidates  for  governor,  nevertheless  they 
practically  united  in  nominating  and  supporting  fusion  candidates 
for  nearly  all  the  subordinate  offices  in  the  state,  and  in  the  various 
counties  and  towns.  The  election  was  held  September  8th.  Daniel 
F.  Davis  received  68,967  votes,  Joseph  L.  Smith  47,643  votes  and 
Alonzo  Garcelon  21,851  votes.  On  the  face  of  the  returns  the  Re 
publicans  carried  both  houses  of  the  state  legislature.  Of  the  re 
sult  Mr.  Dingley  wrote:  "We  congratulate  the  Republicans  of 
Maine  on  their  grand  victory.  It  has  been  a  hard  fought  contest. 
We  have  had  opposed  to  us  not  one  organization  with  clearly  de 
fined  principles,  but  two  with  antagonistic  principles.  Circum 
stances  have  favored  their  fusion  for  the  time,  but  it  will  be  im 
possible  for  them  to  repeat  it  under  so  favorable  circumstances. 
Next  year  there  can  be  no  dodging  of  the  national  issue,  and  al! 
voters  will  be  called  upon  to  choose  between  the  Republican  anC 


156  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Democratic  candidates  for  president.  Then  it  will  be  impossible 
for  Greenbackers  to  fuse,  and  the  square  question  on  national 
issues  will  inevitably  compel  Greenbackers  to  choose  between  Re 
publican  and  Democratic  rule."  Among  those  elected  to  the  state 
house  of  representatives,  were  the  following  prominent  Republi 
cans  :  Former  Congressman  Hale,  Former  State  Treasurer  Hatch, 
Former  Senators  Mason  and  Brooks,  Former  Mayor  Butler  and  A. 
A.  Strout  Esq. 

Maine  greenbackism  was  three  years  old.  It  started  at  Chase's 
Mills,  in  the  campaign  of  1876.  In  1877  the  Greenback  vote  was 
about  5,000;  in  1878  it  was  47,000;  this  year,  1879,  it  was  47,643. 
Of  the  future  of  the  party  Mr.  Dingley  observed,  a  week  after  the 
state  election:  "Undoubtedly  the  Greenback  party  in  Maine  will 
maintain  its  organization  until  next  year.  But  it  is  evident  it  has 
received  a  mortal  stab  here,  and  in  order  to  play  any  part  in  the 
national  campaign  next  year,  it  will  be  obliged  to  practically  con 
cede  that  the  first  idea  which  called  it  into  being,  has  been  dispelled 
by  the  stern  logic  of  events.  This  however,  is  a  confession  that  the 
mission  of  Greenbackism  is  ended ;  for  when  resumption  and  a  re 
deemable  currency  is  acceptable  as  an  irrevocable  fact, — as  it  must 
be — the  financia-1  question  is  settled." 

The  state  machinery  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Democrats ;  A  and 
about  the  middle  of  November  there  were  rumors  afloat  of  an  at 
tempt  on  the  part  of  the  fusion  leaders,  to  have  the  Republican  ma 
jority  in  the  senate  and  house  counted  out  by  the  governor  and 
council.  The  Republican  leaders  became  alarmed.  Eben  F.  Pils- 
bury  and  other  prominent  Democrats  had  openly  made  the  boast 
that  the  fusionists  would,  after  all,  have  the  legislature,  and  that 
Mr.  Davis  would  not  be  governor.  It  was  supposed  however  that 
these  were  mere  idle  threats;  but  about  the  2Oth  of  November 
enough  was  known  to  warn  the  Republicans  to  keep  a  close  watch 
on  the  proceedings  at  the  capital  between  that  date  and  the  meet 
ing  of  the  state  legislature.  The  reports  of  the  intentions  of  the 
council  were  so  unsatisfactory  to  the  leading  Republicans,  that  Sen 
ator  Blaine,  chairman  of  the  Republican  state  committee,  requested 
the  members  of  the  committee  and  other  Republicans  to  meet  him 
at  his  home  in  Augusta.  Accordingly  on  November  I7th,  a  large 
number  of  Republicans  assembled  at  Augusta.  Among  them  were 
Senator  Hamlin,  Congressmen  Reed  and  Lindsey,  Former  Gover 
nors  A.  P.  and  L.  M.  Morrill,  Washburn,  Perham,  Coburn  and 

1 — Alonzo  Garcelon  was  governor,  and  the  following  were  members  of  the 
council:  John  B.  Foster,  Halsey  H.  Monroe,  Charles  H.  Chase,  Simon  S.  Brown, 
Frederick  G.  Parker,  Edward  C.  Moody,  and  Frank  M.  Fogg. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  157 

Dingley,  and  several  state  senators  and  representatives-elect.  After 
consultation  a  committee  was  appointed  to  ascertain  of  the  gover 
nor  and  council  whether  the  returns  had  been  opened;  when  sen 
ators  and  representatives  elect  could  have  an  opportunity  to  in 
spect  them;  for  how  long  a  time  corrections  would  be  received 
under  the  statute ;  and  such  other  information  as  would  shed  light 
on  the  situation.  Mr.  Dingley  was  chairman  of  this  committee  ap 
pointed  to  wait  on  Governor  Garcelon.  On  reaching  the  state 
house  the  chairman  of  the  committee  waited  on  the  governor  who 
expressed  some  indignation  because  of  the  stories  afloat  respecting 
the  counting  of  the  returns,  and  also  because  of  the  gathering  of 
Republicans  at  Augusta,  and  stated  that  the  council  would  not  be 
in  session  for  some  time. 

Ascertaining  that  the  governor  would  furnish  to  the  committee 
whatever  he  possessed,  Mr.  Dingley,  Congressman  Lindsey  and 
Former  Attorney  General  Emery  were  deputed  to  confer  with 
Governor  Garcelon  for  that  purpose.  The  result  was  that  the  gov 
ernor  informed  the  committee  that  the  returns  were  on  the  3Oth  of 
October  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  sub-committee  of  the  council  con 
sisting  of  Messrs.  Moody,  Chase,  Fogg,  Foster  and  Brown,  to  be 
opened  and  tabulated ;  that  they  would  be  open  to  public  inspec 
tion  when  the  committee  met  and  reported ;  that  twenty  days  there 
after  would  be  allowed  for  corrections  under  the  statute  and  for  any 
hearings  that  might  be  desired ;  and  that  everything  should  be  done 
fairly  and  openly,  and  according  to  law.  It  was  decided  to  have 
gentlemen  interested  inspect  the  returns  for  each  county,  to  see 
what  corrections  were  needed.  Accordingly  Mr.  Dingley,  on  be 
half  of  the  Republican  candidates  of  Androscoggin  county,  ap 
plied  to  the  secretary  of  state  for  permission  to  examine  the  returns 
for  that  county,  and  the  secretary  replied  that  the  returns  were  not 
in  his  hands,  but  in  the  custody  of  the  committee  of  the  council. 
He  then  applied  to  the  council  in  session,  and  was  told  by  the  chair 
man  that  they  would  not  then  hear  him,  but  if  he  would  file  a  re 
quest  in  writing  they  would  take  it  up  in  regular  order.  Hon. 
Thomas  B.  Reed  remained  in  the  city  as  advisory  counsel,  and  the 
Republicans  assembled  at  the  capital  chose  the  following  commit 
tee  to  act  as  an  advisory  board  during  the  crisis.  Lewis 
Barker,  of  Bangor;  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  of  Lewiston;  Selden  Con 
nor,  of  Augusta ;  Frederick  A.  Pike,  of  Calais ;  L.  A.  Emery,  of  Ells 
worth  ;  and  A.  A.  Strout,  of  Portland. 

November  3<Dth  the  situation  at  Augusta  suddenly  and  unex 
pectedly  changed,  and  there  was  grave  reason  to  fear  the  worst. 


158  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

In  answer  to  urgent  summons  from  Mr.  Blaine  and  others,  Mr. 
Dingley  again  went  to  Augusta.  Governor  Garcelon  and  council 
refused  to  allow  the  inspection  and  correction  of  legislative  returns, 
but  charged  mistakes  and  fraud  which  they  claimed  justified  the 
counting  out  of  several  Republican  members  of  both  houses.  Pro 
tests  from  'Republican  senators  and  representatives  were  sent  to 
the  governor  and  council.  There  was  intense  interest  in  the  can 
vassing  proceedings,  and  the  situation  became  strained.  Nobody 
outside  of  a.  few  fusion  leaders  knew  what  the  governor  and  council 
proposed  to  do.  It  was  finally  decided  to  apply  to  Judge  Virgin, 
holding  court  at  Fryburg, — the  only  court  in  session — for  a  man 
damus  to  tEe  secretary  of  state  to  allow  candidates  and  their  coun 
sel  a  reasonable  inspection  of  returns.  The  senate  chamber,  in 
which  the  hearing  was  held,  was  crowded,  and  after  the  petition  was 
read,  Secretary  of  State  Gove  made  answer  that  since  October 
3Oth,  when  he  transferred  the  returns  to  the  governor  and  council, 
he  had  not  been  the  legal  custodian  of  the  returns. 

At  this  juncture  the  position  taken  by  the  governor  and  council 
strengthened  the  suspicion  of  Republicans  that  the  fusion  returns 
had  been  secretly  and  surreptitiously  "set  in  order"  at  critical 
points,  while  Republican  returns  were  not  to  be  corrected.  From 
evidence  obtained  in  Washington  county,  a  letter  was  addressed  to 
the  governor  and  council  making  the  serious  charge  distinctly,  that 
the  returns  had  been  tampered  with.  The  governor  and  council 
paid  no  attention  to  this  letter.  Petitions  numerously  signed,  and 
bearing  the  names  of  Democrats  and  Greenbackers,  poured  in, 
asking  the  governor  and  council  to  investigate.  One  came  from 
Lewiston  and  Auburn  signed  by  Mr.  Dingley  and  a  number  of  citi 
zens,  including  Greenbackers.  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "the  action 
of  the  majority  of  the  council  in  denying  access  to  the  returns  by 
parties  directly  interested,  after  those  returns  had  been  declared 
open  and  the  20  days  allowed  by  statute  for  correction  had  begun 
to  run — is  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  plain  intent  of  the  law,  and  the 
established  practice  of  the  state  authorities  of  half  a  century. 
*  *  *  It  cannot  be  that  the  people  of  Maine  of  any  political 
party,  will  look  otherwise  than  with  astonishment  and  indignation 
on  the  course  of  the  council  in  this  matter." 

In  conversation  with  Mr.  Dingley,  Governor  Garcelon  indig 
nantly  denied  that  the  returns  had  been  tampered  with ;  but  ad 
mitted  that  he  did  not  see  them  until  some  time  after  they  had  all 
been  opened  by  the  secretary  of  state  or  committee  of  the  council. 


JOSHUA  L.  CHAMBERLAIN.     DANIEL  F.  DAVIS. 

ALONZO  GRACELON. 
SELDEN  CONNOR.     H.  M.  PLAISTED 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  159 

It  seemed  strange,  therefore,  in  the  face  of  the  serious  charges 
made,  that  Governor  Garcelon  did  not  order  an  investigation. 

It  was  quite  evident  that  the  leading  fusionists  were  using  Gov 
ernor  Garcelon.  They  persuaded  him  that  he  was  being  insulted 
and  abused  by  the  Republicans  who  asked  to  see  the  returns.  He 
was  styled  a  "second  Jackson ;"  and  in  deliberately  setting  aside  the 
law  of  1877  which  allowed  20  days  for  a  correction  of  the  returns, 
he  was  made  to  believe  that  he  was  walking  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
"hero  of  New  Orleans."  There  was  intense  feeling  all  over  the 
state,  delegations  arriving  almost  daily  at  the  capital.  The  Repub 
licans  looked  upon  the  program  as  a  deliberate  attempt  to  change 
the  result  of  the  vote  of  the  people,  and  denounced  it  as  an  outrage 
never  before  paralleled  in  a  civilized  and  orderly  state.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said  that  "the  men  who  are  trying  to  change  the  verdict  of  the 
people  by  taking  advantage  of  technical  informalities,  will  find  that 
their  game  of  scanning  the  Republican  side  and  winking  at  their 
own,  will  not  work.  *  *  *  It  would  be  a  great  injustice  to  our 
people,  an  irreparable  wrong  to  our  stafe,  and  a  serious  damage  to 
free  institutions,  for  the  governor  and  council  in  canvassing  votes, 
to  overrun  the  decision  of  the  people  at  the  polls  and  make  the  re 
sult  of  our  election  depend  on  the  whims  of  the  canvassers.  Let 
us  hope  that  the  final  step  which  is  threatened  by  so  many  fusion 
leaders,  will  not  be  taken ;  and  that  our  state  will  be  spared' the  dis 
grace  of  such  a  wrong." 

To  show  the  desperate  character  and  the  reckless  nature  of  the 
conspirators,  the  Greenback  Chronicle  of  December  5th.  said: 
"Perhaps  Messrs.  Baker  &  Baker  are  not  aware  that  if  the  judges 
of  the  supreme  court  have  issued  a  mandamus  against  the  governor 
and  council,  that  body  would  have  taken  no  more  notice  of  it  than  a 
mandamus  issued  by  seven  jackasses  in  Australia.  The  supreme 
court  is  a  very  august  body,  but  it  has  no  more  power  over  the  gov 
ernor  than  the  ghost  of  Solomon." 

In  this  mandamus  case,  to  compel  the  secretary  of  state  to  show 
the  returns,  Judge  Virgin  rendered  a  decision  that  the  law  and  the 
constitution  gave  the  right  of  inspection,  but  the  court  could  not 
issue  a  mandamus  to  the  executive  department,  when  the  secretary 
of  state  said  they  had  the  returns  for  the  purpose  of  canvassing.  As 
the  governor  and  council  had  opened  the  returns  for  inspection  on 
the  day  of  the  hearing  the  object  of  the  application  to  the  court  was 
accomplished. 

The  great  outrage  was  consummated  finally  on  the  i7th  of  De 
cember.  The  governor  and  council  counted  out  a  Republican  ma- 


160  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

jority  of  7  in  the  senate  and  29  in  the  house ;  and  substituted  a 
senate  containing  1 1  Republicans  and  20  Fusionists,  giving  a  fusion 
majority  of  9;  and  a  house  having  78  Fusionists,  61  Republicans 
and  12  vacancies,  giving  a  fusion  majority  of  17.  Cities  which 
elected  12  Republicans  were  deprived  of  any  representation,  and  16 
towns  or  districts  which  elected  Republican  representatives,  had 
the  men  whom  they  chose  unseated,  and  15  fusionists  substituted. 
In  other  words  28  Republican  representatives  and  8  senators  were 
counted  out,  and  not  a  single  fusionist  failed  to  get  his  certificate. 
The  extent  of  the  outrage  astonished  everybody.  Law  and  justice 
had  been  set  aside  at  every  step.  "Fatal  technicalities"  had  been 
found  only  in  the  case  of  Republicans  manifestly  elected.  Mr. 
Dingley  commented  thus :  "It  has  been  the  proud  boast  of  Maine 
and  of  every  northern  state,  heretofore,  that  the  beaten  party  has 
gracefully  accepted  the  result  and  united  to  carry  out  the  people's 
will.  No  longer  than  last  year,  when  the  Republicans  held  the  state 
government,  had  a  majority  of  senators-elect,  and  lacked  only  12 
members  of  a  majority  in  the  house,  there  was  not  a  Republican  in 
the  state  so  lost  to  all  sense  of  justice  as  to  entertain  for  a  moment 
the  thought  of  retaining  power  by  taking  advantage  of  defects  in 
returns.  Now,  for  the  first  time,  the  fusion  governor  and  council  of 
Maine  have  actually  changed  the  result  of  an  election,  not  only  by 
taking  advantage  of  technical  defects  in  Republican  returns,  but 
also  by  illegally  refusing  to  allow  their  corrections  under  a  law  of 
the  state,  even  declining  to  investigate  charges  that  fusion  returns 
have  been  surreptitiously  corrected.  More  than  that,  the  law  as 
intrepreted  by  the  supreme  court  has  been  squarely  violated  in 
order  to  secure  a  majority  of  the  whole  house.  The  astonishing 
fact  that  returns  electing  28  Republican  representatives,  have  been 
declared  defective,  while  every  fusion  return  is  held  to  be  strictly 
according  to  law,  is  sufficient  of  itself  to  satisfy  every  candid  man 
that  there  has  been  a  surreptitious  correction  of  fusion  returns, 
while  Republicans  are  refused  permission  to  correct  returns  even 
where  the  law  provides  for  this.  *  *  *  This  outrage  is  not 
simply  a  wrong  committed  against  the  party  which  prevailed  in  the 
late  election.  It  is  a  wrong  to  every  citizen  who  loves  our  institu 
tions,  and  who  knows  that  their  preservation  depends  on  the  main 
tenance  of  such  a  regard  for  the  people's  will  as  expressed  at  an 
election,  as  will  lead  the  minority  to  at  once  yield  to  it,  and  obey  it. 
To  deliberately  overthrow  such  an  expression  of  the  people,  in  a 
peaceable,  law-abiding  state,  is  to  strike  a  blow  at  Republican  in 
stitutions.  Such  blows  are  much  more  to  be  feared  than  the  open 


.NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  161 

blows  of  rebel  armies ;  for  then  they  invite  a  repetition  of  them  and 
go  far  towards  introducing  anarchy.  *  *  *  The  crisis  is  an  ex 
traordinary  one.  It  is  not  simply  a  question  of  party  supremacy, 
but  a  question  of  submission  to  the  popular  will  which  has  to  do 
with  the  preservation  of  free  government.  Unless  this  outrage  on 
the  right  of  suffrage  and  representation  is  condemned  promptly 
and  emphatically,  it  will  go  far  to  Mexicanize  the  United  States, 
and  introduce  a  principle  which  will  surely  eventually  overturn  gov 
ernment  by  the  people.  When  the  clear,  unquestioned  verdict  of 
the  people  at  the  polls  can  be  successfully  overturned  in  defiance  of 
law  by  the  governor  and  council,  popular  elections  become  a  farce. 
*  *  *  The  appropriate  tribunal  to  settle  the  great  question 
raised,  is,  of  course  the  supreme  court.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  council  to  ask  the  court  to  give  an  opinion  on  matters  of 
so  momentous  interest  involving  so  important  constitutional  ques 
tions.  They  refused  to  do  this ;  they  now  say,  with  some  show  of 
law,  that  there  is  no  way  for  the  28  Republicans  counted  out  of  the 
legislature  to  appeal  to  the  court  in  season  to  avert  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  legislature  they  have  created.  Whether  or  not  this  is  so; 
it  must  be  that  some  way  can  be  devised — after  the  meeting  of  the 
legislature  if  not  before — to  have  the  supreme  court  decide  the 
grave  constitutional  question  which  they  alone  are  competent  to 
settle.  We  should  deprecate  a  resort  to  violence,  but  nothing  short 
of  that  which  can  by  indirection  put  the  case  before  the  court, 
should  be  omitted.  That  is  the  only  body  competent  to  settle  the 
controversy,  and  possibly  avert  grave  results." 

Throughout  this  crisis  Mr.  Dingley  was  one  of  the  chief  ad 
visors  of  the  Republicans.  He  conferred  with  Judge  C.  W.  Wal 
ton,  a  member  of  the  supreme  court,  relative  to  the  legal  and  con 
stitutional  points  involved.  He  was  determined  to  fight  the  mat 
ter  to  the  end;  and  on  the  i6th  of  December,  the  day  before  the 
governor  and  council  announced  a  consummation  of  their  outrage, 
went  to  Augusta  to  hold  a  conference  with  Mr.  Elaine.  There  was 
intense  excitement  in  the  city,  many  Republicans  urging  the  im 
mediate  adoption  of  force.  But  Mr.  Dingley  advised  more  peace 
ful  means.  He  felt  sure  that  the  governor  and  council  would  be 
forced  to  surrended  to  public  sentiment  and  a  decision  of  the  su 
preme  court  of  the  state  on  the  important  points  involved.  At  this 
conference  the  situation  was  carefully  reviewed,  and  at  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  suggestion  a  meeting  of  leading  Republicans  was  arranged 
for  the  22nd  of  December.  On  that  day  the  Republican  state  com' 
mittee  and  prominent  Republicans  from  various  parts  of  the  state, 


1 62  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

met  at  Senator  Blame's  residence  in  Augusta.  The  action  of  the 
governor  and  council  was  discussed  and  the  following  committee 
appointed  to  devise  and  co-operate  with  the  Republican  members 
of  the  legislature :  Hon.  Lot  M.  Morrill,  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
Col.  F.  E.  Heath,  Col.  J.  W.  Spaulding,  Capt.  C.  A.  Boutelle,  Col. 
J.  T.  Richards,  Alden  Sprague.  Among  other  Republicans  present 
were  Senators  Hamlin  and  Elaine,  Former  Governor  Connor,  and 
Congressman  Reed.  The  meeting  was  unanimously  in  favor  of  re 
sisting  the  outrage  at  every  step  with  all  appropriate  means  that 
could  be  devised ;  and  there  was  a  decided  conviction  that  in  the  end 
the  conspirators  would  go  to  the  wall,  and  the  usurpation  receive 
condemnation  and  final  burial. 

Governor  Garcelon  made  a  public  statement,  in  which  he 
solemnly  assured  the  public  that  he  had  aimed  to  follow  the  con 
stitution  and  the  laws  and  that  the  great  cry  about  conspiracy  and 
fraud  arose  from  the  fact  that  "he  had  taken  the  constitution  for  his 
guide,  fortified  by  the  opinions  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  state 
and  the  advice  of  many  legal  gentlemen,"  and  that  "he  had  left  the 
whole  matter  to  the  action  of  the  legislature  where  it  properly  be 
longed."  In  answer  to  this  memorials  were  sent  to  the  governor 
requesting  him  to  ask  the  opinion  of  the  supreme  court  as  to  the 
legality  and  constitutionality  of  his  action  in  each  of  the  cases  in 
which  he  had  counted  out  Republicans.  Indignation  meetings  were 
held  in  the  principal  cities  of  the  state.  The  halls  were  packed  to 
suffocation,  and  the  feeling  was  more  intense  than  had  been  known 
since  the  civil  war.  At  Augusta,  on  one  of  the  coldest  nights  of  the 
winter,  there  gathered  in  Granite  hall  such  a  crowd  of  people  as  was 
seldom  seen  there.  Former  Governor  Connor  presided  and  reso 
lutions  declaring  that  "Governor  Garcelon  and  his  seven  executive 
councilors  had  forfeited  the  confidence  and  earned  the  condemna 
tion  of  the  people,"  were  adopted.  Senator  Elaine  made  a  speech 
of  considerable  length  wherein  he  reviewed  the  situation,  closing 
with  this  appeal  which  was  applauded  to  the  echo :  "A  great  pop 
ular  uprising  will  avert  these  evils  and  restore  honest  government 
in  Maine — and  the  people  are  already  moving."  On  the  night  of 
December  26th,  the  citizens  of  Androscoggin  county  assembled  in 
City  hall  to  enter  their  protest  against  the  outrage  which  was  being 
perpetrated.  Mr.  Dingley  was  the  first  and  leading  speaker.  He 
made  a  clear  and  able  presentation  of  the  case  and  discussed  the 
following  points:  (i) — It  is  believed  the  fusion  returns  at  vital 
points  were  surreptitiously  corrected.  (2) — The  wholesale  count 
ing  out  shows  that  the  law  was  twisted  with  a  view  of  thwarting 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  163 

rather  than  carrying  out  the  verdict  at  the  polls.  (3) — The  gover 
nor  and  council  conducted  their  canvass  with  the  apparent  purpose 
of  counting  out  Republicans  and  counting  in  fusionists.  (4) — Re 
publicans  have  been  counted  out  on  alleged  defects,  and  fusionists 
counted  in,  where  the  same  defects  existed  in  their  returns.  (5) — 
A  large  proportion  of  the  defects  under  which  Republicans  have 
been  counted  out  were  amendable  under  the  constitution,  without 
regard  to  the  statute.  (6) — Republican  returns  entirely  correct 
were  counted  out,  on  various  pretexts,  in  defiance  of  the  law. 

Hon.  Lot.  M.  Morrill,  chairman  of  the  advisory  committee, 
wrote  a  note  to  Governor  Garcelon  requesting  him  to  ask  the  opin 
ion  of  the  court  on  the  questions  at  issue.  He  did  this  under  in 
structions  from  the  advisory  committee.  Several  days  later  the 
governor  made  public  this  correspondence,  and  replied  giving  some 
encouragement.  Two  days  later  Mr.  Morrill  forwarded  to  the  gov 
ernor  the  questions  the  committee  wanted  put  to  the  court ;  but  the 
governor,  doubtless  at  the  request  of  the  council,  decided  not  to 
submit  these  questions.  Finally  the  pressure  on  the  governor  was 
so  strong  that  he  consented  to  present  some  questions  of  his  own 
to  the  court.  These  questions  were  forwarded  to  Chief  Justice  Ap- 
pleton  on  the  last  day  of  December,  but  were  not  then  made  pub 
lic. 

The  situation  became  still  more  alarming  when  information 
reached  Augusta  that  the  arms  and  ammunition  in  the  state  arsenal 
at  Bangor,  were  about  to  be  removed  to  the  state  house  at  Au 
gusta,  and  that  the  state  house  was  to  be  converted  into  a  fortress, 
to  prevent  the  counted-out  Republicans  from  entering  to  claim 
their  seats.  A  thousand  or  more  excited  people  gathered  in  the 
streets,  and  when  the  teams  with  the  warlike  material  appeared, 
they  demanded  of  the  driver  by  what  authority  he  Was  removing 
this  property.  It  was  answered  that  the  governor  had  ordered  their 
removal.  The  crowd  required  the  teamster  to  take  the  arms  back 
to  the  arsenal.  The  mayor  and  other  citizens  immediately  wrote 
the  governor  requesting  him  not  to  unnecessarily  arouse  an  ex 
cited  populace  by  displaying  warlike  material.  The  governor  fin 
ally  sent  the  adjutant  general  to  Bangor  to  remove  the  arms,  and  as 
the  teams  proceeded  to  the  station,  the  bells  tolled  and  a  crowd 
gathered ;  but  there  was  no  interference.  The  arms  arrived  at  Au 
gusta  late  at  night  and  were  moved  to  the  state  house,  a  large 
crowd  of  people  following. 

A  committee  on  the  public  safety  of  Augusta  called  upon  the 
governor  and  informed  him  that  they  represented  the  people  of  the 


1 64  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

city,  and  would  cordially  join  with  the  mayor  in  preserving  order. 
They  hoped  that  no  arrangement  would  be  made  to  bring  the 
military  to  Augusta,  whereupon  the  governor  replied  emphatically : 
"I  have  force  enough  now." 

As  the  time  for  the  assembling  of  what  was  known  as  the  Pils- 
bury  or  "counted-in"  legislature,  which  was  called  to  meet  in  Au 
gusta  January  3rd,  drew  near,  the  excitement  and  uneasiness  in 
creased.  The  fusionists  were  somewhat  alarmed  lest  they  might 
not  hold  the  house.  Of  the  senate  they  felt  sure.  The  returns  were 
under  lock  and  key,  and  the  council  refused  to  allow  them  to  be 
seen.  Already  40,000  rounds  of  ammunition  had  been  stored  in  the 
state  house,  and  there  was  promise  of  a  lively  time.  The  fusion 
leaders  enrolled  men  to  be  used  in  case  of  necessity.  The  whole 
staie  waited  breathlessly  for  the  impending  conflict. 

On  the  3rd  day  of  January,  1880,  the  state  supreme  court  made 
public  its  answers  to  the  questions  propounded  by  Governor 
Garcelon.  These  questions  all  pertained  to  the  power  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  council  relative  to  the  canvassing  of  returns.  The  re 
plies  of  the  court  showed  conclusively  that  every  one  of  the 
counted-out  Republicans  had  been  illegally  set  aside.  The  court 
delivered  this  rebuke  to  the  governor  and  council :  "This  govern 
ment  rests  upon  the  great  constitutional  axiom,  that  all  power  is 
inherent  in  the  people.  It  is  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people  and  for  the  people,  and,  if  administered  in  the  spirit  of  its 
founders,  it  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.  Its  constitution  was 
formed,  to  use  the  apt  expression  of  one  whose  memory  is  em 
balmed  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen,  'by  plain  people'  and  plain 
people  must  administer  it.  The  ballot  is  the  pride  as  well  as  the 
protection  of  all.  It  is  the  truest  indication  of  the  popular  will. 
The  official  returns  required  from  the  municipal  officers  of  the  sev 
eral  plantations,  towns  and  cities,  are,  and  will  be,  made  by  plain 
people,  and  made,  too,  in  the  hurry  and  bustle  and  excitement  of 
an  election.  They  are  not  required  to  be  written  with  the  scrupu 
lous  nicety  of  a  writing  master,  or  with  the  technical  accuracy  of  a 
plea  in  abatement.  The  sentences  may  be  ungrammatical,  the 
spelling  may  deviate  from  the  recognized  standard,  but  returns  are 
not  to  be  set  at  naught  because  the  penmanship  may  be  poor,  the 
language  ungrammatical  or  the  spelling  erroneous.  It  is  enough  if 
the  returns  can  be  understood ;  and  if  understood,  full  effect  should 
be  given  to  their  natural  and  obvious  meaning.  They  are  not  to  be 
strangled  by  idle  technicalities,  nor  is  their  meaning  to  be  distorted 
by  carping  and  captious  criticism.  When  the  meaning  is  ascer- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  165 


taineu  there  should  be  no  hesitation  in  giving  it  full  effect."  This 
decision  was  signed  by  every  member  of  the  supreme  court :  John 
Appleton,  Chas  W.  Walton,  William  G.  Barrows,  Chas.  Danforth, 
John  A.  Peters,  Artemus  Libbey,  and  Joseph  W.  Symonds. 

For  a  day  or  two  this  opinion  seemed  to  stun  the  conspirators, 
but  they  finally  managed  to  induce  all  but  three  of  the  fusionists  to 
defy  the  opinion  of  the  court.  These  three  realized  that  this  de 
cision  completely  sustained  the  intrepretation  of  the  constitution 
and  the  laws  previously  given  by  sober-minded  men  of  all  parties. 
After  several  conferences  the  conspirators  rallied  their  forces  and 
denounced  the  unanimous  decision  of  the  court  as  partisan,  and  de 
cided  to  carry  out  their  plans  at  all  hazards.  There  was  much  in 
cendiary  talk ;  and  some  insane  fusionists  made  an  attempt  to  burn 
Senator  Elaine's  premises  by  the  use  of  a  fuse.  Governor  Garcelon 
was  for  some  time  fearful  of  his  life,  threatening  letters  having 
been  sent  to  him.  He  wrote  a  personal  letter  to  Major  General 
Chamberlain  urging  the  latter  in  language  more  emphatic  than 
choi<  e,  to  come  to  Augusta  at  once.  In  obedience  to  orders  l  fol 
lowing  this  private  communication,  General  Chamberlain  as  mili 
tary  commander  of  the  militia  of  the  state,  at  once  repaired  to  the 

I.  The  attention  of  all  military  organizations  now  in  the  service  of  the  state 
and  of  all  men  liable  to  military  duty  in  this  state,  is  directed  to  the  following 
orders: 

State  of  Maine, 
Adjutant  General's  Office, 

Augusta,  Jan.  5,  1880. 

General  orders  No.  12.  I.  The  general  counties  of  this  state  are  constituted 
into  the  first  division  of  the  militia  of  Maine. 

II.  Major  General  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain  is  assigned  to  the  command  of 
the  first  division. 

III.  The  commanding  officers  of  military  organizations  accepted  into  the  ser 
vice  of  the  state  are  required  to  report  to  him. 

He  will  be  obeyed  and  respected    accordingly. 

By  order  of  the  Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief, 

S.  D.  Leavitt,  Adjt.-Gen. 
State  of  Maine, 
Adjutant  General's  Office, 

Augusta,  Jan.  5,  1880. 

Special  orders  No.  45.  Major  General  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain  is  hereby  au 
thorized  and  directed  to  protect  the  public  property  and  institutions  of  the  state 
until  my  successor  is  duly  qualified. 

(Signed)  Alonzo  Garcelon,  Gov. 

I  am  now  discharging  the  duties  thus  involved  on  me  in  protecting  the  pub 
lic  property  and  institutions  of  the  state  until  a  governor  is  legally  elected  and 
duly  qualified. 

Particular  attention  is  called  to  the  law  rendering  it  unlawful  for  any  body 
of  men  other  than  the  regularly  organized  corps  of  the  militia,  without  authority 
expressly  given,  to  associate  themselves  together  as  a  military  company,  or  or 
ganization,  or  to  parade  in  public  with  arms. 

All  persons  and  organizations  will  take  notice  accordingly  and  all  au 
thorized  military  organizations  will  understand  that  they  are  to  report  to  me 
for  orders  until  they  are  otherwise  ordered  by  or  through  me. 

Joshua  L.  Chamberlain,  Maj.  Gen. 
Frank  E.  Nye,  Maj.  and  A.  A.  G. 


1 66  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

state  capital.  He  found  the  building  barricaded  with  heavy  planks, 
and  arms  and  ammunition  in  evidence. 

"This  is  not  an  arsenal,"  said  Gen.  Chamberlain  to  the  gover 
nor,  "and  yet  you  have  one  hundred  and  twenty  or  thirty  fellows 
about  here  armed  as  if  for  a  fight.  I  don't  like  the  looks  of  these 
men." 

The  governor  had  sworn  these  men  in  as  a  special  body  guard. 
Said  he  to  the  General:  "I  swore  these  in  because. of  threatened 
insurrection." 

"But,"  replied  the  General,  "if  there  is  any  bloodshed,  gover 
nor,  you  are  in  danger  of  landing  in  jail.  These  men  are  disturbing 
the  peace  and  you  will  be  held  responsible  for  their  acts." 

"But  these  Republicans  threaten  to  take  possession  of  this 
house  and  senate,"  argued  the  governor. 

"That  would  not  be  so  disastrous  as  bloodshed,"  replied  the 
general.  "We  have  no  right  to  keep  these  armed  ruffians  here,  and 
I  will  not  remain  if  they  are  not  sent  away  in  half  an  hour." 

The  governor's  armed  body  guard  was  immediately  dismissed, 
and  at  midnight  the  Bangor  arms  were  sent  away,  General  Cham 
berlain  taking  the  precaution  to  notify  the  authorities  at  every  sta 
tion  to  see  that  there  was  no  interference.  The  mayor  of  the  city 
placed  one  hundred  and  fifty  policemen  at  his  command,  and  the 
general  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  Blaine,  counseling  no  violence. 

On  the  night  before  the  assembling  of  the  fusion  legislature,  the 
Republicans  held  a  caucus  to  consider  the  situation.  The  Republi 
can  members  of  the  house  and  senate  together  with  the  members  of 
the  advisory  committee  were  present,  and  behind  closed  doors  they 
laid  their  plans  for  the  following  day.  At  this  conference  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  made  a  vigorous  address,  urging  the  Republicans  to  resist  the 
conspiracy  at  every  step.  He  said  he  was  confident  that  the  leaders 
of  the  affair  would  soon  be  obliged  to  yield  to  the  inevitable  influ 
ence  of  public  sentiment. 

The  day  of  the  assembling  of  the  fusion  legislature  arrived. 
The  crowd  at  the  capitol  was  immense,  but  there  was  no  riotous  dis 
turbance.  Throughout  this  profound  excitement,  Mr.  Dingley  and 
the  other  members  of  the  advisory  committee  were  in  attendance, 
giving  advice  to  the  Republican  members  of  the  house  and  senate. 
The  fusionists  organized  the  senate  against  the  protests  of  the  Re 
publicans,  choosing  Mr.  Lamson  president.  The  house  was  organ 
ized  by  72  fusionists.  The  Republicans  withdrew,  no  quorum  vot 
ing.  Mr.  Hale  was  the  leader  of  the  Republicans  in  the  house  who 
refused  to  participate  in  the  revolutionary  proceedings  of  the  fus- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  167 

ionists.    In  the  midst  of  intense  excitement  and  great  uproar,  Mr. 
Hale  moved  that  the  house  adjourn,  claiming  that  there  was  no 
quorum.    The  clerk  refused  to  put  Mr.  Hale's  motion,  whereupon 
Mr.  Hale  put  it  himself,  and  declared  it  carried.    Immediately  every 
Republican  member  retired  from  the  hall,  no  legal  house  being  in 
session.    As  soon  as  order  was  restored  the  remaining  fusion  mem 
bers  sent  a  message  to  the  governor  and  council,  stating  that  a 
quorum  of  members  of  the  house  was  present  and  ready  to  be  qual 
ified.     This  announcement  created  further  excitement  throughout 
the  capitol.    The  governor  and  council  appeared  and  proceeded  to 
qualify  the  members.  The  governor  declared  that  76  members  con 
stituted  a  quorum,  and  that  the  required  number  had  taken  and 
subscribed  to  the   necessary   oath.      This  announcement  was  re 
ceived  with  the  wildest  uproar  by  the  fusion  contingent,  which  was 
fairly  beside  itself  with  hilarity.    The  governor  then  said :    "I  now 
put  into  your  hands  the  opinion  of  the  supreme  court,  as  well  as  the 
petition  of  gentlemen  from  certain  cities  claiming  seats.    I  invoke 
your  careful  consideration  of  the  same."    No  sooner  had  the  gov 
ernor  ceased  than  an  ardent  friend  cried  out:    "Three  cheers  for 
Governor  Garcelon,"  and  the  fusion  hero  was  given  a  round  of 
hearty  cheers,  accompanied,  however,  by  prolonged  hisses  from  the 
indignant  counted-out  members.     The  house  then  proceeded  to 
organize  by  the  election  of  Joshua  C.  Talbot,  speaker,  by  a  vote  of 
72,  four  less  than  a  quorum.   Mr.  Hale  objected  but  was  overruled, 
and  the  proceedings  continued.   Mr.  Hale  stood  his  ground  alone, 
"maintaining  that  there  had  been  no  legal  organization  of  the  house. 
The  term  of  office  of  Governor  Garcelon  had  expired,  and  in 
this  crisis  the  state  had  no  governor.     On  the  Friday  following, 
(Jan.  12)  General  Chamberlain,  acting  under  the  order  issued  by 
Governor  Garcelon  before  he  retired,  assumed  supreme  control  as 
acting  governor  and  commander-in-chief.    He  had  the  archives  of 
the  state  locked  up  and  took  the  keys,  and  placed  a  guard  over  the 
public  property.    The  action  of  Gen.  Chamberlain  coming  to  the 
ears  of  President  Lamson  of  the  senate,  that  gentleman  waited 
upon  Gen.  Chamberlain.    "General,"  said  Mr.  Lamson,  "my  people 
demand  that  I  shall  ask  you  to  recognize  me  as  governor,  and  to 
turn  over  the  state  government  to  me.     If  you  don't  I'm  afraid 
somebody  will  kill  me." 

"Mr.  Lamson,"  said  the  General,  "while  it  is  true  your  election 
as  president  of  the  senate  gives  you  some  color  of  authority,  I  can 
not  turn  the  government  over  to  you  until  I  have  some  higher  opin- 


1 68  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ion  than  I  have  thus  far  received.  Will  you  abide  by  a  decision  of 
the  supreme  court?" 

"Yes,  I  will,"  replied  Mr.  Lamson. 

General  Chamberlain  was  in  a  critical  position.  Notwithstand 
ing  the  fact  that  a  judge  of  the  supreme  court  had  privately  told 
him  that  Mr.  Lamson  was  the  rightful  governor  of  the  state,  never 
theless  the  general  refused  to  surrender  to  Lamson,  because  he  said 
"he  was  bound  to  take  notice  of  the  fact  that  it  vvas  generally  con 
ceded  a  Republican  majority  had  been  elected  to  the  state  legis 
lature." 

"Considering  the  doubtful  legal  character  of  the  legislature," 
said  General  Chamberlain,  "I  cannot  recognize  Mr.  Lamson  as  act 
ing  governor." 

There  was  no  state  government.  The  terms  of  office  of  the  state 
officials  had  expired,  and  the  doors  of  the  departments  were  closed. 
No  money  was  received  or  paid  out,  General  Chamberlain  realizing 
that  his  military  authority  would  not  permit  him  to  perform  the 
functions  belonging  to  civil  authority.  Under  the  orders  received 
from  Governor  Garcelon,  General  Chamberlain  was  to  protect  the 
property  of  the  state  and  preserve  peace,  "until  a  legal  government 
was  organized."  Gen.  Chamberlain  forthwith  dismissing  all  un 
authorized  persons  hanging  about  the  state  house,  summoned  Gen. 
John  Marshall  Brown,  and  Gen.  Spaulding,  to  aid  him.  The  mayor 
of  the  city  also  put  under  Gen.  Chamberlain's  charge  a  squad  of 
police.  A  guard  was  detailed  to  protect  the  state  treasury,  and 
Gen.  Chamberlain  notified  the  public  that  he  should  maintain  order 
and  protect  property.  The  state  was  thus  under  martial  law. 

The  reply  of  General  Chamberlain  to  the  communication  of 
James  B.  Lamson  as  to  whether  Gen.  Chamberlain  was  prepared 
to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  said  Lamson  as  governor,  is  a 
notable  document  worth  quoting  in  full.  He  said :  "In  the  atti 
tude  which  things  have  now  taken,  the  responsibility  resting  on  me 
under  this  order,  involves  the  liberties  of  the  people,  their  most 
sacred  property,  and  the  stability  of  constitutional  government, 
their  highest  institution.  I  am  thankful  that  you  feel  and  under 
stand  this,  and  realize  equally  with  myself  the  importance  of  our 
proceeding  with  caution.  Your  inquiry  virtually  calls  upon  me  to 
decide  a  question  of  constitutional  law,  which  is  a  matter  falling  not 
at  all  within  the  province  of  my  department.  In  my  military  capac 
ity  I  have  not  the  privilege  of  submitting  such  questions  to  the  only 
tribunal  to  decide  them.  The  constitution  declares  that  justices  of 
the  supreme  court  shall  be  obliged  to  give  their  opinion  upon  im- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  169 

portant  questions  of  law  and  upon  solemn  occasions  when  required 
by  the  civil  branch  of  the  government,  but  that  privilege  is  not  ac 
corded  to  the  military  department.  Supported  by  the  decision  of 
the  court,  I  shall  obey,  without  a  moment's  hesitation,  but  solemnly 
believing  if  at  this  juncture  I  abandon  my  trust,  there  will  be  no 
barrier  against  anarchy  and  bloodshed,  I  cannot  under  the  present 
circumstances  recognize  your  authority  as  governor  of  Maine. 
There  are  only  two  ways  to  settle  the  question  at  issue  and  quiet 
the  public  minds,  by  following  strictly  the  constitution  and  laws  or 
by  revolution  and  blood.  In  this  alternative  and  standing  where 
I  must  be  judged  by  God  and  man,  I  can  only  hold  fast  in  my  place 
and  implore  those  who  have  the  power  to  decide  the  questions  by 
appeal  to  the  peaceful  course  of  the  law.  Believing  that  this  answer 
must  commend  itself  to  your  judgment  as  the  only  one  possible  for 
me  to  give,  and  with  the  highest  respect  and  esteem,  I  have  the 
honor  of  being,  your  obedient  servant, 

"J.  L.  Chamberlain, 

"Major  General." 

A  fusion  committee  waited  on  General  Chamberlain  to  inquire 
if  he  would  recognize  a  governor  if  the  legislature  should  elect  one. 
The  General  replied:  "No  sir,  I  will  not.  I  cannot  shut  my  eyes 
to  the  fact  that  a  Republican  legislature  was  elected.  I  cannot  pre 
judge  this  matter  by  recognizing  anybody  until  the  courts  settle  it. 
I  am  prepared  to  do  what  is  necessary  to  carry  out  this  plan.  I  shall 
resist  force  with  force." 

Every  military  company  m  the  state  had  been  ordered  to  obey 
nobody  but  General  Chamberlain,  and  the  railroads  were  at  his 
command. 

Some  of  the  members  of  the  Republican  advisory  committee 
were  in  favor  of  the  use  of  force.  Mr.  Elaine  was  among  them ;  and 
he  was  somewhat  out  of  patience  with  Gen.  Chamberlain  because 
the  latter  did  not  use  force  at  the  outset.  Thomas  W.  Hyde  was 
sent  by  Mr.  Elaine  to  Gen.  Chamberlain  to  inform  the  latter  that 
the  Republican  leaders  had  decided  to  "pitch  the  fusionists  out  of 
the  window." 

"Tom,"  said  Gen.  Chamberlain,  "you  are  as  dear  to  me  as  my 
own  son.  But  I  will  permit  you  to  do  nothing  of  the  kind.  I  am 
going  to  preserve  the  peace.  There  is  to  be  no  fighting.  I  want 
you  and  Mr.  Elaine  and  the  others  to  keep  away  from  this  build 
ing." 


170  LIFE  -AND  TIMES  OF 

Joseph  R.  Bodwell  appeared  at  the  capitol  one  day  with  fifty 
men  armed  with  pistols ;  but  Gen.  Chamberlain  begged  them  all  to 
retire  at  once,  which  they  did. 

On  the  evening  of  January  I2th  the  Republican  members  of  the 
senate  and  house  of  representatives  proceeded  to  the  state  house 
for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a  legislature.  The  movement  was  en 
tirely  unknown  to  the  fusionists,and  but  few  of  the  Republicans  out 
side  of  the  immediate  members  were  aware  of  the  state  of  affairs. 
The  report  that  the  Republicans  had  taken  possession  of  the  state 
house  spread  rapidly  and  caused  great  rejoicing  among  those  who 
were  impatient  to  have  the  matter  brought  to  a  head.  The  galleries 
of  the  hall  were  filled  with  an  enthusiastic  crowd  and  many  more 
were  upon  the  floors.  The  best  of  order  prevailed ;  but  before  the 
business  began,  throngs  of  people  beseiged  the  hallways,  doors  and 
galleries.  This  movement  to  start  a  second  legislature  was  decided 
upon  after  a  conference  between  Mr.  Dingley  and  Judge  Walton  of 
the  state  supreme  court.  Two  plans  of  operation  had  been  sug 
gested — one  was  to  have  the  Republican  members  qualify  before  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  and  then  ask  recognition  of  General  Chamber 
lain ;  but  this  plan  was  objected  to  as  asking  the  general  to  exercise 
judicial  powers.  At  a  private  caucus  of  Republicans,  this  objection 
was  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Dingley,  and  it  was  finally  decided  to  organ 
ize  a  separate  legislature  and  ask  the  courts  to  settle  the  question  of 
legality. 

A  request  for  the  use  of  the  legislative  halls  for  that  evening  was 
made  of  Gen.  Chamberlain  in  writing.  The  latter  immediately 
issued  a  written  order  granting  the  privilege.  This  action  soon  be 
came  known  to  the  fusionists  in  and  about  the  capitol,  and  there 
were  many  threats  and  mutterings.  The  mob  moved  into  the 
capital  building  when  the  door  of  General  Chamberlain's  private 
office  was  suddenly  opened.  There  stood  Adjutant  General  Brown 
as  white  as  a  sheet. 

"General,"  he  cried,  "you're  lost.  A  mob  is  outside  threaten 
ing  the  building." 

"What  do  you  mean?"  inquired  the  general. 

"There  is  an  angry  mob  outside.  Are  there  any  arms  here?" 
And  he  snatched  an  old  musket  that  was  hanging  on  the  wall. 

Without  a  moment's  hesitation  Gen.  Chamberlain,  who  was  no 
stranger  to  real  war,  walked  out  into  the  corridor  and  mounted  the 
stairs.  He  said:  "I  understand  you  want  to  see  me,  my  men. 
Have  you  any  grievance  ?" 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  171 

He  faced  an  excited  mob,  many  armed  with  pistols.  But  not  a 
word  was  uttered.  Again  General  Chamberlain  inquired :  "If  any 
man  has  a  grievance  let  him  speak." 

Finally  one  man  spoke  up  and  said :  "We  are  told,  General,  you 
are  going  to  prevent  justice  by  allowing  the  Republicans  to  organ 
ize  and  then  turn  the  state  government  over  to  them." 

The  General  said :  "I  am  here  to  preserve  the  peace,  and  I  will 
do  it  at  all  hazards.  All  will  have  full  justice." 

One  ruffian  cried  out :    "Well,  we're  goin'  to  kill  you !" 

The  civil  war  veteran  unbuttoned  his  coat,  and  without  a  tremor 
in  his  voice,  said :  "I  have  faced  the  enemy  before,  and  I  have  no 
fear  now.  Do  your  worst !" 

There  was  breathless  silence  for  a  moment.  The  scene  was 
dramatic  in  the  extreme.  Finally  the  leader  of  the  mob  said :  "By 
G — ,  the  man  who  lifts  a  hand  against  you,  General,  is  a  dead  one !" 

The  terrible  strain  was  relieved  and  the  general  said  quietly: 
"I  pledge  you  I  will  not  destroy  the  peace  of  your  state,  but  I  want 
you  all  to  leave  the  state  house."  And  they  did,  but  not  without 
much  muttering. 

The  members  in  the  senate  chamber  were  called  to  order  by 
Hon.  Jeremiah  Dingley  Jr.,  an  uncle  of  Mr.  Dingley.  A  quorum 
was  announced  present,  and  all  proceeded  to  qualify.  Joseph  A. 
Locke  was  chosen  president.  The  Republican  members  of  the 
other  house  assembled  in  the  hall  of  representatives  and  were  called 
to  order  by  Hon.  Eugene  Hale.  Eighty-four  answered  to  their 
names,  and  these,  with  others  who  came  in  later,  were  duly  quali 
fied.  Resolutions  were  adopted  in  both  houses  for  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  committee  to  report  whether  the  newly  organized  legisla 
ture  will  require  the  justices  of  the  supreme  judicial  court  to  give 
their  opinion  touching  the  legal  organization  of  the  state  legisla 
ture. 

The  newly  organized  legislature  having  once  secured  posses 
sion,  was  determined  to  hold  the  fort.  About  night  o'clock  at 
night  lunches  were  brought  in  to  the  members  of  the  house  and 
senate.  The  members  lounged  about  in  their  seats  waiting  for  the 
reports  of  their  respective  committees.  Mr.  Hale,  who  had  so  ably 
led  the  Republicans  thus  far,  laid  down  upon  one  of  the  sofas  and 
slept  the  greater  portion  of  the  evening.  At  a  quarter  to  two  in 
the  morning  the  committees  reported,  and  both  nouses  agreed  to 
submit  questions  to  the  supreme  court.  These  questions  involved 
the  legal  and  constitutional  determination  of  the  right  of  each  legis 
lature  to  exist.  In  commenting  upon  this  grave  crisis  Mr.  Dingley 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

wrote:  "We  have  now  exhibited  in  this  state  a  spectacle  which 
may  well  bring  a  blush  of  shame  on  the  face  of  every  good  citizen. 
A  band  of  conspirators  who  have  succeeded  in  illegally  and  fraud 
ulently  summoning  persons  to  form  a  legislature,  who  were  never 
elected,  have  been  suddenly  arrested  in  their  wicked  usurpation  by 
an  appeal  to  the  supreme  court — the  tribunal  set  by  the  constitu 
tion  to  finally  decide  all  disputed  legal  questions.  Instead  of  await 
ing  this  opinion  and  declaring  their  purpose  to  abide  by  and  carry 
out  the  decision  of  the  court  of  last  resort,  what  do  we  see  ?  We  see 
the  conspirators  engaged  in  devising  measures  to  illegally  and  even 
forcibly  resist  it.  *  *  *  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  state  is 
in  a  critical  condition.  The  wickedness  and  desperation  of  the  lead 
ing  conspirators  joined  to  their  fears  that  their  fraudulent  work  will 
be  uncovered,  and  they  themselves  punished,  are  such  as  to  make 
them  ready  to  plunge  the  state  into  civil  war.  *  *  *  The 
question  before  the  supreme  court  was  as  to  whether  the  legisla 
ture  elected  by  the  people,  or  the  legislature  summoned  by  Gover 
nor  Garcelon,  was  the  constitutional  law-abiding  power  of  the  state 
of  Maine.  The  essential  points  that  the  court  was  called  upon  to 
decide  were  these:  First — Do  the  governor  and  council  in  can 
vassing  legislative  votes  act  judicially  as  they  please,  or  minister 
ially  within  definite  provisions  of  law?  Second — If  they  act  minis 
terially,  is  not  their  action  in  rejecting  returns  declared  by  the  su 
preme  court  to  be  legal,  and  thereby  counting  out  Republicans  who 
appear  to  be  elected  by  the  returns,  illegal,  and  the  summons 
issued,  and  the  rolls  so  far  as  they  omit  or  substitute  other  names, 
void?  Third — If  such  summons  and  rolls  are  illegal,  are  not  the 
senators  and  representatives  who  appear  to  be  elected  by  the  re 
turns  legally  entitled  to  meet  and  organize  a  senate  and  a  house? 
*  *  *  The  case  is  now  placed  where  the  supreme  court  can 
decide  whether  a  house  and  senate  composed  of  the  majority  who 
were  actually  elected  by  the  people  and  who  appear  to  be  elected 
by  the  returns,  is  the  legal  legislature ;  or  the  legal  legislature  is  a 
body  composed  of  men  who  were  never  elected,  and  who  have  been 
illegally  and  fraudulently  summoned  by  a  governor  and  council. 
To  their  decision  Gen.  Chamberlain,  and  every  good  citizen  will 
bow.  Until  that  decision  is  reached,  General  Chamberlain  will 
maintain  order  and  protect  the  public  property,  and  turn  over  the 
property  and  state  to  the  governor  elected  by  the  legislature  which 
the  supreme  court — the  final  constitutional  arbiter — shall  pro 
nounce  the  lawful  legislative  department  of  the  state  of  Maine.  Let 
every  good  citizen  rejoice  that  we  are  now  on  the  road  to  a  peace- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  173 

ful  and  constitutional  solution  of  a  grave  complication  which 
threatened  to  bring  anarchy  upon  the  state.  That  the  court  will 
hold  the  legally  elected  members  to  be  the  lawful  legislature,  and 
overthrow  a  wicked  conspiracy  to  steal  a  state  we  have  no  doubt." 

Thus  the  state  had  two  legislatures — the  Pilsbury  or  rump 
legislature,  and  the  regular  legislature  organized  by  those  who 
were  duly  elected  on  the  face  of  the  returns.  Excitement  increased 
at  the  state  capitol.  There  was  a  threatened  collision  of  the  two 
contending  forces.  On  the  I5th  of  January  Gen.  Chamberlain 
issued  an  order  for  the  state  troops  to  be  in  readiness  to  proceed  to 
Augusta.  The  general  was  firm  and  prepared  for  any  emergency. 

The  constitutional  candidates  for  governor  for  the  fusion  house 
to  select,  were:  Daniel  F.  Davis,  Joseph  L.  Smith,  Alonzo  Gar- 
celon,  and  Bion  Bradbury.  The  fusion  senate  elected  and  inaugu 
rated  Joseph  L.  Smith  governor  of  the  state.  Mr.  Smith  then 
called  on  General  Chamberlain  to  recognize  him  as  governor,  but 
General  Chamberlain  said  he  could  not  until  the  supreme  court 
recognized  the  claims.  "Gov."  Smith  then  gave  orders  to  the 
militia  but  every  company  declined  to  respond.  The  Pilsbury  or 
rump  legislature  attempted  to  meet  in  the  state  house  January  igth 
but  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  other  legislature  had  elected  and 
inaugurated  Governor  Davis,  the  latter,  having  learned  that  the 
Pilsbury  legislature  intended  to  hold  the  hall,  refused  admission 
at  the  gates.  The  rump  legislature  held  a  meeting  in  the  street  in 
front  of  the  state  house,  and  adjourned  to  Union  hall. 

On  the  Saturday  previous,  the  regularly  organized  legislature 
met  at  the  state  house.  Both  Halls  were  filled  to  overflow,  while 
the  crowds  extended  down  the  walk  to  the  street  adjoining.  Never 
before  was  there  such  a  throng  in  attendance  upon  the  inauguration 
of  a  governor.  Soon  after  the  house  was  called  to  order  Senator 
Elaine  entered  and  was  greeted  with  tumultuous  applause.  After 
three  cheers  had  been  given  with  a  will,  and  a  double  round  of 
cheers  given  for  Senator  Elaine,  Mr.  Dingley  and  the  other  Repub 
lican  leaders,  the  proceedings  began.  No  such  scene  of  enthusiasm 
and  triumph  was  ever  witnessed  in  the  state  of  Maine ;  and  when 
Governor-elect  Davis  and  his  council  entered  the  hall  the  applause 
was  deafening.  The  house  voted  on  two  names  to  be  sent  to  the 
senate  from  which  to  elect  a  governor.  These  two  names  were 
Daniel  F.  Davis,  and  Bion  Bradbury.  In  the  senate  every  vote, 
nineteen  in  number,  was  cast  for  Mr.  Davis.  As  soon  as  the  vote 
was  declared  the  hall  resounded  with  cheers.  The  house  caught 
the  spirit  of  the  occasion  and  responded  with  like  enthusiasm.  Gov. 


174  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Davis  was  immediately  inaugurated ;  and  when  Speaker  Locke  read 
the  proclamation  and  reached  the  words  "God  save  the  state  of 
Maine,"  a  loud  and  responsive  "amen"  came  from  all  parts  of  the 
room,  followed  by  three  more  cheers  for  the  leaders  who  had 
triumphed  in  this  crisis.  Thus  a  constitutional  governor  was  in 
augurated.  His  first  act  was  to  notify  Gen.  Chamberlain  of  the  fact 
that  he  was  governor  of  the  state,  whereupon  Gen.  Chamberlain 
withdrew.  l 

This  happy  and  legal  solution  of  the  question  was  brought 
about  by  a  decision  of  the  supreme  court  in  answer  to  the  questions 
propounded  by  the  legislature  organized  by  the  Republicans.  The 
unanimous  opinion  of  the  court  was  that  the  legislature  elected  by 
the  people  was  the  constitutional  law-abiding  power.  This  decision 
carried  joy  to  the  Republicans  and  the  friends  of  fair  dealings,  and 
threw  the  fusionists  into  consternation.  It  finally  broke  the  back 
of  the  conspiracy  and  restored  law  and  order  to  the  state  govern 
ment.  But  the  fusionists  were  determined  not  to  give  up.  Their 
governor,  Joseph  L.  Smith,  on  the  i6th  of  January  attempted  to 
remove  General  Chamberlain;  but  the  latter  paid  no  attention  to 
the  fusion  executive.  The  Pilsbury  legislature  and  the  regular 
legislature  were  in  session  at  the  same  time,  the  former  discussing 
the  expediency  of  asking  the  supreme  court  some  questions  on  its 
Own  account.  Finally  it  was  decided  to  send  a  statement  of  facts 
and  questions  to  the  court.  The  court  replied:  "We  have  the 
honor  to  say  that  while  we  cannot  admit,  even  by  implication,  that 

1 —  Augusta,  Jan.  17,  1880. 

To  Major  General  J.  L.  Chamberlain — Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you 
that  I  have  this  day  been  legally  elected  to  the  office  of  governor  and  commander 
in  chief,  and  have  been  duly  qualified  to  perform  that  office  in  common  with  all 
the  citizens  of  this  state  I  have  watched  with  great  anxiety  the  events  of  the 
past  few  days,  and  rejoice  with  them  in  the  good  results  of  the  wise  and  efficient 
measures  adopted  by  you  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  and  protection  of  the 
property  and  institutions  of  the  state;  and  more  especially  that  those  results 
have  been  accomplished  without  resorting  to  military  force,  or  permitting  vio 
lence  to  be  used.  Fully  recognizing  the  propriety  of  the  demand  made  by  you 
upon  others  who  have  claimed  the  right  to  exercise  the  office  of  governor,  that 
they  should  furnish  you  with  an  authoritative  decision  of  the  court;  and,  believ 
ing  that  you  will  require  the  same  of  me,  I  hand  you  herewith  a  copy  of  the 
opinion  of  the  justices  of  the  supreme  judicial  court,  sustaining  the  legality  of 
the  legislature  by  which  I  have  been  elected  and  qualified  in  the  office  I  have 
named.  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

Daniel  F.  Davis,  Governor. 

Headquarters  First  Div.  M.  M. 

Augusta,  Jan.  17,  1880. 

To  the  Hon.  Daniel  F.  Davis.  Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re 
ceipt  of  your  communication  informing  me  that  you  have  been  legally  elected 
and  duly  qualified  as  governor  of  Maine,  together  with  a  certified  copy  of  the 
opinion  of  the  supreme  court  upon  the  questions  affecting  the  legality  of  the  or 
ganization  of  the  legislature  of  1880.  As  it  is  manifest  that  this  opinion  estab 
lishes  the  legality  of  your  election,  and  that  you  are  duly  qualified  as  governor, 
I  have  the  honor  to  report  to  you  that  I  consider  my  trust,  under  special  order 
No.  45,  as  at  an  end.  I  am,  with  highest  respects,  your  obedient  servant, 

Joshua  L.  Chamberlain,  Major  Gen. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  175 

the  statement  and  questions  now  before  us  are  presented  by  any 
legally  organized  legislative  body,  so  as  to  require  an  opinion  from 
us,  we  feel  that  we  should  be  omitting  an  important  service  which 
the  people  of  this  beloved  state  and  the  gentlemen  who  have  pre 
sented  these  questions,  presumably  from  an  honest  desire  to  know 
their  duty  as  citizens  in  the  premises,  might  fairly  expect  of  us, 
if  we  failed  to  give  some  of  the  reasons  which  compel  us  to  de 
cline  to  entertain  and  respond  to  the  statement  and  questions  based 
thereupon.  The  solemn  occasion  is  indeed  here,  in  the  unparalleled 
and  ominous  events  of  our  history  which  have  occurred  within  the 
the  last  few  months,  but  we  are  bound  to  declare  that  these  ques 
tions  are  not  presented  by  a  legally  constituted  legislative  body, 
for  the  following  reasons :  (Here  follow  lengthy  reasons  why  the 
court  took  this  position).  We,  therefore,  after  due  deliberation 
and  consideration  of  all  matters  involved,  affirm  and  declare  our 
judgment  to  be  that  the  senate,  whose  presiding  officer  is  the  hon 
orable  Joseph  A.  Locke,  and  the  house  of  representatives  whose 
presiding  officer  is  the  Hon.  George  E.  Weeks,  constitute  the  legal 
and  constitutional  legislature  of  the  state."  This  opinion  was 
signed  by  all  the  members  of  the  court. 

In  the  meantime  Gov.  Davis,  alarmed  over  the  gravity  of  the 
situation,  decided  to  call  to  Augusta  the  Auburn  Light  infantry, 
the  Richmond  Light  infantry  of  Gardiner,  the  Capitol  guards,  and 
a  detachment  of  ten  men  with  a  Catling  gun  from  the  Androscog- 
gin  artillery,  to  prevent  desperate  men  from  carrying  out  their 
threats  to  capture  the  state  house.  These  orders  were  carried  out 
so  quietly  that  few  knew  of  them  until  the  militia  put  in  its  appear 
ance  at  the  state  house.  This  action  of  the  governor  was  prompted 
by  reports  from  the  mayor  of  the  city  that  secret  meetings  were 
being  held  and  threats  made  and  inflammatory  talk  indulged  in  by 
the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy.  The  Pilsbury  or  rump  legislature 
continued  to  hold  session  in  Union  hall  and  a  committee  was  ap 
pointed  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  removing  their  legisla 
ture  to  Biddeford.  There  was  ample  evidence  at  this  juncture  of 
the  existence  of  a  secret  confederation  of  socialistic  fusionists,  mak 
ing  threats  to  raid  the  stores,  banks  and  other  business  centers  of 
the  city.  Shortly  before,  a  band  of  these  fellows  was  discovered 
in  the  capital  recesses  where  arms  were  found  secreted.  The  whole 
atmosphere  was  poisoned  by  the  wild  talk  and  the  senseless  threats 
of  these  desperate  conspirators. 

The  decision  of  the  supreme  court  declaring  the  fusion  legisla 
ture  an  illegal  body,  practically  settled  the  whole  matter.  No  de- 


176  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

cision  could  be  more  sweeping — none  more  conclusive  and  binding. 
It  not  only  declared  Daniel  F.  Davis  to  be  the  lawful  governor,  but 
intimated  that  any  person  or  persons  claiming  to  exercise  the 
duties  of  these  officers,  or  claiming  to  be  a  legislature  were  in  rebel 
lion  against  the  constituted  authorities,  enemies  of  the  public  peace, 
and  liable  to  be  proceeded  against  in  the  courts  in  the  same  man 
ner  as  against  -other  law  breakers.  This  decision  of  the  court  was 
made  public  January  27th,  and  on  the  following  day  Mr.  Dingley 
went  to  Augusta  to  confer  with  Governor  Davis. 

Notwithstanding  the  decision  of  the  court  a  portion  of  the  rump 
legislature  wanted  to  fight  it  out,  but  a  majority,  more  level-headed 
than  the  few  leaders,  yielded  to  the  inevitable ;  and  on  the  28th  the 
fusion  legislature  held  its  last  session.  There  were  35  persons  pres 
ent  in  the  house  and  nine  in  the  senate.  The  decision  of  the  court 
was  generally  denounced,  but  the  majority  favored  yielding.  Fin 
ally  it  was  voted  to  adjourn  until  the  first  Wednesday  in  August, 
and,  notwithstanding  no  division  of  votes  was  called  in  either 
branch,  and  no  member  recorded  himself  either  for  or  against  the 
measure,  the  proposition  was  declared  carried  and  the  famous 
fusion  or  rump  legislature  adjourned  and  passed  into  history.  Gov. 
Smith  said  the  decision  of  the  court  settled  the  matter.  "I  shall 
give  up  the  fight  now  and  go  home,"  was  his  public  statement.  As 
soon  as  Gov.  Smith  had  made  public  the  statement  that  the  fusion- 
ists  had  surrendered,  the  adjutant  general  gave  orders  for  the 
militia  quartered  in  the  state  capitol,  to  return  home.  Mr.  Dingley, 
who  took  such  an  active  part  in  the  Republican  advisory  commit 
tee  during  this  crisis,  said  in  after  years  that  the  people  of  the  state 
did  not  fully  realize  how  near  they  were  to  violence  and  bloodshed 
at  the  state  capitol.  It  required  great  self-control  and  firmness  on 
the  part  of  Gen.  Chamberlain  and  the  leading  Republicans,  to  pre 
vent  a  serious  clash  of  arms ;  and  to  the  credit  of  the  fusion  "gover 
nor"  Smith,  let  it  be  said,  that  had  it  not  been  for  his  opposition, 
the  capitol  might  have  been  attacked  by  a  thousand  armed  fusion- 
ists,  all  determined  to  carry  to  the  bitter  end  their  wicked  conspir 
acy. 

The  whole  state  was  deeply  indebted  to  Mr.  Elaine  and  Mr. 
Dingley,  two  of  their  wise  and  able  leaders  in  this  crisis.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said  that  "by  general  consent,  the  Republicans  of  Maine  and 
the  country  award  to  Senator  Elaine  the  highest  praise  for  the 
triumph  achieved  over  the  counting-out  conspirators.  For  two 
months  Senator  Elaine  has  given  his  whole  time  in  devising  means 
to  checkmate  a  usurpation  which  seemed  to  have  intrenched  itself 


Town  of.... 
County  of . 


(Buckfield  as  written  oo  the  back  of  the  return  by  Town  Officers.) 


At  a  legal  meeting  of  tlic  inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  in  fhe 

County  of       f^  qualified  by  the  Constitution  to  vote  for  Representatives  holden  on  the 


(Blank  spaces  not  filled  by  Town  Officers.) 


' 


.  Selectmen. 


ATTEST  : 


Tmfn  Clerk. 


*" 


(The  letter  "P"  changed  to  "B"  thereby  "counting  out"  the  Republican  Candidate 
The  whole  number  of  ballots  given  in,  ws»      "* 


The  person,  voted  for  severally  received  the  numb^  of  vote,  following  >,"„  s 


For 


f!antflioi>  CM, 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  177 

beyond  powers  of  dislodgement.  He  has  been  the  master  mind 
who  has  laid  plans,  organized  resistence  to  every  step,  restrained 
indignation  in  danger  of  breaking  out  into  violence,  counseled 
patience  and  opposition  within  the  law,  and  in  general  conducted 
the  Republican  cause  with  ability  and  energy  that  affords  fresh 
proof  of  his  great  ability  and  resources,  and  has  again  put  the  Re 
publicans  of  Maine  and  of  the  country  under  fresh  obligations  to 
him." 

On  the  4th  of  February  the  legal  legislature  was  fairly  at  work. 
All  but  about  ten  of  the  members  of  the  fusion  legislature  came 
into  the  legal  legislature  and  proceeded  to  take  part  in  the  regular 
business.  On  the  5th  of  February  a  committee  of  seven  from  the 
house,  and  three  from  the  senate,  were  selected  to  examine  into 
the  condition  of  election  returns.  The  committee  selected  was — 
Messrs.  Hale,  Strout,  Lord,  Ingalls,  Springer,  Cook,  and  Hill,  on 
the  part  of  the  house ;  and  Messrs.  Hawes,  Harris,  and  Strickland 
on  the  part  of  the  senate.  This  committee  at  once  began  not  only 
its  examination  of  the  returns,  but  an  inspection  of  the  state  capitol 
to  ascertain  how  far  the  conspirators  had  gone  in  their  desperate 
attempt  to  gain  control  of  the  state  capitol,  first  by  fraudulent 
manipulation  of  the  returns,  and  second,  the  use  of  force.  Arms 
and  ammunition  were  found  stored  away  in  almost  every  conceiv 
able  place,  while  in  one  desk,  overlooked  thus  far,  was  found  three 
half  pint  bottles  filled  with  powder,  60  rounds  of  cartridges,  and 
three  bayonets  for  cadet  rifles.  Twenty  cartridges  were  in  a  cart 
ridge  box  for  use.  All  the  important  papers  relative  to  the  canvass 
ing  of  the  vote  were  secured  by  the  committee  and  the  investiga 
tion  proceeded.  The  tabulations  of  the  returns  showed  conclusively 
that  changes  had  been  made  from  time  to  time  in  order  to  secure 
the  requisite  fusion  majority  in  both  branches.  All  kinds  of  techni 
calities  were  seized  upon  by  the  governor  and  council  in  order  to 
count  out  Republicans  and  count  in  fusionists.  Returns  were  re 
jected  because  they  contained  the  word  "scattering";  because  it 
was  alleged  the  names  of  the  selectmen  were  signed  by  one  person 
in  each  town;  because  it  was  claimed  that  the  returns  were  not 
made  in  open  town  meeting;  because  a  middle  initial  appeared  to 
be  a  "B"  instead  of  a  "P" ;  because  a  middle  initial  "C"  was  left  out ; 
because  one  of  the  selectmen  was  claimed  to  be  an  alien ;  because 
the  town  clerk  did  not  sign  the  report ;  and  because  of  various  other 
distinguishing  marks.  Governor  Garcelon  was  the  principal  wit 
ness  before  the  investigating  committee.  He  said  in  substance  that 
nobody  outside  the  council  had  seen  the  returns  from  the  day  of 


178  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

election  to  the  I7th  day  of  November;  that  on  that  day  a  commit 
tee  of  three,  consisting  of  Mr.  Dingley,  Hon.  S.  D.  Lindsey,  and 
Hon.  L.  A.  Emery,  representing  Republican  candidates,  waited  on 
him  and  requested  permission  to  look  at  the  returns  and  see  if  any 
errors  existed  in  them,  that  they  might  be  legally  corrected  by  the 
town  records  under  the  provisions  of  the  statute.  Governor  Gar- 
celon  said  he  thought  the  request  reasonable,  but  on  submitting  the 
matter  to  his  council,  it  was  laid  over  with  no  action  until  Novem 
ber  22nd,  when  it  was  "ordered  that  the  governor  and  council  will 
be  in  session  from  December  ist  to  I3th  to  examine  the  returns. 
Candidates  claiming  irregularities  or  other  causes  presumed  to 
vitiate  their  election,  will  have  reasonable  opportunity  to  be  heard 
either  personally  or  by  duly  authorized  counsel."  From  November 
1 7th  to  December  i6th,  the  governor  said  that  he  and  the  council 
were  engaged  on  the  returns;  and  that  no  person  outside  of  the 
council  was  allowed  to  inspect  them  till  after  December  ist.  Gov. 
Garcelon  said:  "If  there  were  any  changes  in  the  returns,  they 
were  not  known  to  me." 

The  returns  were  submitted  to  the  governor,  nearly  all  of  them 
containing  erasures,  alterations  and  additions,  clearly  denoting  the 
intention  of  some  party  or  parties  to  deliberately  change  the  result. 

"Don't  you  think  your  council  imposed  upon  you  in  regard  to 
the  returns?"  was  asked. 

"Whatever  was  done  with  them  was  done  by  some  Judas  among 
the  council,"  the  governor  replied. 

The  committee  of  investigation  made  a  lengthy  report,  in  which 
it  submitted  all  the  evidence,  disclosed  the  changes  and  alterations 
made  in  the  returns  and  finally  declared  that  the  whole  affair  was  a 
premeditated  plan  of  conspiracy.  The  special  committee  reported : 
"Your  committee  cannot  avoid  the  conclusion  that  these  suppres 
sions  and  substitutions,  erasures  and  forgeries  were  made  in  the 
chamber  of  the  governor  and  council  at  Augusta.  It  abundantly 
appears  that  the  blanks  upon  which  new  and  substituted  returns 
were  written,  and  the  envelope  in  which  they  were  enclosed,  were 
official,  and  such  as  are  kept  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  state. 
*  *  *  The  erasures  are  so  numerous  and  connected  with  the 
tabulations,  and  were  so  uniform  in  the  result  produced  by  them, 
that  they  disclosed  a  well  defined  plan  consistent  in  its  details  and 
in  the  manner  of  its  execution.  It  is  incredible  that  fraud  and 
wrong-doing  would  be  carried  on  so  extensively  and  in  connection 
with  these  returns,  which  day  after  day  came  before  various  parties 
connected  with  the  executive  department  for  their  inspection,  with- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  179 

out  the  facts  being  known  to  every  official  connected  with  the 
count,  and  if  any  one  of  them  shut  his  eyes  to  what  was  going  on, 
in  the  midst  of  the  public  clamor  and  excitement,  which  attended 
the  counting  of  these  returns,  he  must  have  been  so  negligent  of  his 
duty  that  his  apathy  would  make  him  responsible  for  the  wrong. 
But  it  will  be  very  difficult  to  bring  men  of  common  sense  to  believe 
that  these  transactions  were  not  known  and  acquiesced  in  by  all 
the  parties  concerned  in  the  counting  and  tabulation  of  the  votes. 
*  *  *  The  whole  great  fraud  and  crime  is  thrown  back  upon 
the  members  of  the  council  with  whatever  complicity  the  governor 
had  in  it,  or  any  other  person  whom  the  governor  and  council  per 
mitted  to  handle  the  returns,  and  to  whose  interest  it  was  to  im 
properly  treat  them.  *  *  *  To  what  extent  Governor  Gar- 
celon  participated  in  or  sympathized  with  the  wanton  transgression 
of  law,  which  the  treatment  of  the  election  returns  shows  in  dozens 
of  cases,  it  is  not  easy  for  us  to  decide.  His  opportunities  were  con 
stant  and  he  fails  to  show  a  single  case  where  he  successfully  inter 
posed  to  prevent  the  wrong.  When  confronted  with  the  returns, 
and  the  tabulations  and  the  final  lists,  he  passionately  asserted  his 
own  innocence  and  declared  that  a  'Judas'  among  the  number  had 
done  the  villiany.  Both  governor  and  council  must  then  be  held 
accountable  for  the  fraudulent  practices  under  which  the  election 
returns  were  changed  so  that  the  will  of  the  people  was  set  aside 
and  illegal  certificates  issued  to  senators  and  representatives  in 
sufficient  numbers  to  change  the  political  complexion  of  both 
branches  of  the  legislature." 

In  answer  to  the  question  why  he  ordered  arms  to  be  brought  to 
the  capitol,  Gov.  Garcelon  said  he  thought  his  office  and  the  state 
archives  were  threatened.  Mr.  Dingley  observed  that  "such  a  com 
plete  overthrow  of  usurpation  which  threatened  to  undermine  the 
central  principle  of  free  government,  is  not  a  simple  victory  of  the 
Republican  party — it  is  a  victory  of  free  institutions  over  despot 
ism,  patriotism  over  treason,  law  and  order  over  anarchy  and  revo 
lution,  and  honesty  over  wickedness.  *  *  *  Its  defeat  is  a  cause 
of  profound  congratulation."  Thus  ended  the  famous  fusion 
count-out. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
1880-1881. 

In  a  letter  to  the  Journal  under  date  of  April  24,  1880,  Mr. 
Dingley  wrote  that  "nineteen  years  before  he  shook  hands  with 
President  Lincoln  and  interviewed  him  in  the  White  House."  He 
called  upon  President  Hayes  and  upon  Senator  Elaine  in  the  cloak 
room  of  the  senate.  He  referred  to  Mr.  Blaine  as  being  "in  per 
fect  condition  after  his  long  strain."  He  appeared  to  be  particu 
larly  interested  in  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  a  member  of  congress, 
who  "sat  in  his  rolling  chair  in  front  of  the  speaker's  desk,  holding 
on  to  the  seat  as  if  to  keep  from  being  translated — so  much  of  a 
ghost  was  he.  He  has  an  ambition  to  die  in  the  harness.  His  dark 
bushy  hair  was  covered  by  a  large  Kossuth  hat,  which  he  removed 
from  his  head  during  the  entire  session." 

On  the  23rd  of  June  Mr.  Dingley  attended  a  class  re-union  at 
Dartmouth  college.  Ten  members  of  his  class  were  present,  and 
old  associations  of  1855  were  recalled.  On  his  way  back  to  Maine, 
he  stopped  at  Concord,  N.  H.,  where  the  governor  of  the  state 
and  ladies  called  upon  him  and  his  wife  at  the  hotel.  On  the  gth  of 
August  he  spoke  at  Richmond  Camp  grounds,  and  on  the  i/th 
of  August  entered  the  state  campaign.  The  Republican  state  con 
vention  was  held  at  Augusta  June  23rd.  Governor  Davis  was 
renominated  with  great  enthusiasm.  The  platform  indorsed  the 
nomination  of  James  A.  Garfield  for  president,  and  denounced  the 
record  of  the  fusion  party  in  the  state.  The  national  convention 
ment  in  Chicago  June  8th  and  nominated  James  A.  Garfield  for 
president,  and  Chester  A.  Arthur  for  vice  president.  Again  the 
admirers  of  Mr.  Blaine  saw  their  idol  doomed  to  defeat.  Mr.  Ding- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  181 

ley,  who  was  always  a  warm  supporter  of  Mr.  Elaine  wrote: 
"Though  Senator  Elaine  has  failed  to  receive  the  nomination  for 
the  presidency  which  the  Republicans  of  Maine  so  earnestly  desire 
him  to  have,  yet  he  has  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  he  has  been 
supported  by  a  devotion  and  earnestness  rarely  accorded  to  a  pub 
lic  man.  Not  only  has  his  own  state  given  him  a  united,  hearty  and 
enthusiastic  support,  but  the  Republicans  of  a  majority  of  the 
northern  states  have  also  given  him  a  support  rarely  accorded  a 
public  man.  Though  failing  to  secure  the  nomination  for  himself, 
yet  it  has  been  through  his  popularity  and  organizing  ability  that 
the  scheme  of  a  few  men  to  control  the  Republican  party  has  been 
overthrown ;  and  a  man  selected  who  is  not  only  the  friend  of  Mr. 
Elaine,  but  who  also  owes  his  nomination  to  him.  The  vote  of 
Maine  for  Garfield  was  given  by  request  of  Mr.  Elaine.  Though 
failing  to  receive  the  presidency  which  he  would  have  so  highly 
honored,  yet  Senator  Elaine  will  not  fail  to  have  in  the  future,  as 
is  the  past,  the  proud  distinction  of  being  one  of  the  ablest  and 
best  loved  of  American  statesmen."  1  Harris  M.  Plaisted  was  nomi 
nated  for  governor  by  separate  conventions  of  the  Greenback  and 
Democratic  parties,  held  at  Bangor,  June  ist. 

In  this  campaign  the  Prohibition  party  made  its  first  appear 
ance.  The  national  party  was  organized  at  Chicago,  September  i, 
1869.  A  convention  was  held  in  the  city  of  Augusta  September  I, 
1876,  and  an  effort  made  to  organize  the  Prohibition  party  in 
Maine;  but  it  was  unsuccessful.  June  ist,  1880,  a  convention  was 
held  at  Ellsworth  and  a  permanent  organization  effected.  William 
P.  Joy  was  nominated  for  governor.  Other  temperance  men  held 
a  convention  at  Augusta,  July  23rd,  adjourned  to  Portland  August 
1 9th,  and  there  nominated  J.  K.  Osgood  for  governor.  Upon  his 
declination  Joshua  Nye  was  made  the  candidate.  The  organiza 
tion  was  discontinued  after  the  September  election. 

Mr.  Dingley  began  his  campaign  tour  the  night  of  August  I7th. 
speaking  every  night  until  September  loth.  In  this  campaign  Stan- 

1 — The  movement  against  Elaine's  nomination  started  with  Cameron  in 
Pennsylvania,  Pennsylvania  was  a  Blaine  state,  but  the  unit  rule  was  forced 
upon  the  delegation.  Grant  had  failed  of  nomination  in  1876  and  went  around  the 
world  returning  in  time  to  stand  for  the  nomination  in  1880.  Garfield's  name  had 
been  mentioned  as  a  compromise  candidate,  the  Pittsburg  Dispatch  naming  him 
first.  Wharton  Barker,  prevailed  upon  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  delega 
tion  to  vote  for  Garfleld.  This  was  tte  only  vote  Garfleld  received  for  several 
ballots.  Finally  he  secured  a  few  more.  Then  the  Sherman  and  the  Blaine  men 
got  together  and  nominated  him.  Garfield  was  true  to  Sherman  and  felt  the 
great  responsibility  the  nomination  brought.  He  was  sensitive  about  the  stories 
that  he  had  betrayed  Sherman,  and  in  making  up  his  cabinet  refused  to  select 
any  unknown  men  for  fear  he  would  be  charged  with  rewarding  some  man  for 
voting  for  him.  This  was  why  Wharton  Barker  of  Philadelphia  was  not  given 
a  cabinet  place. 


182  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ley  Matthews,  John  A.  Logan,  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  Thomas  B. 
Reed,  James  A.  Hall  and  other  prominent  Republicans  assisted. 
The  issue  was  greenbackism  and  the  conspiracy  of  the  fusionists 
at  the  state  capitol.  The  people  were  thoroughly  aroused,  and  Mr. 
Dingley  on  the  stump  and  in  his  editorial  room,  fought  for  the  Re 
publican  cause.  A  few  days  before  election  he  wrote :  "Next  Mon 
day  the  voters  of  Maine  are  called  upon  to  participate  in  one  of  the 
most  important  elections  ever  held  in  this  state.  Although  a  state 
election  in  form,  yet  the  votes  will  be  practically  the  verdict  of  the 
state  on  national  as  well  as  state  issues.  It  will  be  received  by  the 
whole  country  as  a  declaration  in  favor  of  Garfield  and  the  Repub 
lican  party  in  case  Davis  shall  be  elected  by  a  good  majority ;  and 
as  a  declaration  in  favor  of  Hancock  and  the  Democracy  in  case 
Plaisted  shall  be  elected.  *  *  *  The  people  of  Maine  are 
called  upon  to  pronounce  their  verdict  on  the  violence  and  fraud  by 
which  the  opposition  to  the  Democracy  is  overcome  in  Alabama 
and  the  south.  *  *  *  And  last  but  not  least,  the  people  of 
Maine  are  called  upon  to  pass  their  verdict  on  the  outrageous  pro 
ceedings  by  which  the  late  fusion  governor  and  council  attempted 
to  overthrow  the  verdict  of  the  people  at  the  polls  last  September." 
September  7th  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  at  Yarmouth  with  Gen.  Grosve- 
nor,  who  subsequently  served  with  him  in  congress  on  the  com 
mittee  on  ways  and  means.  September  nth  Lewiston  closed  the 
campaign  with  a  big  torch  light  procession.  The  election  was  held 
September  I3th,  and  Plaisted  received  73,713  votes,  Davis  73,544 
votes,  Nye,  the  temperance  candidate,  309  votes,  and  Joy,  the  Pro 
hibition  candidate,  124  votes. 

The  election  instead  of  resulting  in  a  complete  Republican 
triumph  and  a  Republican  majority  of  at  least  5,000,  as  was  con 
fidently  expected  by  the  Republicans,  proved  closer  than  was  gen 
erally  expected,  and  disappointed  the  Republicans.  It  was  in  fact 
a  Republican  disaster.  On  representatives  to  congress  the  Repub 
licans  held  their  own — electing  Reed,  Frye,  and  Lindsey,  while  the 
fusionists  elected  Ladd  and  Murch.  The  legislature  was  Republi 
can — the  house  by  20  majority  and  the  senate  by  n  majority,  thus 
ensuring  a  Republican  executive  council,  and  a  Republican  United 
States  senator  to  succeed  Senator  Hamlin. 

Mr.  Dingley  observed  that  "it  is  amazing  a  majority  of  the  vot 
ers  of  Maine  should  have  gone  to  the  polls  and  practically  voted  to 
endorse  the  state  steal.  Many  will  say  that  they  did  not  intend 
this;  but  whether  or  not  they  intended  it,  the  country  and  the 
counting-out  gentlemen  will  so  understand  it.  This  is  the  most 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  183 

mortifying  result  of  the  election,  and  almost  leads  one  to  ask 
whether  our  boasted  intelligence  and  virtue  really  exists.  But 
when  we  remember  that  good  voters  are  often  temporarily  blinded 
by  partisan  prejudice,  we  take  courage  in  the  thought  that  sooner 
or  later  the  good  sense  and  conscience  of  the  people  of  Maine  will 
emphatically  condemn  a  wrong  of  such  magnitude.  For  the  time 
being,  the  result  will  cause  a  feeling  of  despondency  in  the  Repub 
lican  ranks.  But  this  will  soon  pass  and  the  Republicans  of  this 
state  and  of  the  country  will  realize,  as  they  have  not  before,  that 
victory  in  the  nation  is  not  to  be  won  without  hard  work.  *  *  * 
Although  there  may  be  a  small  majority  against  us  now  in  Maine, 
yet  this  will  be  overcome  in  November.  The  fusion  between  the 
Democrats  and  Greenbackers  has  been  perfect  on  the  state  ticket. 
*  *  *  The  campaign  in  Maine  is  not  closed  but  only  begun. 
Six  weeks  of  good  work  can  change  what  is  now  a  partial  fusion 
advantage  into  a  glorious  Republican  triumph." 

The  Prohibition  party,  as  has  already  been  said,  first  made  its 
appearance  in  Maine  in  this  state  election.  Mr.  Dingley  com 
mented  on  this  movement  thus:  "Truly,  if  prohibition  and  tem 
perance  have  only  the  small  body  of  supporters  who  went  to  the 
polls  and  voted  the  two  prohibitory  tickets,  prohibition  would  be  in 
a  sad  minority  in  Maine.  But  the  earnest,  active,  temperance  men 
of  this  state,  the  men  who  have  given  Maine  her  prohibitory  laws, 
and  put  her  in  the  front  rank  of  temperance,  almost  solidly  voted 
the  Republican  ticket,  which  in  Maine,  is  the  true  temperance 
party.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  sincere  friends  of  this  independent 
political  movement  will  see  its  inexpediency  and  no  longer  pursue 
a  line  of  action  which  only  tends  to  divide  and  weaken  the  tem 
perance  party." 

In  the  selection  of  an  electoral  ticket,  the  greenback  leaders  of 
the  state  sold  out  completely  to  the  Democrats.  Solon  Chase,  how 
ever,  entered  a  protest  and  with  seventy  other  members  of  the  con 
vention,  withdrew  and  nominated  a  straight  Greenback  electoral 
ticket.  But  Greenbackism  was  on  the  wane,  and  Solon  Chase,  the 
Greenback  candidate  for  governor  in  1882,  received  only  1,324 
votes.  Thus  the  Democrats  completely  absorbed  the  Greenback 
party,  and  the  latter  disappeared  from  Maine  politics  as  a  disturb 
ing  element. 

October  I4th,  Mr.  Dingley  attended  a  campfire  of  the  boys  in 
blue  in  Lewiston.  On  the  next  day  he  spoke  at  a  state  teachers 
meeting,  and  on  the  21  st  delivered  an  address  at  Farmington.  He 
discussed  in  the  columns  of  the  Journal  questions  of  national 


184  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

finance  and  honest  elections  in  the  south.  Of  the  tariff  question  he 
wrote:  "The  Democratic  managers  in  the  northern  states  who 
have  manufacturing  industries  which  would  be  seriously  injured  if 
a  revenue  tariff  should  take  the  place  of  a  protective  tariff,  are  in 
serious  trouble.  The  Democratic  party  is  committed  in  its  plat 
form  and  by  its  record  to  the  overthrow  of  a  protective  tariff  and 
the  adoption  of  the  British  revenue  system.  That  cannot  be  denied. 
But  some  of  the  managers  are  now  trying  to  make  people  believe 
that  the  Democratic  party  would  not  carry  out  its  platform  if  it 
should  be  voted  into  power.  Even  Hancock  himself  is  out  with  a 
letter  trying  to  make  the  voters  believe  that  the  Democrats  will  not 
do  what  their  platform  promises,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  their  acts 
speak  louder  than  mere  ante-election  promises.  *  *  *  What  the 
Democrats  propose  to  do,  if  they  carry  the  election  next  month,  is 
better  shown  by  the  votes  of  the  Democratic  members  of  congress 
last  spring,  and  the  revenue  tariff  plank  adopted  at  Cincinnati,  than 
by  irresponsible  professions  to  secure  votes  on  the  eve  of  an  elec 
tion.  The  people  of  the  country  have  not  forgotten  that  the  Demo 
crats  in  1844  carried  Pennsylvania  by  professing  themselves  in 
favor  of  a  protective  tariff  and  then  a  year  after  passing  the  tariff  of 
1864  which  prostrated  American  industries.  *  *  *  The 
'tariff  for  revenue  only'  plank  was  adopted  on  demand  of  the  south 
ern  delegates  in  the  Cincinnati  convention.  The  western  free  trad 
ers  backed  up  their  demand.  When  it  comes  to  legislation  the 
south  and  west  control  the  Democratic  congressional  caucus  by  an 
overwhelming  majority,  and  the  protests  of  a  handful  of  eastern 
Democrats  representing  manufacturing  constituencies  will  not 
keep  them  from  carrying  out  the  principles  of  their  party  set  forth 
in  its  national  platform.  A  revenue  tariff  bill  having  no  regard  to 
the  interest  of  home  manufacturers,  will  be  passed  by  a  Democratic 
congress  as  a  leading  feature  of  Democratic  policy.  *  *  * 
The  protective  tariff  is  of  great  advantage  to  farmers.  First,  it  pro 
vides  a  home  market  for  the  product  of  the  farm,  and  builds  up  our 
agricultural  interests  as  it  builds  home  industries.  Second,  it  di 
rectly  protects  such  important  Maine  products  as  lumber,  wool, 
butter,  eggs,  potatoes,  etc.,  from  the  injurious  competition  of  the 
British  provinces,  where  labor  is  cheaper  and  the  workingman  has 
less  possibilities  than  in  this  country.  Were  it  not  for  our  protec 
tive  tariff  our  farmers  would  not  produce  many  of  the  leading  arti 
cles  of  farm  product  with  profit.  On  the  other  hand  most  of  the 
necessary  articles  which  the  farmer  requires,  are  as  cheap  here  as  in 
Europe.  Those  articles  whose  prices  are  increased  by  tariff  so  far 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  185 

as  it  is  protective,  are  generally  not  the  necessities,  but  the  luxur 
ies." 

In  reply  to  an  article  published  by  a  Democratic  free  trade 
paper,  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "It  is  true  that  both  parties  favor  a  tariff 
as  one  of  the  means  of  raising  revenue  for  the  government.  The 
question  is  shall  the  tariff  be  laid  for  revenue  only,  as  the  Demo 
cratic  platform  declares ;  or  for  revenue  and  protection  to  American 
labor,  as  the  Republican  platform  declares.  The  distinction  be 
tween  these  two  kinds  of  tariffs  is  well  understood  by  those  who 
want  to  know  it,  and  it  is  rank  deception  for  the  Democratic  lead 
ers  to  endeavor  to  evade  it.  A  tariff  for  revenue  only  imposes 
duties  mainly  on  articles  not  produced  in  this  country ;  and  so  far  as 
it  reaches  articles  which  are  produced  here,  it  makes  the  duty  as 
light  as  possibl*  in  order  to  encourage  importation.  A  tariff  for 
revenue  and  protection  imposes  duties  mainly  on  articles  that  are 
also  produced  in  this  country,  and  thus  protects  our  own  industries 
and  our  own  labor  against  the  injurious  competition  of  the  cheaper 
labor  of  Europe.  But  we  are  not  left  to  party  platform  declara 
tions  alone.  Of  the  155  Democrats  in  the  present  congress,  all  but 
19  voted  in  favor  of  the  Wood  revenue  tariff  bill;  and  of  the  130 
Republicans  in  congress  all  but  six  voted  against  it.  If  the  Wood 
tariff  bill  had  passed,  it  would  have  cut  down  the  duties  on  cotton, 
woolen,  leather,  and  iron  goods  to  such  a  degree,  as  to  bring  these 
foreign  goods  produced  by  cheaper  labor  into  direct  competition 
with  our  own.  This  would  necessitate  either  the  closing  of  our 
cotton,  woolen  and  iron  mills,  and  boot  and  shoe  manufactories; 
or  else  would  have  made  it  necessary  to  cut  down  wages  here  to  the 
English  and  German  standard.  *  *  *  The  conclusion  of  the 
whole  matter  is  that  the  protective  tariff,  which  the  Republicans  ad 
vocate,  gives  the  American  workingman  25  per  cent  higher  wages, 
larger  saving,  a  better  living,  a  better  house,  a  better  education  for 
his  children,  better  social  surroundings  and  a  better  future  for  his 
children  than  is  possible  for  the  European  workingman.  Substi 
tute  for  this  the  revenue  system  which  the  Democrats  favor,  and 
American  working  men  must  come  down  to  the  European  stan 
dard.  To  vote  for  Garfield  is  to  vote  for  the  protective  system.  To 
vote  for  Hancock  is  to  vote  for  the  revenue  system.  Working  men 
of  Maine!  Citizens  generally,  who  appreciate  the  advantages  of 
manufacturing  industries  and  good  wages  !  Which  do  you  prefer  ?" 

October  2Qth,  Mr.  Dingley  made  a  political  address  at  Me 
chanic  Falls,  in  which  he  discussed  very  fully  and  very  ably  the 
tariff  question.  After  denning  the  difference  between  the  platforms 


1 86  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties,  and  declaring  that  Re 
publicans  were  in  favor  of  a  protective  tariff,  he  said:  "If  the 
status  and  wages  of  the  workingmen  of  America  were  the  same  as 
in  Europe  and  Canada,  then  we  could  say  to  the  manufacturers  of 
England,  Belgium,  and  Germany,  and  the  producers  of  potatoes, 
eggs,  cheese,  wool  and  lumber  of  the  British  province,  send  your 
manufactures  and  products  here  without  charge  or  restraint,  and 
we  will  take  our  chances  in  competition  with  you.  But  we  have  un 
dertaken  to  found  here  a  nation  in  which  every  man  shall  be  the 
political  equal  of  every  other  man.  In  Europe  one  man  is  the 
sovereign,  and  the  great  mass  of  the  people  have  no  direct  respon 
sibility  in  government.  Here,  every  man  is  a  sovereign  and  in  exer 
cising  the  right  of  suffrage  discharges  the  duties  of  a  sovereign. 
To  properly  discharge  this  duty,  every  citizen  of  this  country  must 
be  educated,  must  educate  his  children,  must  live  not  as  a  mere  ma 
chine,  but  as  an  intelligent  being.  To  be  a  working  man  in  Amer 
ica  is  to  have  a  larger  life,  higher  responsibilities,  greater  possibili 
ties  and  greater  needs  than  to  be  a  working  man  in  Europe.  This 
is  a  part  of  our  free  system  by  which  labor  is  elevated  and  ennobled 
and  made  not  only  respectable  but  worthy  to  be  respected.  And  I 
trust  we  shall  never  see  the  time  when  our  workingmen  will  have 
to  come  down  to  European  wages ;  for  if  we  ever  should  then  there 
will  come  with  it  the  other  degradation  of  American  labor  to  the 
lower  conditions  we  find  it  in  Europe.  *  *  *  The  manufac 
turers  of  American  make  no  more  profit  than  the  manufacturers 
of  Europe  because  competition  keeps  profit  down  to  the  average  in 
all  other  kinds  of  business.  It  is  the  workingmen  who  reap  the 
benefits  of  protection,  as  is  clearly  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  work 
ingmen  of  America  get  25  per  cent  to  75  per  cent  higher  wages 
than  the  workingmen  of  Europe,  and  are  thus  enabled  to  live  bet 
ter,  to  educate  their  children,  to  lay  up  a  surplus  in  many  cases,  and 
to  look  forward  to  a  better  future." 

On  the  night  of  November  ist  there  was  a  great  Republican 
rally  in  City  hall,  Lewiston.  Mr.  Dingley  presided,  and  Senator 
Elaine  made  the  principal  address.  The  election  took  place  No 
vember  2nd,  and  there  was  great  interest  all  over  the  state.  Extra 
editions  of  the  Journal  were  published  all  night  long  and  the  crowds 
on  the  streets  and  in  the  public  places  were  excited.  Maine  gave 
Garfield  10,000  plurality,  and  over  5,000  majority.  The  Republi 
can  candidates  for  president  and  vice  president — James  A.  Garfield, 
and  Chester  A.  Arthur — were  elected,  receiving  a  majority  of  59 
in  the.electoral  votes.  Mr.  Dingley  wrote:  "We  congratulate  the 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  187 

Republicans  of  the  country,  the  freemen  of  the  north,  the  patriotic 
men  of  all  parties,  on  the  glorious  victory  that  has  been  won.  It 
has  been  a  hard  contest,  but  the  patriotism,  the  intelligence,  the 
good  sense  of  the  nation  have  spoken  and  the  triumph  is  complete. 
*  *  *  The  victory  assures  the  state  of  Maine  to  the  Republi 
cans  hereafter.  There  are  many  Democrats  who  have  voted  the 
Democratic  ticket  for  the  last  time.  The  Greenback  party  has  been 
hopelessly  disorganized  by  fusion.  The  questions  which  brought 
it  into  being  have  been  practically  settled  by  resumption  and  pros 
perity.  The  Greenbackers  of  Democratic  antecedents  who  have 
voted  for  fusion  and  Hancock,  are  largely  back  in  the  Democratic 
party.  The  Greenbackers  of  Republican  antecedents  have  mainly 
returned  to  the  Republican  party ;  and  those  who  still  remain,  will 
be  likely  to  join  their  Republican  associates  before  another  election 
two  years  hence,  except  in  the  few  cases  where  they  have  got  so  far 
into  the  Democratic  camp  as  to  make  a  return  impractical.  In  1882, 
if  the  Republicans  in  the  meantime  act  with  the  wisdom  and  pru 
dence  which  may  be  expected,  Maine  will  undoubtedly  resume  her 
usual  Republican  majorities." 

December  3rd,  Mr.  Dingley  attended  a  reception  given  to 
Bishop  Peck  at  City  hall,  Lewiston,  responding  to  the  toast,  "The 
Church  and  State."  December  3Oth  he  lectured  at  Pittsfield  on 
"Free  High  Schools;"  thence  he  went  to  Augusta  where  he  con 
ferred  with  the  friends  of  Congressman  Frye  relative  to  the  sen 
atorial  question. 

The  legislature  which  met  in  Augusta  in  January,  after  electing 
Plaisted  governor,  proceeded  to  elect  a  United  States  senator  to 
succeed  Senator  Hamlin.  Already  Congressman  Frye  had  con 
sented  to  be  a  candidate  and  his  friends  throughout  the  state  were 
preparing  for  the  contest.  It  was  reported  by  some  of  the  news 
papers  of  the  state  that  Mr.  Frye  was  a  candidate  for  speaker  of  the 
house ;  but  Mr.  Dingley  was  authorized  to  state  that  such  was  not 
the  case,  but  that  Mr.  Frye  would  be  a  candidate  for  senator; 
"and,"  it  was  added,  "he  will  receive  a  strong  support.  His  ability, 
his  reputation  as  a  public  speaker,  his  long  experience  in  congress, 
and  the  personal  popularity  which  he  has  maintained  in  his  re 
peated  re-elections,  all  conspire  to  make  him  prominent  among  the 
gentlemen  mentioned  for  this  high  position.  Without  detracting 
from  the  merits  of  the  other  distinguished  gentlemen,  who  are  can 
didates  for  this  position — Messrs.  Hale  and  Reed — it  is  only  justice 
to  say  that  neither  surpasses  Mr.  Frye  in  all  the  essentials  which  go 
to  make  a  successful  senator." 


1 88  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Early  in  December,  Congressman  Reed  retired  from  the  sena 
torial  contest,  leaving  the  field  clear  to  Congressman  Frye  and 
Former  Congressman  Eugene  Hale.  Public  sentiment  seemed  to 
drift  toward  Mr.  Frye,  but  Mr.  Hale,  who  had  made  a  good  record1 
in  congress  from  1869  to  1879,  when  he  was  defeated  by  a  fusionist, 
and  as  leader  of  the  Republicans  in  the  state  house  of  representa 
tives  during  the  famous  count-out,  and  who  was  a  special  favorite 
of  Senator  Elaine,  steadily  forged  ahead  and  took  the  lead.  But 
Mr.  Dingley  loyally  supported  Mr.  Frye,  saying:  "No  man  in  the 
state  has  higher  qualifications  for  this  position  than  Mr.  Frye.  His 
unquestioned  ability  as  a  parliamentarian  and  debater;  his  legal 
acquirements  so  clearly  shown  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as 
attorney  general  of  Maine,  and  in  the  argument  of  cases'before  the 
jury  and  law  court;  and  his  long  and  successful  experience  as  a 
legislator,  are  admitted  on  all  hands  to  especially  fit  him  for  the 
senatorship.  *  *  *  While  we  have  given  expression  to  the 
general  judgment  of  Republicans  in  this  session,  it  is  but  just  we. 
should  add  that  all  concur  in  the  view  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Re 
publican  representatives  to  carefully  ascertain  and  carry  out  the 
wishes  of  their  Republican  constituents.  If  the  wishes  of  the  great 
body  of  Republicans  are  respected,  if  the  decision  is  based  entirely 
on  what  will  best  subserve  the  interests  of  the  state  and  promote 
harmony  and  increase  public  confidence  in  the  Republican  party, 
— all  will  be  well.  It  is  fortunate  that  so  important  a  question  is  to 
be  solved  by  so  prudent  and  faithful  a  body  of  men  as  constitutes 
the  Republican  membership  of  the  next  legislature." 

The  state  legislature  met  January  5th,  1881.  Mr.  Dingley  was 
on  the  scene  of  action  two  days  earlier,  to  look  after  Congressman 
Frye's  interests.  Mr.  Hale  was  on  the  ground  conducting  his  own 
canvass,  while  Mr.  Frye  was  in  Washington.  January  6th,  the  day 
before  the  caucus,  it  was  decided  by  Mr.  Frye's  friends  to  with 
draw  his  name  from  the  contest  because  of  defections  in  Sagadahoc 
and  Oxford  counties.  The  next  day  at  the  Republican  caucus,  Mr. 
Hale  was  unanimously  nominated.  Mr.  Frye  immediately  became 
a  candidate  to  succeed  Senator  Elaine  in  case  the  latter  should  ac 
cept  the  portfolio  of  secretary  of  state  in  the  cabinet  of  President 
Garfield.  Immediately  upon  the  announcement  that  Mr.  Frye 
would  become  a  candidate  for  the  short  senatorial  term,  Mr.  Reed 
announced  his  candidacy  for  speaker  of  the  national  house  of  rep 
resentatives.  January  i8th  the  state  legislature  proceeded  to  the 
election  of  United  States  senator;  and  on  the  following  day  met 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  189 

in  joint  convention  and  elected  Mr.  Hale  to  succeed  Senator  Ham* 
lin.    The  fusionists  voted  for  Joseph  L.  Smith. 

An  important  conference  of  senators  and  representatives  of  the 
second  congressional  district  was  held  on  the  evening  of  January 
1 8th.  It  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  all  present  that  Mr.  Frye 
should  be  tendered  the  nomination  for  United  States  senator  to 
fill  the  unexpired  term  of  Senator  Elaine,  in  case  that  gentleman 
accepted  a  position  in  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Dingley  was  one  of  the 
first  to  learn  that  President  Garfield  had  tendered  a  cabinet  posi 
tion  to  Senator  Elaine.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Elaine  was 
instrumental  in  securing  Mr.  Garfield's  nomination  in  the  Chicago 
convention.  Late  in  December  Senator  Elaine  wrote  Mr.  Dingley 
a  personal  letter  asking  the  latter's  opinion  as  to  the  advisability 
of  his  accepting  the  position  of  secretary  of  state.  l  Mr.  Dingley 
immediately  replied  urging  Mr.  Elaine  to  accept  the  post.  Mr. 
Elaine  followed  this  advice,  and  on  the  /th  day  of  March  sent  to 
Governor  Plaisted  his  resignation  of  the  senatorship.  March  8th 
Mr.  Frye  was  unanimously  nominated  by  the  Republicans  to  suc 
ceed  Senator  Elaine,  and  on  the  I5th  of  the  month  was  elected 
United  States  senator.  Concerning  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Blaine> 
Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "in  all  these  positions,  Mr.  Elaine  proved 
himself  one  of  the  ablest,  most  brilliant  and  most  popular  of  Amer 
ican  statesmen.  His  elevation  to  the  premiership  of  President 
Garfield's  administration  is  a  deserved  recognition  of  the  foremost 
Republican  statesman.  His  special  fitness  for  this  responsible 
position  is  conceded  by  all  parties."  Concerning  Mr.  Frye's  elec 
tion  to  the  United  States  senate  to  succeed  Mr.  Elaine,  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  wrote :  "Mr.  Frye's  promotion  to  the  senate  will  be  regarded 
everywhere  as  just  and  appropriate,  and  will  be  especially  gratify 
ing  to  his  associates  in  Washington.  In  the  senate  Mr.  Frye  will 
prove  a  worthy  successor  to  Mr.  Elaine,  and  will  reflect  honor  on 
the  party  and  the  state  which  he  has  been  called  upon  to  repre 
sent."  March  9th,  Mr.  Frye  resigned  his  seat  in  the  national 
house,  thereby  creating  a  vacancy  in  the  position  of  representative 
to  congress  from  the  2nd  district,  and  necessitating  a  special  elec 
tion  at  such  a  time  as  Governor  Plaisted  might  indicate.  Mr. 
Dingley  decided  to  be  a  candidate  for  this  vacancy. 

1— Senator  Elaine's  letter  to  Mr.  Dingley  was  as  follows: 

Fifth  Ave.  Hotel,  New  York, 

Dec.  23rd,  1880. 
Bro.  Dingley. 

Would  you  advise  me  to  accept  the  position  of  secretary  of  state  under  Gar- 
field,  if  he  should  tender  it.  Give  me  your  views  fully — all  the  pros  and  cons. 
Write  me  here.  Yours, 

J.  G.  Elaine. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

During  this  busy  and  exciting  period,  Mr.  Dingley  found  time 
to  attend  a  state  temperance  convention  at  Augusta  where  he  de 
livered  an  address,  to  appear  before  the  judiciary  committee  of  the 
state  house  of  representatives,  to  speak  at  an  editors  banquet  at 
Augusta,  to  deliver  a  temperance  address  at  Farmington,  to  speak 
at  an  Irish  land  league  meeting  at  Biddeford,  to  attend  a  reception 
to  Governor  Plaisted,  at  Auburn,  and  to  journey  to  Philadelphia 
and  Washington  where  he  sought  a  brief  rest. 

May  2Oth  the  call  was  issued  for  the  Republican  congressional 
convention  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Auburn  June  23rd.  The  Re 
publican  caucus  in  Lewiston  held  June  i4th  gave  Mr.  Dingley  178 
votes — the  whole  number  cast.  June  i8th  he  carried  the  Auburn 
caucus.  He  thus  secured  a  solid  delegation  from  his  own  county. 
June  22nd  he  took  up  his  headquarters  at  the  Elm  house,  Auburn. 
Here  he  conferred  with  his  supporters  from  all  over  the  district. 
The  convention  met  at  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  June  23rd. 
Former  Governor  Perham  was  present  and  addressed  the  conven 
tion.  Delegates  from  the  four  counties  in  the  district — Andros- 
coggin,  Sagadahoc,  Franklin,  and  Oxford, — were  present  in  full 
force.  C.  J.  Talbot  was  made  chairman  of  the  convention,  and  F. 
N.  Drew,  an  old  personal  friend  of  Mr.  Dingley,  was  made  chair 
man  of  the  committee  on  resolutions.  The  first  ballot  resulted  as 
follows:  Dingley  124,  Foster  58,  Swasey  33,  Wakefield  32, 
Spaulding  10,  Goss  3.  There  was  no  choice.  Mr.  Hogan 
a  delegate  from  Sagadahoc,  then  addressed  the  convention 
urging  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Wakefield.  Mr.  Hoyt  of  Franklin 
made  a  speech  in  behalf  of  the  candidate  from  his  county. 
Mr.  Farrington  of  Fryburg,  appealed  to  the  convention  in  be 
half  of  Enoch  Foster,  Oxford's  candidate.  The  second  bal 
lot  resulted  as  follows:  Dingley  127,  Foster  56,  Swasey  33, 
Wakefield  34,  Spaulding  10,  and  Goss  I.  Still  there  was  no 
choice.  A  delegate  then  rose  to  his  feet  and  urged  the  nomi 
nation  of  Spaulding  as  a  soldier's  candidate.  The  convention 
continued  to  ballot,  notwithstanding  dinner  had  been  omitted.  A 
motion  to  adjourn  was  defeated,  and  the  third  ballot  resulted  as 
follows :  Dingley  131,  Foster  51,  Wakefield  33,  Swasey  36,  Spauld 
ing  10,  Goss  i.  Still  there  was  no  choice.  The  fourth  ballot  re 
sulted  as  follows:  Dingley  134,  Foster  53,  Swasey  35,  Wakefield 
32,  Spaulding  8.  Mr.  Dingley  was  declared  nominated  and  the 
announcement  was  received  with  great  applause. 

While  a  committee  was  waiting  upon  Mr.  Dingley,  Senator 
Frye  made  a  vigorous  speech.  Late  in  the  afternoon  the  commit- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  191 

tee  returned,  escorting  the  nominee  who  was  received  with  pro 
longed  applause.  In  accepting  the  nomination  he  said:  "Mr. 
President  and  gentlemen  of  the  convention :  I  am  informed  by  a 
committee  that  you  have  designated  me  as  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  congress  from  this  district.  I  tender  you  my  sincere 
thanks  for  this  mark  of  your  confidence.  I  accept  the  nomination 
with  a  due  sense,  I  trust,  of  the  honor  which  it  confers  and  the  ob 
ligation  which  it  imposes.  It  is  an  honor  to  be  named  for  the 
vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  the  distinguished  gentleman 
who  has  been  called  to  represent  the  whole  state  in  the  senate  of 
the  United  States.  It  is  a  high  honor  to  be  the  candidate  of  the 
Republicans  of  the  second  district  of  Maine — a  district  which  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  has  been  the  political  star  of  the 
east  which  has  never  set.  It  is  a  special  honor  to  be  designated 
the  standard  bearer  of  the  great  Republican  party  whose  career 
has  been  so  patriotic,  so  honorable  and  so  grand.  The  record  of 
the  Republican  party  is  its  proudest  monument.  Not  that  it  has 
never  made  a  mistake  in  any  incident  of  its  grand  career.  That  is 
too  much  to  expect  of  any  human  organization.  But  the  great 
principles  which  it  has  championed,  and  the  leading  features  of  its 
policy,  for  the  twenty-six  years  of  its  existence,  have  been  shown 
by  the  test  of  experience,  to  have  been  just,  wise  and  patriotic. 
Who  now  doubts  the  wisdom  of  the  principle  of  dedicating  the 
common  territory  of  the  union  to  freedom,  as  was  sought  by  the 
Republican  party  in  the  presidential  elections  of  1856  and  1860? 
Who  now  questions  the  wisdom  of  prosecuting  the  war  until  the 
rebellion  was  crushed,  and  slavery  overthrown,  as  was  settled  by 
the  Republican  success  in  1864?  Who  now  hesitates  to  approve 
the  constitutional  guarantees  of  equal  rights,  as  secured  by  the 
Republican  triumph  in  1868?  Who  now  doubts  the  expediency 
of  insisting  that  the  enforcement  of  these  guarantees  should  be 
continued  in  the  hands  of  the  men  who  stood  by  the  union,  as  was 
decided  by  the  Republican  victory  in  1872?  Who  now  questions 
the  wisdom  of  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  and  maintenance 
of  the  public  faith  as  was  assured  by  the  Republican  success  in 
1876?  I  revert  to  the  record  of  the  Republican  party,  because  it 
is  by  parties'  as  well  as  men's  records,  that  we  are  best  enabled 
to  judge  their  future.  The  party  as  well  as  the  individual  which  has 
been  the  wisest  and  most  faithful  in  discharging  the  duties  of  the 
past,  will  be  most  likely  to  best  grapple  with  the  duties  of  the  pres 
ent  and  future.  But,  happily,  the  Republican  party  can  point  not 
only  to  what  it  has  done,  but  also  to  what  it  is  doing  and  proposes 


192  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

to  do,  as  its  claims  for  confidence.  It  can  point  to  a  national  ad 
ministration  which  in  four  short  months  has  by  a  masterly  financial 
stroke  saved  thirteen  millions  annually  in  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt ;  which  has  made  itself  a  terror  to  evil  doers  in  every  branch  of 
the  public  service;  which  has  settled  a  fishery  difficulty  that  dis 
turbed  our  relations  with  Great  Britain ;  and  last  but  not  least,  has 
asserted  the  right  of  a  responsible  president  instead  of  irresponsi 
ble  bosses  to  nominate  national  officials.  The  Republican  party 
can  point  to  its  position  on  living  issues  without  evasion  and  with 
confidence.  It  insists  that  in  all  revisions  of  the  tariff  the  principle 
of  protection  to  home  industry  and  labor  shall  be  faithfully  main 
tained.  It  demands  that  specie  resumption  shall  be  steadily  main 
tained.  It  resists  all  attempts  to  admit  foreign  built  ships  to 
American  registry,  and  seeks  by  wise  legislation  to  foster  our  ship 
building  and  commercial  interests.  It  insists,  or  ought  to  insist  on 
the  distribution  of  the  balance  of  the  Geneva  award  to  actual  suf 
ferers  from  the  operations  of  all  the  Anglo-Confederate  cruisers. 
It  asks  that  the  national  debt,  reduced  to  the  lowest  rate  of  inter 
est,  shall  be  paid  as  rapidly  as  the  surplus  revenue  will  admit.  And 
last  but  not  least,  it  demands  that  the  fundamental  right  of  all  free 
governments — the  right  of  every  duly  qualified  citizen  to  cast  one 
and  only  one  ballot,  and  to  have  that  vote  fairly  counted,  shall  be 
rigidly  maintained  in  every  part  of  the  union. 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen :  On  such  issues  as  I  have  men 
tioned,  as  you  well  know,  I  stand  with  and  for  the  Republican 
party.  But  I  do  not  forget  that  there  are  not  so  many  points  of 
public  policy  in  which  all  good  citizens  disagree  as  those  on  which 
they  agree,  and  in  which  a  representative  in  congress  represents 
not  one  party,  but  all  parties,  and  the  whole  people.  I  trust  that  in 
the  discharge  of  the  public  duties  which  have  been  imposed  upon 
me  in  the  past  I  have  given  proof  of  my  desire  to  put  the  interests 
of  the  whole  people  first.  I  stand  with  right-minded  men  of  all 
parties  in  seeking  to  do  that  which  will  advance  the  interests  of  our 
district,  state  and  country ;  that  which  will  promote  harmony,  hon 
esty,  and  efficiency  in  every  branch  of  the  public  service,  and  that 
which  will  elevate  manhood,  promote  virtue  and  temperance,  and 
improve  the  condition  of  our  fellow  men. 

"Once  more  accept  my  thanks  for  the  honor  you  have  done  me, 
and  my  best  wishes  for  your  individual  health  and  prosperity." 

The  resolutions  adopted  re-affirmed  the  principles  of  the  last 
Republican  national  convention,  and  declared  in  favor  of  a  sound 
currency  based  on  specie;  approved  the  administration  of  Presi- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  193 

dent  Garfield  and  added  that  "in  presenting  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  as 
our  candidate  for  congress,  we  point  with  pride  to  his  distinguished 
record  as  a  legislator  and  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  our  state  as  a 
sure  guarantee  of  his  eminent  qualification  for  the  duties  of  repre 
sentative  in  congress,  and  we  cordially  commend  his  nomination 
to  the  voters  of  the  district."  The  nomination  was  received  with 
unusual  marks  of  favor  not  only  in  the  state  but  in  all  New  Eng 
land.  Congratulations  began  to  come  in  and  continued  for  sev 
eral  days.  It  was  altogether  a  strong  and  popular  nomination. 

One  of  the  inexplicable  things  in  the  political  history  of  the 
second  Maine  district,  is  the  fact  that  the  third  party  prohibition- 
ists,  persisted  in  nominating  a  candidate  of  their  own  for  congress, 
notwithstanding  the  spotless  record  of  Mr.  Dingley  on  the  ques 
tion  of  temperance  and  prohibition.  The  Prohibition  party  of  this 
district  held  a  convention,  and  nominated  Col.  W.  T.  Eustis  of  Dix- 
field  as  their  candidate.  The  Greenback  district  convention  nomi 
nated  Judge  Washington  Gilbert  of  Bath.  The  resolutions  adopted 
condemned  the  national  banking  system,  and  urged  that  the  power 
of  issuing  money  should  be  restored  to  the  people  to  whom  it  be 
longed.  A  national  debt  was  declared  a  curse,  monopolies  were 
condemned,  and  the  charges  preferred  by  the  Republican  and 
Democratic  parties  against  each  other,  were  pronounced  "enough 
to  make  every  honest  man  hang  down  his  head  in  shame." 

Franklin  Reed  was  nominated  by  the  Democrats,  but  on  the 
9th  of  September  withdrew,  leaving  Mr.  Dingley  and  Judge  Gilbert 
the  only  candidates  in  the  field.  The  feeling  among  the  Republi 
cans  throughout  the  district  was  unusually  good,  and  Mr.  Dingley 
was  supported  loyally  by  the  Republican  newspapers  and  Republi 
can  party  workers.  Even  many  of  the  Democratic  papers  sup 
ported  him  because  of  his  spotless  record  and  high  character.  The 
Oxford  Democrat  espoused  his  cause  by  saying  that  "a  Christian 
gentleman  combining  natural  ability  with  broad  experience  in  all 
the  walks  of  life,  is  a  compendium  of  Mr.  Dingley's  biography.  He 
will  prove  false  to  the  record  of  his  whole  life  if  he  does  not  make 
us  a  faithful,  popular  and  able  representative."  The  Boston  Jour 
nal  said  that  "he  is  not  only  a  gentleman  of  high  character  and 
rare  qualifications  for  the  position,  but  he  enjoys  the  confidence 
and  esteem  of  not  only  the  Republicans,  but  of  the  best  citizens  of 
Maine."  The  Albany  Journal  said  that  "he  is  one  of  the  most 
accomplished  citizens  of  Maine,  and  made  one  of  the  best  gover 
nors  that  she  ever  had."  Mr.  Dingley  canvassed  the  entire  dis 
trict;  and  while  returning  from  South  Paris  where  he  conferred 


194  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

with  several  Oxford  county  Republicans,  learned  of  the  assassina 
tion  of  President  Garfield.  On  the  4th  of  July  he  was  at  Phillips 
where  he  made  an  able  address. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  long  vendetta  1  between  Mr.  Elaine 
and  Mr.  Conkling  was  again  brought  to  public  notice  by  the  resig 
nation  of  Senator  Conkling  and  his  appeal  to  the  New  York  state 
legislature  for  a  re-election  and  a  vindication.  A  collector  for  the 
port  of  New  York,  distasteful  to  Mr.  Conkling  had  been  appointed 
by  President  Garfield.  2  The  fight  between  the  two  Republican 
factions  culminated  in  a  tragedy;  and  President  Garfield,  laid  low 
by  the  bullet  of  Guiteau,  was  now  at  death's  door.  For  weeks  the 
New  York  legislature  was  in  a  deadlock  over  the  senatorial  suc 
cession.  Finally  the  last  chapter  was  read  and  the  book  closed 
late  in  July.  The  New  York  legislature  elected  Messrs.  Miller  and 

1 — The  controversy  between  Mr.  Elaine  and  Mr.  Conkling  began  on  the  floor 
of  the  house  of  representatives  in  the  39th  congress.  It  was  fraught  with  seri 
ous  consequences  to  the  contestants  and  changed  the  fortunes  of  the  Republican 
party.  When  the  army  bill  was  before  the  house  in  April  1866,  Mr.  Conkling 
moved  to  strike  out  the  sections  which  made  an  appropriation  for  the  support 
of  the  provost  marshal  general.  Mr.  Conkling  supported  his  motion  in  a  speech  in 
which  he  not  only  assailed  the  office  but  also  the  officer,  General  James  B.  Fry. 
On  the  30th  day  of  April  Mr.  Blaine  read  from  his  seat  a  letter  in  which  General 
Fry  made  charges  against  Mr.  Conkling.  Upon  the  reading  of  the  letter  a  debate 
arose  which  was  both  personal  and  abusive.  Mr.  Conkling  replied  to  his  antag 
onist  and  ended  by  charging  him  with  "frivolous  impertinance."  A  few  days 
later  the  battle  was  renewed  by  Mr.  Blaine  who  referred  to  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  as  "the  member  from  the  Utica  district."  The  controversy  continued, 
growing  more  bitter  every  day.  Samuel  S.  Cox  thus  describes  it  in  his  book 
"The  Three  Decades:"  "This  debate  showed  Mr.  Conkling  in  his  best  light  of 
repartee,  so  far  as  the  house  was  concerned.  Several  gentlemen  interposed  to 
stop,  if  they  could,  the  blows  that  were  given  and  taken,  but  Mr.  Blaine,  who  was 
still  in  the  dialectics  and  rules  of  the  house  got  the  last  word;  and  after  reply 
ing  to  what  he  called  'the  cruel  sarcasm,'  in  which  Mr.  Conkling  was  an  expert, 
he  hoped  that  he  would  not  be  too  severe  in  that  mode  of  handling  his  innocent 
self.  Then  Mr.  Blaine  referred  to  the  'little  jacose  satire  of  Theodore  Tilton— 
that  the  mantle  of  Davis  had  fallen  upon  the  gentleman  from  New  York' and  that 
that  gentleman  had  taken  it  seriously,  and  it  had  given  'an  additional  strut  to 
his  pomposity.'  'It  is  striking,'  said  Mr.  Blaine,  'Hyperion  to  a  satyr,  Thersites 
to  Hercules,  mud  to  marble,  dunghill  to  diamond,  a  singed  cat  to  a  Bengal  tiger, 
a  whining  puppy  to  a  roaring  lion.'  These  phrases  have  never  been  repeated," 
continues  Mr.  Cox,  "in  the  house  with  so  much  vindictive  animosity.  But  the 
Democrats  enjoyed  it.  It  was  not  their  fight." 

The  controversy  thus  opened  came  to  an  end  only  with  Mr.  Conkling's  death. 

2— Hon.  George  S.  Boutwell  writes  in  McClure's  Magazine  for  January  1900: 
"From  Mr.  Jewell  I  received  the  following  statement  as  coming  from  President 
Garfield:  When  the  New  York  nominations  were  sent  to  the  senate,  the  Presi 
dent  was  forthwith  in  the  receipt  of  letters  and  despatches  in  protest  coupled 
with  the  suggestion  that  everything  had  been  surrendered  to  Conkling.  Without 
delay  and  without  consultation  with  anyone  the  President  nominated  Judge 
Robertson  to  the  office  of  collector  of  New  York.  Further,  the  President  said, 
as  reported  by  Mr.  Jewell,  Mr.  Blaine  heard  of  the  nomination  and  came  in  very 
pale  and  very  much  astonished.  From  Mr.  Blaine  I  received  the  specific  state 
ment  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  nomination  of  Judge  Robertson  until  it 
had  been  made.  These  statements  are  reconcilable  with  each  other,  and  place 
the  responsibility  for  the  sudden  and  fatal  rupture  of  the  relations  between  Mr. 
Conkling  and  the  President  upon  the  President." 

2— Robertson's  nomination  as  collector  of  New  York  was  urged  not  by  Mr. 
Blaine  himself  but  by  Mr.  Elaine's  friends.  This  was  particularly  distasteful 
to  Conkling,  and  the  latter,  instead  of  going  to  Garfield  and  talking  it  over,  at 
tacked  Garfield  in  the  public  press.  Then  Garfield  could  not  back  down. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  195 

Lapham  United  States  senators  in  the  place  of  Messrs.  Platt  and 
Conkling.  It  was  perfectly  natural  for  the  friends  of  Mr.  Elaine 
to  rejoice  over  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Blame's  old  antagonist.  Mr. 
Dingley,  as  a  warm  admirer  of  Mr.  Elaine,  shared  in  the  latter's 
triumph,  and  said  that  "with  few  dissenting  voices  the  Republicans 
of  the  country  will  rejoice.  The  rejoicing  will  extend  outside  of 
the  Republican  party  because  the  spirit  and  methods  of  Conkling 
have  been  distasteful  to  candid  men  of  all  parties.  Nothing  can  be 
clearer  than  that  the  voice  of  the  country,  as  well  as  New  York, 
has  emphatically  condemned  Mr.  Conkling  in  his  uncalled-for  war 
fare  on  President  Garfield." 

The  campaign  proceeded  vigorously.  Mr.  Dingley  on  the 
stump  and  in  the  editorial  columns  of  his  paper  fought  for  Repub 
lican  principles.  The  Prohibitionists  of  the  district  were  thrown 
into  consternation  by  a  card  published  in  the  Portland  Press  by 
Neal  Dow,  the  apostle  of  prohibition,  in  which  he  said  that  "there 
is  no  man  in  the  country  more  widely  known  as  a  true  and  tried 
prohibitionist  than  Governor  Dingley.  All  his  life  he  has  been 
that,  from  a  settled  conviction  that  the  liquor  traffic  is  a  great 
public  and  social  mischief.  The  vote  for  the  Prohibition  candidate, 
therefore,  will  in  no  way  indicate  the  opinion  of  the  people  of  the 
second  district  as  to  the  wisdom  or  otherwise  of  the  policy  of  the 
Maine  law." 

Mr.  Dingley  took  a  decided  stand  on  the  money  question,  re 
peatedly  stating  that  he  was  absolutely  opposed  to  an  irredeem 
able  currency,  and  the  free  and  unrestricted  coinage  of  the  Bland 
silver  dollar.  Concerning  the  latter  proposition  he  said  that  it 
was  obvious  "no  nation  can  succeed  in  successfully  maintaining  a 
coinage  ratio  for  legal  tender  silver,  without  limiting  the  coinage 
to  small  amounts  on  government  account."  He  said  that  to  make 
coinage  free,  "is  to  give  to  owners  of  silver  bullion  the  14  cents 
profit  now  secured  by  government  to  the  extent  that  the  value  of 
the  Bland  dollars  can  be  maintained  equal  to  gold.  If  anyone  can 
give  a  good  reason  why  owners  of  silver  mines  should  have  this 
profit  taken  from  the  people's  treasury  and  turned  over  to  them, 
we  should  like  to  hear  it." 

July  1 8th  Judge  Gilbert  issued  a  "blind"  challenge  to  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  to  join  in  a  public  debate  of  the  questions  at  issue.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  promptly  replied  that  he  would  accept  and  discuss  questions, 
about  the  middle  of  August,  provided  distinct  questions  for  dis 
cussion  could  be  agreed  upon.  Mr.  Gilbert  did  not  wish  to  be  con 
fined  and  limited  in  a  discussion  and  charged  Mr.  Dingley  with 


196  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

avoiding  meeting  his  opponent.  But  after  much  quibbling  over  the 
question  as  to  whether  he  should  discuss  the  Greenback  or  the 
Democratic  platform,  Mr.  Gilbert  finally  decided  to  let  the  matter 
pass.  At  all  events  the  two  candidates  never  appeared  in  joint 
discussion.  The  silver  question,  the  greenback  question  and  the 
national  banking  system  were  ably  discussed  by  Mr.  Dingley  on 
the  stump  and  in  his  editorial  columns.  In  answer  to  the  claim  of 
the  Greenbackers  that  the  national  bank  system  was  robbing  the 
people,  and  that  the  government  should  issue  its  own  currency, 
Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "a  political  currency,  a  currency  which  can 
be  voted  down  and  up  by  party  majorities  in  congress,  would  make 
everything  uncertain  in  business  and  destroy  the  confidence  essen 
tial  to  prosperity.  The  very  men  who  shout  the  loudest  for  con 
gress  to  control  the  volume  of  paper  currency,  recognize  the  inhe 
rent  impracticability  of  that  policy  in  dealing  with  other  currency 
than  paper,  for  they  are  earnest  advocates  of  free  coinage  of  gold 
— a  universal  policy — by  which  the  volume  of  gold  currency  is  de 
termined  by  owners  of  gold  bullion,  and  not  by  government.  The 
self-interest  of  owners  of  gold  bullion  leads  them  to  have  it  coined 
whenever  there  is  a  demand  for  it.  The  only  reason  why  govern 
ment  controls  the  volume  of  silver  currency  is  because  it  is  minted 
at  more  than  its  bullion  value,  and  therefore  it  is  necessary  to  re 
strict  the  amount  coined  in  order  to  prevent  its  depreciation." 

The  special  election  in  the  second  district  was  held  September 
1 2th;  and  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  Hon.  Franklin  Reed,  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  congress,  was  withdrawn  from  the  con 
test,  four  days  before  the  election,  Mr.  Dingley  was  elected  by  over 
5,000  majority.  This  election  showed  that  the  Republican  party 
was  firm  in  its  faith  in  Republican  principles,  and  enthusiastic  in 
its  support  of  President  Garfield.  It  also  revealed  the  fact  that 
the  Democratic  and  Greenback  parties  in  the  state  of  Maine  were 
disintegrating.  The  Boston  Journal  said  of  the  result  that  "Mr. 
Dingley  brings  to  his  new  responsibilities  a  clear  mind,  a  clean 
reputation,  and  a  wide  experience  as  a  journalist,  a  man  of  affairs, 
and  experience  in  public  life."  The  Portland  Press  said  that  "he  is 
an  able,  fearless  and  incorruptible  man,  who  will  add  measurably 
to  the  strength  of  the  Maine  delegation."  It  was  a  significant  fact 
that  the  Republican  majority  for  governor  in  Lewiston  in  the 
September  election  of  1880  was  128,  while  the  Republican  majority 
for  congressman  this  year  was  979. 

The  congratulations  and  expressions  of  good  will  were  very 
gratifying  to  Mr.  Dingley.  He  was  made  to  feel  that  his  efforts 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  197 

in  behalf  of  honest  legislation  and  moral  government,  were  not  in 
vain.  He  rejoiced,  as  did  his  many  loyal  friends  and  supporters, 
not  only  in  his  district  but  all  over  the  state.  But  their  joy  was 
tinged  with  sorrow,  for  on  the  iQth  of  the  month  news  of  the  death 
of  President  Garfield  flashed  over  the  wires.  Of  this  great  calamity 
Mr.  Dingley  said :  "The  government  will  go  on.  The  vacant  seat 
has  been  rilled.  Assassination  cannot  revolutionize.  It  can  only 
harrow  and  perplex.  That  God  may  sustain  the  widow  and  the 
fatherless,  who  have  laid  their  most  precious  offering  on  the  altar  of 
their  country,  will  now  be  the  nation's  prayer.  That  the  successor 
in  the  executive  chair  of  him  whom  the  nation  mourns,  may  be 
divinely  guided,  all  the  people  now  fervently  pray."  On  the  2Oth 
of  the  month  there  was  a  public  meeting  in  Lewiston  where  ex 
pressions  of  sorrow  over  the  great  calamity  were  made  by  Mr. 
Dingley  and  others.  Of  President  Garfield  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "As 
a  statesman  we  see  him  as  a  man  who  could  in  no  way  be  turned 
from  the  strict  line  of  duty.  Here  his  integrity  and  moral  purpose 
stand  out  bright  and  marked.  He  was  inspired  by  true  patriotism, 
and  used  his  powerful,  highly  disciplined  mind  in  the  advocacy  and 
support  of  just  principles.  When  it  seemed  as  though  the  ideas  of 
the  advocates  of  an  irredeemable  paper  currency  were  to  sweep 
over  the  country  and  change  our  financial  policy,  Garfield  stood  in 
the  house  of  representatives,  almost  alone  among  western  men, 
as  the  bold,  aggressive,  uncompromising  defender  of  a  sound  cur 
rency.  It  is  that  integrity  and  honesty,  united  with  a  noble  Chris 
tian  character  that  can  raise  the  poor  boy  from  the  humblest  lot 
to  the  highest  station  in  the  gift  of  a  free  people  and  secure  for  him 
the  admiration  and  praise  of  the  civilized  world."  On  the  25th  of 
September  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  at  the  children's  Garfield  memorial 
services  in  the  Congregational  church,  Lewiston,  and  on  the  29th 
went  to  Augusta  where  he  conferred  with  Secretary  Elaine.  On 
the  26th  of  October  he  spoke  at  the  state  Sunday  school  conven 
tion  at  Waterville ;  November  3rd  lectured  at  Buckfield  on  "Con 
ditions  of  Success,"  and  on  the  loth  of  the  month  attended  a  meet 
ing  of  the  Republican  state  committee  at  Portland.  November 
3Oth,  in  company  with  his  devoted  wife  and  daughter,  he  started 
for  the  city  of  Washington  and  the  national  capitol,  the  scene  of 
his  subsequent  triumphs. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
1881-1883. 

In  searching  for  the  causes  of  the  success  or  failure  of  a  public 
man  in  any  epoch,  the  student  of  history  examines  carefully  the 
conditions  surrounding  his  entrance  upon  the  scene  of  action.  The 
nation  had  emerged  from  a  civil  war  to  be  plunged  immediately 
into  the  problem  of  reconstruction. 

President  Grant's  administrations,  covering  a  period  of  eight 
years,  had  divided  the  Republican  party,  some  believing  it  to  be 
the  duty  of  the  president  to  continue  a  policy  of  interference  in 
southern  affairs,  others  believing  that  the  difficult  problem  could 
best  be  worked  out  by  the  people  themselves  without  any  outside 
pressure.  Certainly  President  Grant's  policy  was  not  as  firm  and 
uncompromising  as  was  to  be  expected  from  the  hero  of  the  civil 
war.  But  this  feeling  of  discontent  was  somewhat  ameliorated  by 
the  attitude  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  matter  of  the  national 
debt  and  the  public  credit.  Its  position  rallied  to  its  support  and 
solidified  the  great  conservative  and  yet  powerful  business  inter 
ests  of  the  country  against  the  vagaries  of  the  fiat  money  men. 
But  even  this  did  not  prevent  the  crystallization  of  a  movement  set 
on  foot  by  a  small  element  of  conscientious  men  who  believed  that 
President  Grant's  policy  toward  the  south  was  wrong.  They 
wanted  to  be  liberal  and  called  themselves  "Liberal  Republicans." 
But  the  movement  failed  miserably  and  Horace  Greeley  went  down 
to  ignominious  defeat.  The  nomination  of  Mr.  Hayes  by  the  Re 
publicans  and  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Elaine  by  his  old-time  enemy,  Mr. 
Conkling,  widened  a  breach  which  was  first  opened  on  the  floor  of 
the  national  house  in  April  1866,  and  which  ended  in  a  tragedy. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.— 1882, 
MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  199 

President  Hayes'  administration  failed  to  unite  the  party;  the  re 
sumption  of  specie  payments  in  1879,  however,  tending  to  redeem 
it  before  the  business  world.  President  Hayes  did  not  seek  a  re- 
nomination.  The  people  wanted  Mr.  Elaine ;  but  again  his  old  an 
tagonist,  using  General  Grant  as  a  club,  defeated  him.  The  trium 
virate  of  stalwarts — Conkling,  Cameron  and  Logan — for  thirty- 
five  ballots  held  their  forces  with  only  one  object  in  view,  the  de 
feat  of  Mr.  Elaine.  Mr.  Elaine  was  defeated,  but  the  nomination 
was  given  to  James  A.  Garfield  by  Mr.  Elaine  himself,  who  advised 
such  a  course.  The  nomination  was  a  fortunate  one,  and  for  the 
time  being  united  the  party.  But  after  Garfield's  election,  the  old 
fight  between  the  factions  broke  out  anew.  President  Garfield's 
selection  of  Elaine  as  secretary  of  state,  intended  as  a  graceful 
tribute  to  a  great  man  and  to  one  who  had  brought  about  the 
former's  nomination,  aroused  still  more  bitterly  the  enmity  of 
Conkling  and  his  following.  President  Garfield  also  further  an 
tagonized  Mr.  Conkling  by  refusing  to  accede  to  the  doctrine  that 
the  principal  federal  offices  in  a  state  should  be  disposed  of  accord 
ing  to  the  pleasure  of  the  senators  representing  that  state,  with 
out  regard  to  the  president's  own  views  and  preferences.  The 
president  undoubtedly  desired  to  heal  the  dissentions  in  the  party, 
but  was  not  willing  that  Mr.  Conkling  should  be  dictator.  Presi 
dent  Garfield  was  placed  in  a  trying  position.  He  was  between  two 
fires,  but  determined  to  maintain  his  own  dignity  and  self  respect. 
Between  the  factional  strifes  within  the  party  and  the  star-route 
scandals,  the  president  was  hounded  on  every  side.  But  he  pur 
sued  a  straightforward  course  with  great  determination,  appar 
ently  ignoring  the  excitement  and  antagonism  about  him.  Wash 
ington  was  a  whirlpool  of  political  agitation  from  the  moment 
President  Garfield  was  inaugurated.  Upon  this  scene  of  strife  and 
hatred,  Guiteau — weak-minded  and  egotistical — entered.  He  had 
been  a  small  politician  and  conceived  the  idea  of  applying  for  an 
office.  Maddened  by  disappointment  and  influenced  by  the  sen 
sational  articles  in  the  newspapers,  he  laid  in  wait  for  President 
Garfield  as  he  was  passing  through  a  depot  in  Washington,  and 
with  a  pistol  inflicted  a  deadly  wound.  President  Garfield  fell  at 
the  feet  of  Mr.  Elaine,  his  friend  and  secretary  of  state.  The  Pres 
ident  lingered  for  weeks  and  at  last  obtained  rest. 

Two  months  and  a  half  after  President  Garfield  breathed  his 
last,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  began  his  career  in  congress.  The  nation 
was  in  mourning  and  the  Republican  party  in  the  last  throes  of  a 
bitter  factional  fight.  He  came  as  a  peace-maker  and  wise  coun- 


200  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

seller — a  statesman  in  the  highest  and  broadest  sense.  His  field  of 
action  was 'not  limited  to  party — it  was  humanity.  As  a  warm 
personal  friend  of  Mr.  Elaine,  he  sought  to  heal  the  wounds  of 
political  strife.  He  advised  Mr.  Elaine  to  enter  President  Gar- 
field's  cabinet;  he  now  advised  him  to  retire  from  President 
Arthur's  cabinet,  so  that  time  might  soften  the  asperities  of  the 
hour  and  bring  about  a  reconciliation  of  the  factions  whose  mad 
career  death  had  arrested.  Mr.  Elaine  retired  from  public  life  tem 
porarily,  as  Mr.  Dingley  re-entered.  The  defeat  of  Judge  Folger, 
President  Arthur's  candidate  for  governor  of  New  York  by 
192,000  majority,  was  the  last  act  in  the  drama.  Another  era  of 
"good  feeling"  began.  It  was  a  favorable  time  for  calm,  con 
structive  legislators  to  begin  work.  There  was  promise  of  good 
results. 

The  forty-seventh  congress  assembled  Monday,  December  5, 
1881.  In  the  lower  house  were  Hilary  A.  Herbert  of  Alabama,  a 
confederate  veteran  and  secretary  of  the  navy  under  President 
Cleveland ;  Joseph  Wheeler  of  Alabama,  also  a  confederate  veteran 
and  a  major-general  of  volunteers  in  the  war  with  Spain;  James 
K.  Jones  of  Arkansas,  subsequently  United  States  senator  and 
chairman  of  the  national  Democratic  committee ;  William  S.  Rose- 
crans  of  California,  a  veteran  of  the  civil  war;  Alexander  H. 
Stephens  of  Georgia,  vice  president  of  the  southern  confederacy; 
Thomas  J.  Henderson  of  Illinois,  a  distinguished  lawyer;  William 
M.  Springer,  subsequently  appointed  a  United  States  judge  in 
Oklahoma;  Joseph  G.  Cannon,  who  had  already  served  four  terms 
in  the  lower  house  and  has  served  continuously  ever  since,  with 
the  exception  of  the  fifty-second  congress;  William  R.  Morrison 
of  Illinois,  a  distinguished  Democratic  leader ;  William  Holman  of 
Indiana,  the  great  economist  and  "objector";  John  A.  Kasson  of 
Iowa,  who  held  several  important  positions  in  the  foreign  service 
of  the  United  States  and  who  is  now  reciprocity  commissioner 
under  the  tariff  act  of  1897;  William  P.  Hepburn  of  Iowa,  who  was 
serving  his  first  term  in  the  house  and  who  subsequently  took  high 
rank  as  a  legislator;  J.  Proctor  Knott  of  Kentucky,  whose  fame 
rests  upon  an  extravaganza  of  political  oratory ;  John  G.  Carlisle  of 
Kentucky,  a  distinguished  Democratic  leader,  speaker  of  the  house 
and  secretary  of  the  treasury  under  President  Cleveland;  J.  C.  S. 
Blackburn  of  Kentucky,  subsequently  United  States  Senator; 
Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine,  an  intellectual  giant  and  subsequently 
speaker  of  the  house ;  W.  W.  Crapo  and  George  D.  Robinson  of 
Massachusetts,  both  governors  of  that  commonwealth;  J.  C.  Bur- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  201 

rows  of  Michigan,  afterwards  United  States  senator;  Roswell  G. 
Horr  of  Michigan,  who  was  the  wag  of  the  house ;  Richard  P. 
Bland  of  Missouri,  called  "Silver  Dick,"  because  of  his  advocacy  of 
the  free  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar ;  Samuel  S.  Cox  of  New  York, 
known  as  "Sunset"  Cox  and  the  wit  of  the  house ;  Abram  S.  Hewitt 
of  New  York,  subsequently  mayor  of  New  York  city  and  a  man  of 
marked  ability;  Roswell  P.  Flower,  afterwards  governor  of  New 
York;  Frank  Hiscock  of  New  York,  subsequently  United  States 
senator;  Benjamin  Butterworth,  afterwards  commissioner  of 
patents  and  a  man  of  great  intellectual  force;  William  McKinley 
Jr.  of  Ohio,  who  was  serving  his  third  term  in  the  house,  was 
elected  president  of  the  United  States  in  1896,  re-elected  in  1900 
and  assassinated  at  Buffalo,  New  York,  September  6,  1901 ;  Sam 
uel  J.  Randall  of  Pennsylvania,  the  distinguished  protection  Dem 
ocrat  ;  William  D.  Kelley,  the  apostle  of  protection,  known  as  "Pig 
Iron"  Kelley;  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Pennsylvania's  war  governor; 
Benton  McMillin  of  Tennessee,  who  served  for  many  years  with 
distinguished  ability  in  the  house  and  who  in  1898  was  chosen  gov 
ernor  of  Tennessee. 

The  candidates  for  speaker  of  the  house  were  Messrs.  Hiscock 
of  New  York,  Keifer  of  Ohio,  Kasson  of  Iowa,  Dunnell  of  Minne 
sota,  Orth  of  Indiana  and  Reed  of  Maine.  Burrows  of  Michigan 
was  among  those  mentioned,  but  it  was  announced  that  he  would 
withdraw  from  the  race  and  give  his  support  to  Hiscock  of  New 
York.  However  his  name  was  presented  at  the  Republican  cau 
cus.  The  old  Conkling-Blaine  quarrel  again  put  in  its  appearance, 
notwithstanding  the  subduing  influence  of  death ;  and  the  stalwarts 
entered  upon  the  scene  supporting  Keifer  of  Ohio.  Don  Cameron, 
John  A.  Logan  and  others,  who  loyally  stood  by  Grant  in  the 
memorable  convention  of  1880,  manipulated  the  votes  of  the  house 
for  Keifer.  A  secret  conference  was  held  at  Cameron's  residence 
and  Judge  Kelley  of  Pennsylvania  was  promised  the  chairmanship 
of  the  ways  and  means  committee  if  he  would  swing  Pennsylvania 
to  Keifer.  But  the  shrewd  Pennsylvanian  was  not  to  be  thus 
caught.  He  was  sure  of  that  committee  place  in  any  event.  This 
move  of  the  stalwarts  caused  a  concentration  of  forces  on  the 
other  side,  and  Hiscock  and  Kasson  combined.  On  the  night  of 
December  2nd,  the  day  before  the  Republican  caucus,  a  conference 
of  Reed's  supporters  was  held  in  Mr.  Reed's  room.  Mr.  Dingley 
was  present  offering  his  sound  advice  and  valuable  suggestions. 
Mr.  Reed,  after  an  intimate  acquaintance  for  twenty  years,  had 
learned  to  respect  and  weigh  carefully  Mr.  Dingley's  opinions. 


202  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  Republican  caucus  was  held  December  3rd.  Keifer  was 
nominated  on  the  sixteenth  ballot,  but  not  until  after  much  sharp 
discussion  and  personal  wrangling.  Sixteen  votes  from  Hiscock, 
ten  from  Burrows  and  six  from  Kasson  nominated  Keifer.  Ran 
dall  of  Pennsylvania  was  nominated  for  speaker  by  the  Democrats. 

Speaker  Keifer,  in  his  address  to  the  house,  pointed  to  the 
singular  fact  that  "at  this  most  prosperous  time  in  our  nation  no 
party  in  either  branch  of  congress  has  an  absolute  majority  over 
all  other  parties,"  and  that  '.'at  no  other  time  since  and  for  many 
years  prior  to  the  accession  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  executive 
chair  has  there  been  so  few  unsettled  vital  questions  of  a  national 
character  in  relation  to  which  party  lines  have  been  so  closely 
drawn."  It  was  a  matter  of  national  congratulation,  he  said,  that 
the  material  prosperity  of  the  people  was  in  advance  of  any  other 
period;  it  is  a  matter  of  congratulation  to  the  Republican  party 
that  the  violence  of  party  spirit  had  materially  subdued  in  great 
measure,  because  many  of  the  reasons  for  its  existence  were  gone. 

The  election  of  J.  Warren  Keifer  as  speaker  of  the  house  was 
a  triumph  of  the  stalwarts  and  did  not  tend  to  bring  peace.  The 
speaker's  address  to  the  house,  however,  was  conservative  and  con 
ciliatory;  but  the  promises  he  was  obliged  to  make  to  secure  his 
election  destroyed  his  influence  as  a  speaker  and  finally  accom 
plished  his  political  ruin.  He  was  in  the  hands  of  the  stalwart 
leaders,  but  "out  of  joint"  with  the  great  majority  of  his  party.  It 
was  a  complete  transfer  of  the  country  to  the  stalwart  faction  of  the 
dominant  party.  Robeson  of  New  Jersey  succeeded  Garfield  and 
displaced  Kasson  on  the  floor.  The  west  was  disgruntled. 

Before  the  drawing  of  the  seats  began,  Mr.  Page  of  California, 
moved  that  "William  D.  Kelley,  the  senior  member  of  the  house 
be  allowed  to  select  his  seat  before  the  regular  drawing  begins." 

Mr.  Townsend  of  Illinois  amended  the  motion  by  stating  that 
"there  is  a  gentleman  on  this  side  of  the  house  who  served  in  this 
house  for  a  number  of  years  before  Mr.  Kelley  became  a  member, 
and  I  ask  that  he  also  be  permitted  to  select  his  seat  in  advance  of 
the  drawing."  Several  members  shouted,  "Who  is  he?"  "S.  S. 
Cox  of  New  York,"  replied  Mr.  Townsend.  Mr.  Reed  of  Maine 
then  drawled  out  in  rasping  voice :  "It  seems  we  had  better  not 
issue  any  preferred  stock  at  all ;"  and  both  Mr.  Kelley  and  Mr.  Cox 
were  denied  the  privilege. 

In  the  drawing  of  seats  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  General 
Wheeler  was  the  first  name  to  be  called.  Mr.  Randall  fared  badly 
in  the  choice  of  seats,  and  Mr.  Wheeler  resigned  his  seat  to  the 


HAMILTON  HOUSE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

SUMMER  HOME,   SQUIRREL  ISLAND,   MAINE. 

HOME  IN  LEWISTON,  MAINE,  WHILE  GOVERNOR. 

HOME  IN  LEWISTON,   MAINE,   WHILE  CONGRESSMAN. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  203 

gentleman  from  Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Cox,  the  Democratic  leader 
from  New  York,  was  also  unfortunate  in  the  lottery  of  seats,  and 
again  Mr.  Wheeler  resigned  his  seat,  this  time  to  Mr.  Cox,  himself 
retiring  to  that  portion  of  the  chamber  known  as  "Sleepy  Hollow." 
Mr.  Dingley  was  lucky  in  the  choice  of  seats,  having  fifth  choice. 
He  took  seat  number  24  on  the  Republican  side — a  position  of 
advantage. 

More  than  the  ordinary  curiosity  and  interest  awaited  the  ap 
pearance  of  President  Arthur's  message,  on  account  of  the  tragic 
events  which  elevated  him  to  office.  It  was  positive  in  its  state 
ments,  and  did  not  attempt  to  evade  recommendations,  or  take 
refuge  in  diplomacy.  "To  that  mysterious  exercise  of  His  will 
which  has  taken  from  us  the  loved  and  illustrous  citizen  who  was 
but  lately  the  head  of  the  nation,"  said  President  Arthur,  "we  bow 
in  sorrow  and  submission.  The  memory  of  his  exalted  character; 
of  his  noble  achievements,  and  of  his  patriotic  life  will  be  treasured 
forever  as  a  sacred  possession  of  the  whole  people." 

The  fame  of  Mr.  Dingley  as  an  advocate  of  temperance  and 
prohibition  had  preceded  him.  His  honest  and  consistent  course 
in  his  own  state  had  attracted  the  attention  of  temperance  workers 
elsewhere.  It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that  he  was  invited,  the 
first  Sunday  after  his  arrival  in  Washington,  to  address  the  Dasha- 
way  Reform  club  of  that  city.  There  was  an  unusually  large  at 
tendance  at  that  Sunday  evening  meeting,  and  Mr.  Dingley's  tell 
ing  address  was  received  attentively  and  earnestly.  He  detailed 
the  success  of  the  prohibitory  law  in  Maine.  He  stated  that  "in 
the  cities  he  had  the  honor  of  representing,  with  thirty  thousand 
inhabitants,  not  one  open  drinking  saloon  can  be  found."  The 
Maine  law  was  said  by  some  to  be  a  failure.  Mr.  Dingley  said: 
"I  would  be  glad  to  know  of  such  failures  all  over  the  country." 
He  then  drew  a  beautiful  picture  of  himself,  at  the  age  of  seven 
years,  sitting  at  his  mother's  knee,  having  the  total  abstinence 
pledge  explained  to  him  and  his  signing  it,  never  to  be  broken  to 
that  day.  "The  memory  of  that  pledge,"  said  he,  "made  to  my 
mother,  has  been  my  guiding  star  through  all  the  temptations  of 
life." 

Mr.  Dingley  first  met  President  Arthur  December  10  when  he 
called  upon  him  at  the  White  House.  The  president  received  him 
graciously  but  rather  nervously.  The  resignation  of  Secretary 
Elaine  had  been  accepted  and  his  successor  determined  upon.  As 
somebody  expressed  it  at  that  time,  "President  Arthur  may  be 
going  slowly,  but  his  pathway  is  as  sure  and  leads  in  but  one  di- 


204  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

rection."  The  president  was  anxious  to  have  Secretary  Elaine  re 
tire  from  the  cabinet,  and  the  latter  knew  it.  Two  days  after  Mr. 
Dingley  called  upon  the  president,  Frederick  Frelinghuysen  was 
nominated  to  succeed  Mr.  Elaine  as  secretary  of  state.  The  nomi 
nation  was  confirmed  by  the  senate,  and  a  week  later  Mr.  Elaine 
attended  his  last  cabinet  meeting.  When  Mr.  Elaine  arose  to  go, 
the  president  stepped  forward  and  taking  his  hand  between  his 
own,  held  it  in  silence  for  a  moment  before  he  spoke.  Mr.  Elaine 
then  quietly  retired.  Thus  closed  his  short  but  brilliant  career 
as  secretary  of  state — too  short  for  the  nation's  honor  and  glory. 
Whatever  Mr.  Elaine,  now  a  private  citizen,  might  have  reflected 
upon  the  course  of  events ;  what  measure  of  sorrow  and  disappoint 
ment  he  may  have  harbored ;  he  concealed  all  beneath  a  calm  and 
dignified  exterior.  His  enemies  were  no  less  bitter,  but  he  sought 
no  revenge.  Fourteen  years  had  elapsed  since  his  first  forensic 
encounter  with  Conkling,  and  time  had  effaced  from  his  heart 
every  vestige  of  personal  animosity  towards  his  old  antagonist. 
Mr.  Dingley  shared  Mr.  Elaine's  confidence  at  this  time  perhaps 
more  than  anybody  in  public  life,  and  knew  that  the  latter  was  a 
changed  man  from  the  moment  that  his  friend  and  chief,  l  Presi 
dent  Garfield,  fell,  pierced  by  an  assassin's  bullet.  Mr.  Dingley 
was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Garfield  Memorial  Committee 
which  selected  Mr.  Elaine  to  deliver  what  was  one  of  the  most 
beautiful,  touching  and  masterly  eulogies  ever  pronounced  in  the 
nation's  history.  Into  this  address  Mr.  Elaine  threw  his  whole 
soul.  In  it  the  country  saw  reflected  the  grand  and  noble  side  of 
Mr.  Elaine  himself.  His  most  bitter  enemies  applauded.  The 
political  gladiators  were  brought  face  to  face  with  death  and 
eternity.  As  he  closed  with  these  words — "Let  us  think  that  his 
dying  eyes  read  the  mystic  meaning  which  only  the  wrapt  and 
parting  soul  may  know ;  let  us  believe  that  in  the  silence  of  the  re 
ceding  world  he  heard  the  great  waves  breaking  on  a  farther  shore, 
and  felt  already  upon  his  wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal 
morning" — Mr.  Elaine  himself  drew  the  curtain  over  the  great 
tragedy  and  forgave  all. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  appointed  by  Speaker  Keifer  second  on  the 
committee  on  banking  and  currency  and  a  member  of  the  select 
committee  on  alcoholic  liquor  traffic.  Early  in  the  session  he  pre 
sented  a  petition  of  the  national  Temperance  society  and  twenty 
thousand  Good  Templars  of  Maine  for  a  committee  to  investigate 

1 — Alexander  Stephens  of  Georgia  in  advocating  a  Elaine  eulogy,  compared 
the  relations  of  Garfield  and  Elaine  to  those  of  David  and  Jonathan. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  205 

the  alcoholic  liquor  traffic.  He  followed  this  up  with  a  bill  for  the 
creation  of  a  commission  on  the  alcoholic  liquor  traffic.  Early  in 
January  he  also  introduced  a  bill  to  abolish  the  import  duty  on 
sugar  and  molasses.  He  said  that  "this  would  save  the  people  fifty 
million  dollars  a  year.  If  taxation  can  be  reduced,  free  sugar  is 
much  to  be  preferred  to  free  whiskey." 

Hon.  William  E.  Dodge  of  New  York  and  A.  M.  Powell  of  New 
Jersey,  representing  the  national  temperance  society,  appeared  be 
fore  the  alcoholic  traffic  committee  and  advocated  the  bill  pre 
sented  by  Mr.  Dingley  to  appoint  a  commission  to  investigate  the 
liquor  traffic  in  its  relations  to  the  public  welfare.  To  strengthen 
the  cause,  a  temperance  conference  under  the  auspices  of  the  Na 
tional  Temperance  Publication  society  of  New  Jersey  was  held  in 
Washington  January  24.  Here  Mr.  Dingley  made  a  strong  and 
stirring  address.  In  the  course  of  an  argument  before  the  com 
mittee,  Mr.  Schade,  representing  the  brewers'  interests,  made  cer 
tain  statements  respecting  prohibition  in  Vermont  and  Maine 
which  Mr.  Joyce  of,  Vermont  and  Mr.  Dingley  corrected,  present 
ing  statistics  to  show  the  incorrectness  of  Mr.  Schade's  conclus 
ions.  Mr.  Dingley  suggested  to  Mr.  Schade,  that  the  fact  that  he 
(Schade)  and  the  brewers'  association  differed  widely  from  a  great 
majority  of  the  people  of  Maine  as  to  the  actual  results  of  the 
Maine  law,  was  in  itself  a  conclusive  argument  in  favor  of  a  care 
ful  investigation  and  ascertainment  of  the  truth.  "If  Mr.  Schade 
really  believes  that  his  statistics  represent  the  actual  facts"  added 
Mr.  Dingley,  "he  ought  to  be  foremost  in  asking  for  an  impartial 
official  investigation  in  order  that  he  (Schade)  may  have  a  demon 
stration  of  the  correctness  of  his  views." 

The  report  1  presented  in  the  house  by  Mr.  Dingley  on  January 
3Oth,  and  ordered  printed,  argued  that  "congress  has  an  appro 
priate  jurisdiction  over  such  an  investigation  as  this;  that  any  in 
vestigation  to  be  of  value  must  be  national  and  cover  the  whole 
union;  that  the  private  investigations  heretofore  made  have  been 
necessarily  partial  and  unreliable;  that  it  is  the  duty  of  congress 
to  secure  all  possible  light  as  to  the  proper  treatment  of  the  gravest 
problem  of  the  age ;  that  congress  itself  requires  such  light  to 
guide  its  revenue  legislation  and  its  direct  and  supervisory  legis 
lation  over  the  traffic  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  terri 
tories  ;  and  that  the  prayers  of  the  largest  number  of  petitioners  in 
every  state  and  territory  of  the  union  which  ever  asked  for  any 
measure  cannot  be  wisely  or  justly  disregarded." 

1 — See  Appendix. 


206  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  editors  of  the  Boston  Congregationalist  wrote  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  asking  him  to  give  the  readers  of  that  paper  some  of  the  bene 
fits  which  the  friends  of  temperance  hoped  to  reap  from  an  inves 
tigation  by  the  proposed  alcoholic  commission.  Mr.  Dingley's 
reply  was  published  in  full  by  the  Congregationalist.  The  re 
sults,  he  said,  would  be  first,  comprehensive,  accurate  and  well 
digested  statistics  of  the  liquor  traffic,  and  its  effects  on  the  econ 
omic,  moral  and  social  interests  of  the  people ;  second,  to  settle  the 
true  moral  basis  of  temperance  reform ;  third,  decisive  statistics  and 
facts  as  to  the  comparative  practical  results  of  the  prohibitory  and 
the  license  policy  of  legislative  dealing  with  the  temptations  of  the 
dram  shop;  fourth,  the  drink  problem  in  its  relation  to  material 
waste,  pauperism,  disease,  crime  and  the  social  and  moral  welfare 
of  the  people. 

January  iQth,  the  committee  on  banking  and  currency  by  a  vote 
of  nine  to  two  adopted  Mr.  Dingley's  proposition  for  extending 
the  charter  of  national  banks.  A  sub-committee  consisting  of 
Messrs. Crapo  of  Massachusetts,  Dingley  of  Maine  and  Harden- 
berg  of  New  Jersey  was  appointed  to  draft  a  bill  extending  the 
charters  of  national  banks  twenty  years.  April  12  Mr.  Dingley 
made  a  report  1  from  this  committee  on  the  question  of  taxation 
by  the  states  of  legal  tender  notes.  An  attempt  was  made  in  com 
mittee  to  report  a  bill  to  abolish  the  tax  on  deposits  of  banks  and 
bankers.  This  proposition  was  opposed  by  Mr.  Dingley  and  de 
feated  in  committee.  Mr.  Dingley  took  the  ground  that  while  he 
believed  the  national  banking  system  to  be  the  wisest  and  best  that 
could  be  devised,  nevertheless  he  thought  that  banks  and  bankers 
should  pay  a  just  tax  for  all  their  privileges.  He  thought  there 
was  no  just  ground  to  relieve  them  from  a  just  tax  on  their  de 
posits,  which  afford  the  most  profitable  part  of  their  business,  and 
especially  so  with  the  wealthy  city  banks. 

Mr.  Dingley  began  his  great  movement  in  behalf  of  the  ship 
ping  interests  of  America  by  offering  a  resolution  of  inquiry  as 
to  consular  fees,  etc.,  with  a  view  of  ascertaining  if  this  were  not 
one  of  the  needless  burdens  imposed  on  American  shipping.  An 
answer  to  the  inquiry  showed  that  "during  the  last  fiscal  year  the 
fees  and  charges  collected  by  consular  officers  from  American 
shipping  in  foreign  ports  amounted  to  $122,198,  about  one-quarter 
of  which  was  for  tonnage  dues  and  $18,000  of  which  were  extra 
wages  of  seamen,  that  is,  the  three  months  advance  required  by 
law  for  seamen  discharged  in  foreign  ports.  Most  of  this  revenue 

1 — See  Appendix. 


U.  S.  GRANT.    W.  S.  ROSECRANS. 
N.  P.  BANKS.     JOSEPH  WHEELER. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  207 

constituted  a  needless  burden  on  American  shipping  engaged  in 
the  foreign  trade,  and  like  similar  burdens  on  other  branches  of 
commerce,  its  cost  was  by  no  means  fully  represented  by  its 
amounts. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  appointed  chairman  of  a  sub-committe  on 
banking  and  currency  to  consider  all  bills  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  relative  to  silver  certificates.  April  18  a  report  was  made 
to  the  full  committee.  Early  in  June  he  made  a  report,  1  from  the 
banking  and  currency  committee  on  the  silver  question  which  at 
tracted  much  attention  and  which  was  pronounced  by  Abram  S. 
Hewitt  of  New  York,  one  of  the  ablest  presentations  of  the  silver 
question  ever  made  to  congress. 

Speaker  Keifer  found  many  thorns  in  his  pathway  early  in  the 
session.  Mr.  Orth  of  Indiana  made  a  sensational  speech  on  the  5th 
of  January,  against  the  injustice  of  the  selection  of  committees  and 
particularly  his  own  assignments.  He  said  that  the  "speaker  in 
his  recent  action  has  done  an  injustice  to  me  and  my  constituents." 
George  M.  Robeson  of  New  Jersey  was  Speaker  Keifer's  lieuten 
ant  on  the  floor  of  the  house.  But  he  did  not  possess  the  confi 
dence  of  the  members,  suffering  with  the  speaker  from  the  suspi 
cion  of  stalwart  influence  amounting  to  dictation.  The  speaker 
and  his  floor  leader,  finding  their  influence  impaired,  sought  to  re 
gain  it  by  enlarging  the  membership  of  the  committees.  January 
17  Mr.  Robeson  reported  a  resolution  from  the  committee  on 
rules  increasing  the  membership  of  thirteen  standing  committees. 
The  debate  which  followed  for  three  successive  days  was  sharp 
and  acrimonious.  It  gave  the  disgruntled  members  an  opportunity 
to  air  their  grievances.  But  Mr.  Reed  and  Mr.  Kelley  doubted  the 
wisdom  of  enlarging  the  committees.  Mr.  Dingley  was  convinced 
that  the  proposition  was  unwise  and  twice  voted  to  lay  the  whole 
matter  on  the  table.  The  debate  finally  degenerated  into  a  farce. 
Mr.  Horr  of  Michigan  was,  next  to  Mr.  Cox  of  New  York,  the 
wag  of  the  house.  He  caught  from  the  speech  of  Mr.  Thomas  of 
Illinois  something  about  "a  camel  to  carry  over  the  deserts  of  con 
gress  the  burden  of  appropriations  for  the  cat-fish  sloughs  and 
trout-brooks  which  congressmen  desire  to  secure."  Then  standing 
far  back  in  the  center  of  the  middle  aisle,  his  fat  jolly  face  wreathed 
in  merriment,  Horr  said  if  the  proposed  amendment  was  adopted 
"that  camel  will  not  stand  the  heat  of  debate  in  the  house  for  two 
days.  The  third  day  he  will  find  his  animal  wind  broken,  and  be- 

1 — See  Appendix. 


208  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

fore  it  reached  the  end  of  its  journey  it  would  be  wind-broken  and 
spavined.  *  *  *  The  next  thing  someone  else  would  pro 
pose  a  committee  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  then  another  one  for  the 
improvement  of  our  inland  lakes  upon  where  I  live,  then  another 
of  my  'friend's  old  acquaintances — what  was  that  Pennsylvania 
creek?"  turning  his  head  inquiringly. 

Mr.  Cox  of  New  York — "Kiskiminetas." 
Mr.  Horr — "Yes,  a  committee  on  the  Kiskiminetas." 
By  this  time  the  house  was  in  an  uproar  of  laughter.  Mr.  Horr 
continued:  "Whence,  then,  comes  this  trouble  about  these  com 
mittees?  I  should  just  as  soon  try  to  find  out  who  struck  Billy 
Patterson  as  to  answer  that  question.  Admitting  that  the  trouble 
is  that  some  members  feel  sore  over  committee  appointments,  ths 
next  question  is,  is  this  plaster  proposed  by  the  committee  on  rules 
large  enough  to  cover  the  sore  ?  You  will  only  tear  open  the  old 
sore  and  the  next  thing  you  know  proud  flesh  will  get  in,  and  then 
where  are  you?  Gangrene  follows,  and  then  death."  The  mem 
bers  fairly  shook  with  laughter  and  it  became  evident  that  the 
proposition  of  the  committee  on  rules  would  be  hopelessly  lost. 
The  speaker  listened  with  a  stern  and  troubled  face.  Mr.  Robe- 
son,  his  lieutenant,  attempted  to  stem  the  tide  of  mingled  opposi 
tion  and  ridicule,  but  to  no  avail.  On  the  iQth  the  resolution  by 
a  vote  of  ninety  to  forty  three,  was  re-committed  to  the  committee. 
It  was  an  ignominious  defeat  for  Speaker  Keifer. 

Dartmouth  college  has  always  had  a  vigorous  alumni  associa 
tion,  and  at  its  annual  reunion  January  i8th,  the  centenary  of 
Webster's  birthday,  Mr.  Dingley,  one  of  its  most  distinguished 
graduates,  responded  for  the  class  of  1855.  His  toast  was,  "It  is, 
sir,  as  I  have  said,  a  small  college,  and  yet  there  are  those  who  love 
it.  Sir,  I  know  not  how  others  feel,  but  myself,  when  I  see  my 
alma  mater  surrounded  like  Caesar  in  the  senate  house,  by  those 
who  reiterated  stab  upon  stab,  I  would  not  for  this  right  hand  have 
her  turn  to  me  and  say,  'Et  tu  quoque  mi  fili' — and  thou  too  my 
son." 

The  trial  of  Guiteau,  the  foul  slayer  of  President  Garfield,  had 
been  in  progress  since  the  middle  of  November.  It  had  aroused 
many  of  the  old  personal  antagonisms  and  brought  to  public  at 
tention  all  the  harrowing  details  of  a  tragedy  that  formed  a  chap 
ter  in  recent  political  history.  It  had  an  effect  on  the  course  of 
politics,  furnishing  fuel  for  the  embers  that  were  still  smouldering. 
Therefore,  when  Guiteau,  on  the  25th  of  January  was  pronounced 
guilty,  there  was  an  outburst  of  applause  in  the  court  room  that 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  209 

found  ti  glad  and  responsive  echo  in  the  hearts  of  many  political 
leaders.  The  condemned  man's  curses  and  imprecations  shocked 
a  nation ;  and  when  on  the  last  day  of  June  Guiteau  was  executed, 
there  was  a  manifest  sigh  of  relief. 

The  enemies  of  Mr.  Elaine  followed  him  to  private  life.  They 
charged  that  when  secretary  of  state,  he  inaugurated  a  policy  of 
^jingoism"  that  would  have  brought  the  nation  into  serious  diffi 
culty,  if  not  war,  had  not  fate  and  an  assassin  intervened.  But 
Mr.  Elaine  sharply  retaliated  in  a  public  letter  explanatory  and  de 
fensive  of  his  course  while  in  charge  of  foreign  affairs,  touching; 
our  relations  with  Chili  and  Peru.  Mr.  Elaine's  position  was  aban 
doned  by  Secretary  Frelinghuysen.  The  former  wanted  to  secure 
a  trade  footing  in  the  South  American  republics.  He  thought  it 
folly  to  allow  all  the  South  American  ports  to  be  closed  against 
us  by  England  and  wanted  to  save  Peru  from  annihilation  by 
Chili  and  prevent  Great  Britain's  domination  in  South  America. 
Mr.  Elaine's  position  was  that  of  opposition  to  the  extension  of 
British  influence  upon  this  continent.  He  was  in  favor  of  a  com 
plete  restoration  of  American  trade  and  commerce  with  the  Sand 
wich  Islands,  Mexico,  and  the  South  American  republics.  In  a 
letter  dated  November  29,  Mr.  Elaine  had  urged  upon  President 
Arthur  the  importance  of  a  congress  of  American  republics.  He 
wrote :  "I  do  not  say,  Mr.  President,  that  the  holding  of  a  peace 
congress  will  necessarily  change  the  currents  of  trade,  but  it  will 
bring  us  into  kindly  relations  with  all  the  American  nations." 

As  if  to  make  the  gulf  between  the  factions  all  the  wider,  Presi 
dent  Arthur  surprised  the  whole  country  by  nominating  Senator 
Conkling  to  be  associate  justice  of  the  United  States  supreme 
court.  President  Grant  had  offered  the  same  position  to  Conkling 
but  the  latter  declined  it.  In  the  senate  a  motion  to  immediately 
confirm  the  nomination  was  objected  to  by  Senator  Hoar  who  be 
lieved  "he  had  used  his  powers  for  bad  purposes,"  and  added:  "I 
do  not  believe  he  is  honest.  His  elevation  [excitedly  pounding  his 
desk]  would  be  a  disgrace  to  the  judicial  ermine."  Mr.  Hoar  re 
viewed  the  fact  that  when  the  name  of  Stanley  Matthews  was  sent 
in  by  President  Garfield,  Conkling  refused  to  extend  the  usual 
courtesy  to  a  senator  and  took  occasion  to  parade  his  wrongs  at 
the  hands  of  the  administration,  reflecting  upon  President  Gar- 
field.  The  New  York  Tribune  bitterly  assailed  Conkling  and 
quoted  what  Conkling  had  said  when  Robertson  was  nominated: 
"Send  him  abroad  to  some  second-hand  consulship  and  I  will  go 
into  the  lobby  and  hold  my  nose  while  he  is  confirmed."  Mr. 


210  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Conkling  settled  the  controversy  by  declining  to  accept  the  ap 
pointment.  He  would  not  have  been  confirmed  by  the  senate,  for 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Elaine  in  the  senate  had  good  memories.  Thus 
waged  the  battle  over  Garfield's  grave. 

Mr.  Dingley's  gentle  nature  recoiled  from  these  bitter  personal 
and  factional  strifes.  The  harsh  and  cruel  debates  on  the  floor  of 
the  house ;  the  flings  of  sarcasm ;  the  coarse  ribaldry  witnessed  by 
him  at  the  very  dawn  of  his  congressional  career,  not  only  did  not 
interest  him,  but  actually  repelled  him.  He  stood  upon  a  higher 
plane  and  was  moved  by  nobler  purposes;  and  when,  on  the  nth 
of  February,  the  seventieth  birthday  of  the  venerable  Alexander 
Stephens  1  of  Georgia,  was  gracefully  and  touchingly  remembered 
by  his  associates,  the  incident  seemed  like  a  benediction. 

Mr.  Dingley's  attention  was  directed  more  to  the  business  of 
the  house  and  the  country  than  to  factional  quarrels  or  the  vindi 
cation  of  personal  honor.  His  very  first  appearance  in  debate,  on 
the  first  of  March,  was  in  opposition  to  a  resolution  to  create 
another  office — a  clerkship  in  the  house.  The  whole  matter  was 
sent  back  to  the  committee.  This  incident  simply  illustrates  how 
watchful  he  was  of  the  people's  interest  from  the  beginning. 

The  situation  in  the  house  grew  worse  and  worse  under  the 
administration  of  Speaker  Keifer  and  Mr.  Robeson.  The  corres 
pondent  of  the  Boston  Journal  wrote :  "Unfortunately  the  organ 
ization  of  the  house  has  resulted  in  what  is  almost  a  paralysis  of 
business.  Scarcely  a  single  report  from  a  committee  has  been 
ratified  by  the  house,  Never  was  there  such  a  lapse  of  those  parlia 
mentary  leaders  of  which  Mr.  Blaine  spoke.  The  Democrats  are 
much  better  organized,  especially  for  purposes  of  defense  and  ob 
struction.  The  indefinite  postponment  of  the  tariff  commission, 
by  consent  of  the  ways  and  means  committee,  is  a  good  illustration 
of  the  apathy  and  lack  of  method  which  prevails."  The  country 

1 — Alexander  Stephens  of  Georgia  was  elected  to  the  Georgia  legislature  in 
1837  and  served  seven  years  in  both  houses.  He  was  first  chosen  to  congress  in 
1843,  serving  until  1859,  declining  a  re-election.  He  was  vice  president  of  the 
confederacy,  and  re-entered  congress  in  1873.  Few  men  ever  served  as  many 
years  as  Mr.  Stephens,  consecutively.  Garfield  was  elected  to  congress  nine  con 
secutive  times.  Lewis  Williams  of  North  Carolina,  the  father  of  the  house  in 
his  day,  served  in  fourteen  congresses,  from  December  14,  1815,  until  his  death  in 
"Washington  February  23,  1842.  Nathaniel  Macon,  the  strict,  severe  and  stringent 
North  Carolina  Democrat  was  twelve  times  successively  elected  to  the  house 
and  was  then  elected  to  the  senate.  J.  Q.  Adams,  after  having  been  president, 
senator  and  foreign  minister,  was  elected  to  the  twenty-second  congress  as  a 
Whig,  and  consecutively  elected  eight  times,  dying  in  office  in  the  speaker's 
room  February  23,  1848.  Churchill  C.  Chamberling,  a  New  York  Democrat,  was 
elected  nine  times  to  the  house,  serving  from  1821  to  1836.  Joshua  R.  Giddings, 
almost  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Garfield,  was  elected  by  the  western  re 
serves,  serving  from  the  25th  to  the  35th  congresses.  Elihu  B.  Washburn  was 
elected  nine  times  from  the  state  of  Illinois  while  William  D.  Kelley  was  elected 
eleven  times  consecutively. 


JAS.  A.  GARFIELD.    CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 
ROSCOE  CONKLING.     J.  WARREN  KEIFER. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  211 

at  this  time  was  ripe  for  tariff  revision.  On  the  3Oth  of  November, 
1881,  a  tariff  convention  had  been  held  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
At  this  convention  Former  Governor  Grinnell  of  Iowa  voiced  the 
sentiment  of  the  people  when  he  said:  "Fernando  Wood  is  dead. 
I  don't  thank  God  for  that,  but  I  do  thank  God  that  he  will  never 
again  be  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee.  I  believe  he 
has  gone  to  a  good  home,  and  I  hope  he  has  changed  from  a  free 
trader  to  a  protectionist."  The  committee  on  ways  and  means  de 
layed  until  the  8th  day  of  February  before  reporting  to  the  house 
its  bill  for  the  creation  of  a  tariff  commission.  It  came  up  for  dis 
cussion  March  7th,  and  was  postponed  indefinitely,  on  a  point  of 
order,  to  the  chagrin  of  the  leaders  of  the  house.  However,  on  the 
28th  of  March,  the  bill  was  taken  up  under  a  special  order. 

For  twenty  years,  subject  to  some  slight  modifications,  the 
country  had  been  conducting  its  business  under  the  same  tariff 
laws.  The  changed  condition  of  the  business  of  the  country  neces 
sitated  changes  in  the  tariff.  Attempts  had  been  made  in  the 
forty-fourth,  forty-fifth  and  forty-sixth  congresses  to  revise  the 
tariff,  but  all  failed.  The  bill  now  before  the  house  provided  for  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  by  the  president  to  investigate  all 
the  facts  relating  to  the  subject  of  the  tariff  and  report  to  congress 
the  following  December.  Mr.  Kasson  of  Iowa,  made  an  able  and 
exhaustive  speech  in  support  of  the  measure.  Mr.  Carlisle  replied 
to  Mr.  Kasson  in  one  of  the  ablest  speeches  on  that  side  of  the 
tariff  question  that  has  ever  been  delivered  in  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives.  "I  believe,"  he  said,  "the  tariff  and  other  economic 
questions  are  coming  rapidly  to  the  front  and  will  constitute  the 
great  and  controlling  questions  in  the  politics  of  the  future."  Mr. 
Hewitt  of  New  York,  a  practical  business  man,  followed  in  a 
speech  no  less  brilliant.  April  6th,  Mr.  McKinley  of  Ohio,  made 
his  famous  speech  on  the  tariff  question,  thus  for  the  first  time 
attracting  public  attention  and  taking  the  initial  step  towards  the 
White  House.  It  was  in  this  speech  that  Mr.  McKinley  en 
countered  Mr.  Hewitt,  the  "little  giant"  of  the  low  tariff  school,  one 
of  the  great  triumvirate  of  the  Democratic  free-trade  leaders  in 
this  congress — Carlisle,  Randall  and  Hewitt. 

The  tariff  debate  continued  with  varying  interest.  It  was  a 
battle  of  intellectual  giants.  The  industrial  and  material  pro 
gress  of  the  country  was  viewed  in  retrospect  through  protection 
and  free-trade  lens.  The  facts  seemed  to  be  undisputed;  but  the 
conclusions  were  radically  different.  On  the  i5th  of  April  Mr.  Mc- 
Millin  of  Tennessee,  in  his  tariff  speech  bristling  with  ancient  and 


212  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

modern  history,  references  to  apostolic  days  and  ancient  lore,  fact 
and  fiction,  charged  that  protection  had  driven  American  shipping 
from  the  ocean.  This  was  Mr.  Dingley's  opportunity;  and  on  the 
25th  of  April  he  made  his  first  great  speech  in  the  house  on  "Pro 
tection  of  American  Shipping."  1  It  was  a  masterly  effort — keen; 
logical,  clear  and  convincing.  He  brought  forth  from  the  pages 
of  history  incontrovertible  facts  to  establish  his  conclusions.  He 
argued  that  it  was  free  trade  and  not  protection  that  had  destroyed 
our  foreign  carrying  trade,  and  that  protection  was  necessary  to 
restore  the  foreign  carrying  trade  to  its  old-time  glory.  He  was 
frequently  interrupted  by  the  Democratic  leaders  but  held  his  own 
against  them  all.  His  time  was  extended  and  his  address  listened 
to  attentively.  One  by  one  he  destroyed  the  "free-ship"  and  "free- 
trade"  structures,  establishing  in  their  places  a  sound  and  enduring 
policy  that  could  not  be  shaken.  As  he  proceeded  the  indifference 
which  had  been  manifested  toward  this  new  member  from  Maine, 
changed  into  marked  interest.  Members  stopped  talking  and 
quietly  moved  nearer  the  speaker.  "I  only  repeat  the  teachings  of 
history,"  he  said,  "when  I  say  that  no  people  ever  became  a  great 
commercial  nation  that  did  not  build  their  own  ships.  The 
Egyptians,  the  Greeks,  the  Italians,  the  Carthagenians,  the  Span 
iards,  and  the  Dutch  held  in  turn  the  empire  of  the  sea ;  but  each 
only  so  long  as  they  could  build  their  own  vessels.  When  our 
carrying  trade  was  thrown  open  to  the  world  by  the  civil  war,  Eng 
land,  France  and  Germany  wanted  it;  but  the  former  secured  it 
simply  because  she  could  and  did  build  her  own  ships.  Experience 
has  shown  that  a  nation  which  does  not  build  her  ships  will  not  long 
have  the  ability  to  buy  them  after  the  door  is  opened.  The  nation 
which  confesses  its  inability  to  devise  any  policy  by  which  it  may 
build  its  own  ships,  and  deliberately  sends  its  people  into  the  mar 
ket  to  buy  of  her  neighbors,  surrenders  her  independence,  and  in 
war  places  herself  at  the  mercy  of  those  nations  which  control  the 
ocean.  *  *  *  Mr.  Chairman,  important  as  are  other  questions 
before  this  congress,  I  hold  that  not  one  of  them  is  of  greater  im 
portance  and  of  more  far-reaching  consequence  than  this.  We  are 
already  a  republic  of  more  than  fifty  millions,  and  increasing  in 
population  and  wealth  never  before  known  in  the  history  of  any 
other  nation.  In  1890  our  population  will  reach  sixty-five  millions, 
and  in  1910  it  will  reach  one  hundred  millions,  provided  we  are  true 
to  ourselves  and  our  destinies.  But  unless  all  history  is  mislead 
ing,  we  cannot  hope  to  retain  our  present  advantages  or  to  extend 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  213 

our  prestige  as  a  nation,  unless  by  an  efficient  system  of  protection 
and  encouragement,  we  hold  and  strengthen  our  position  on  the 
sea  as  we  have  on  the  land.  As  has  been  well  said,  the  throne  of 
empire  rests  no  less  on  the  rocking  waves  than  on  the  solid  land." 
At  the  close  of  his  address,  the  members  on  both  sides  of  the 
house  vigorously  applauded  and  personally  extended  congratula 
tions.  The  future  leader  of  the  house  had  scored  his  first  triumph, 
and  for  an  hour  or  more  the  old  leaders  on  both  sides  discussed  in 
the  lobby  and  cloak  rooms  the  great  speech  of  the  black-haired 
member  from  Maine.  Some  of  them  in  recent  years  have  recalled 
with  pleasure  their  recollections  of  Mr.  Dingley's  first  great 
triumph  on  the  floor  of  the  house.  The  Washington  Star  pro 
nounced  it  "a  speech  of  much  ability  and  force,  giving  promise  of  a 
successful  career  in  congress ;"  and  the  Washington  correspondent 
of  the  New  York  Tribune  said  it  was  "one  of  the  best  speeches 
ever  made  by  a  new  member." 

In  discussing  the  bill  to  appoint  a  tariff  commission  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said:  "The  protectionists,  mainly  Republicans,  take  the 
ground  that  in  framing  a  tariff,  care  should  be  taken  to  so  impose 
duties  as  not  only  to  secure  revenue,  but  also,  to  protect  American 
industries  against  the  competition  of  the  products  of  similar  in 
dustries  in  foreign  countries,  where  the  wages  of  labor  are  less  than 
here.  Protection  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  farmer  as  well  as  the 
manufacturer  and  laborer.  No  country  can  be  prosperous  without 
manufactures  and  diversified  industries.  It  has  been  shown  by  the 
experience  of  the  world  that  nations  purely  agricultural,  are  weak 
and  dependent  nations.  The  nation  which  raises  its  food,  makes  its 
clothing,  and  produces  as  near  as  possible  all  that  is  essential  to 
its  prosperity,  is  the  most  prosperous.  Farming  is  the  most  pros 
perous  alongside  of  manufactures  and  commerce." 

Returning  from  his  triumph  in  the  house,  Mr.  Dingley  that 
same  evening,  attended  a  Congregational  convention  and  made  a 
scholarly  address  on  "Temperance  and  Christianity." 

It  is  a  significant  and  important  fact  that  the  Republicans  of 
the  house  wherein  Mr.  Dingley  served  his  first  term,  refused  to  re 
duce  the  internal  revenue  tax  on  whiskey.  Lobbyists  labored  hard 
for  the  bill,  but  to  no  avail ;  and  the  injunction  of  Mr.  Dingley — 
"remove  the  tax  from  sugar  and  not  from  whiskey" — was  ob 
served  in  the  Republican  caucus.  In  this  caucus  the  voice  of  Mr. 
Dingley  was  raised  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of  temperance. 

In  the  month  of  March,  the  last  lingering  attempts  were  made 
to  defame  the  martyred  Garfield.  An  anonymous  letter  appeared  in 


214  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

the  public  press  in  which  Garfield  was  referred  to  as  a  "treacher 
ous,  cowardly  and  hypocritical  man."  This  letter  was  inspired  by 
some  angered  and  disappointed  stalwart ;  but  its  publication  did  not 
have  the  desired  effect.  It  rather  caused  a  revolt  among  the  stal 
warts  themselves,  arousing  mingled  anger  and  jealously;  and  when 
on  the  first  day  of  April  it  was  decided  by  the  administration  leaders 
to  force  the  nomination  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Charles  J. 
Folger  for  governor  of  New  York,  there  were  signs  of  an  ap 
proaching  storm.  Judge  Folger  was  buried  out  of  sight  at  the  polls 
and  the  stalwarts  disappeared  as  a  political  factor.  Realizing  the 
feeling  that  was  slowly  but  surely  being  aroused,  President  Arthur 
with  rare  political  shrewdness,  drew  upon  the  ranks  of  the  old  fol 
lowers  of  Mr.  Elaine  to  complete  his  cabinet.  He  made  William 
E.  Chandler  secretary  of  the  navy,  and  Henry  M.  Teller  secretary 
of  the  interior.  Chandler  was  an  ardent  Elaine  man,  and  his  ap 
pointment  visibly  strengthened  President  Arthur's  position. 

Debate  on  the  bill  to  extend  the  charters  of  national  banks  be 
gan  in  the  house  May  13.  Mr.  Crapo  l  of  Massachusetts,  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  banking  and  currency,  led  off  in  a  strong 
speech.  Mr.  Bland  of  Missouri,  the  silver  apostle,  spoke  against 
the  bill.  In  the  course  of  his  speech  Mr.  Bland  intimated  that  the 
national  banking  interest  had  forced  the  committee  on  banking 
and  currency  to  report  out  a  bill  which  practically  demonetized 
silver.  Mr.  Dingley  in  reply  said :  "Mr.  Speaker,  as  the  gentleman 
from  Missouri  has  made  certain  representations  in  reference  to  a 

1— Mr.  Crapo  writes  to  the  editor  of  these  volumes;  "My  acquaintance  with 
Mr.  Dingley  began  when  he  entered  congress  in  1881.  Although  a  new  member, 
serving  his  first  term,  he  at  once  attracted  attention.  He  was  placed  on  the 
committee  of  banking  and  currency  of  which  I  was  then  chairman.  At  the  out 
set  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  discussions  and  work  of  the  committee.  He 
had  prepared  himself  by  an  exhaustive  and  intelligent  study  of  the  history  of 
banking  from  its  earliest  periods,  and  his  command  of  facts  and  figures  in 
illustration  and  defence  of  his  position  was  quite  remarkable.  He  delighted  in 
statistics  and  made  use  of  them  with  great  readiness  and  accuracy.  In  the  com 
mittee  room  Mr.  Dingley  was  fond  of  disputation,  and  nothing  pleased  him  more 
than  an  earnest  argument  with  the  fiat  money  and  the  free-silver  members  of 
the  committee.  His  industry  was  unsurpassed.  No  amount  of  work  or  investi 
gation  could  be  assigned  to  him  which  he  did  not  welcome.  Yet  such  was  his 
method  of  application  he  never  appeared  weary  or  over-taxed.  He  reached  his 
conclusions  by  logical  reasoning,  working  out  the  solution  with  intense  earnest 
ness  and  entire  sincerity.  No  man  in  congress  enjoyed  in  greater  degree  the 
confidence  and  respect  of  his  associates.  Whatever  statement  he  made  in  de 
bate  was  accepted  as  accurate  and  reliable.  His  strict  adherence  to  facts  and 
his  fair  and  courteous  treatment  of  opponents  won  their  hearty  esteem.  While 
he  was  genial  and  approachable  and  prompt  to  render  assistance  and  advice, 
there  was  an  abundance  of  humor  and  levity.  The  trivialities  of  life  did  not  in 
terest  him.  Doubtless  he  had  recreations,  but  as  I  saw  and  knew  him  his  pleas 
ure  was  in  indefatigable,  persistent,  tireless  investigation  of  economic  problems. 
The  continuance  of  the  national  banking  system  by  the  extention  of  the  cor 
porate  existence  of  the  banks  was  fiercely  resisted  in  the  forty-seventh  congress 
both  by  the  the  advocates  of  a  greenback  and  the  advocates  of  a  silver  currency. 
Mr.  Dingley  took  an  active  part  in  the  contest  and  his  efforts  and  influence 
t  largely  contributed  to  the  success  of  sound  banking  legislation." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  215 

bill  reported  by  a  majority  of  the  committee  on  banking  and  cur 
rency  in  relation  to  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  I  deem  it  proper 
to  correct  his  statements.  He  represented  that  the  national  banks 
through  a  majority  of  the  banking  and  currency  committee,  had 
contrived  a  bill  to  demonetize  the  standard  silver  dollar  and  to  take 
away  from  the  people  that  dollar." 

"I  have  shown,"  said  Mr.  Bland,  "that  the  demand  for  the  de 
monetization  of  silver  comes  from  the  national  bank  interests." 

"I  wish  to  show,"  replied  Mr.  Dingley,  "that  the  bill  reported 
by  the  majority  of  the  committee  with  reference  to  the  coinage 
of  the  silver  dollar,  simply  provides  that  coinage  shall  be  limited  to 
the  demands  of  the  people.  Its  sole  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  ac 
cumulation  of  silver  dollars  in  the  treasury  which  the  people  do  not 
want.  I  agree  with  the  gentleman  that  it  is  the  people  who  should 
determine  the  amount  of  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  and  they  will 
indicate  their  wants  by  the  demand  they  make  for  them  at  the 
treasury.  Now  what  has  been  the  demand  of  the  people  for  the  sil 
ver  dollar?  On  the  first  day  of  January  there  were  in  circulation 
thirty-five  and  one-half  million  silver  dollars.  Since  that  time  we 
have  coined  nine  million,  and  have  paid  out  over  half  of  them,  and 
over  half  of  those  paid  out  have  come  back  to  the  treasury  and  ac 
cumulated  there.  More  than  that,  Mr.  Speaker,  of  the  thirty-five 
and  a  half  million  dollars  that  were  in  circulation  on  the  first  day  of 
January,  three  and  one-half  millions  have  also  been  returned  to  the 
treasury  and  are  there  today.  Thus  we  have  accumulated  in  the 
treasury  since  the  first  day  of  January  twelve  and  a  half  million  dol 
lars  that  the  people  do  not  want." 

The  colloquy  was,  perhaps,  premature  and  irrelevant;  but  it 
brought  out  the  fact  that  Mr.  Bland  misconstrued  the  action  of  the 
committee  on  banking  and  currency  of  which  Mr.  Dingley  was  a 
member.  Mr.  Hewitt  of  New  York,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  Dem 
ocrats,  and  Mr.  Butterworth  of  Ohio,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  Re 
publicans,  spoke  at  length,  the  former  against  and  the  latter  in 
favor  of  the  bill.  The  debate  covered  every  phase  of  the  national 
bank  question,  and  brought  forth  widely  divergent  views.  On  the 
1 7th  of  May  Mr.  Dingley  took  the  floor  and  spoke  on  the  broad 
question  of  national  banks  and  the  national  banking  system.  1  He 
said  in  opening  that  "while  some  objections  have  been  advanced 
which  merit  thoughtful  consideration,  yet  the  burden  of  the  as 
saults  on  this  system  have  consisted  not  so  much  of  candid  argu 
ments  as  of  extravagant  or  unfounded  assertions  and  violent  de- 

1 — See  Appendix. 


•2i6  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

mmciatory  phrases  in  which  'monopoly/  'swindle'  and  Jobbery' 
have  played  a  conspicuous  part."  He  then  carefully  reviewed  the 
history  of  the  national  banking  system,  the  opposition  of  the  state 
banks,  the  success  of  the  system  itself,  the  profits  of  circulation; 
pointed  out  that  the  system  was  not  limited  to  the  public  debt,  dis 
sected  the  greenback  program,  the  non-legal  tender  note  plan,  dis 
cussed  the  question  of  profit  and  loss  to  national  banks,  the  tax  on 
depositors,  dissipated  the  monopoly  objection  and  the  popular 
notion  that  the  circulation  medium  belongs  to  the  nation,  dis 
cussed  the  query  who  shall  control  the  volume  of  money,  touched 
upon  the  danger  of  inflation  by  government  notes,  asserted  that 
the  treasury  was  not  responsive  to  wants  of  trade  and  explained 
the  redemption  of  government  notes.  He  concluded  by  pointing 
out  the  teachings  of  history,  the  warnings  of  our  statesmen  and  the 
views  of  Jefferson  and  other  Democrats  and  said :  "It  would  be 
worse  than  a  blunder  for  the  American  congress  to  destroy  the 
national  banking  system  which  is  so  closely  interwoven  with  the 
business  of  the  country,  and  which  is  inspiring  so  complete  con 
fidence  in  business  circles,  and  commit  the  country  to  a  currency 
experiment  which  every  authority  in  economic  science,  the  fathers 
of  the  republic  and  the  stern  teachings  of  experience  warn  us  to 
avoid." 

This  speech  was  regarded  as  so  able  and  satisfactory  a  dis 
cussion  of  the  national  banking  system,  that  it  was  reprinted  by  the 
Republican  congressional  committee  and  widely  circulated  as  a 
campaign  document. 

The  house  passed  the  tariff  commission  bill  on  the  6th  day  of 
May  and  the  bill  extending  national  bank  charters  thirteen  days 
later.  Both  measures  were  denounced  by  the  Democrats. 

June  6th,  Mr.  Dingley  made  a  report  from  the  banking  and 
currency  committee  on  the  "silver  question"  which  attracted  much 
attention  and  which  was  pronounced  by  Mr.  Hewitt  of  New  York 
one  of  the  ablest  presentations  of  the  silver  question  ever  made  in 
congress.  l  The  bill  accompanying  the  report  provided  that  until 
an  international  agreement  on  a  coinage  ratio  for  the  use  of  silver 
in  full  legal  tender  coinage  shall  be  made  by  the  leading  commercial 
nations,  or  until  the  equivalency  of  bullion  between  the  standard 
silver  and  gold  coins  of  the  United  States  in  the  markets  of  the 
world  shall  be  otherwise  secured,  the  issue  of  silver  certificates  shall 
be  suspended,  providing  the  silver  certificates  now  outstanding  may 
from  time  to  time  as  paid  into  the  treasury  be  re-issued  on  the  de- 

1 — See  Appendix. 


W.  H.  MORRISON.     ABRAM  S.  HEWITT. 
HILARY  A.  HERBERT.     WM.  M.  SPRINGER. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR  217 

posit  of  silver  dollars.  The  bill  further  provided  that  until  the 
agreement  above  indicated  is  reached,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury 
shall  cause  to  be  coined  only  such  number  of  the  standard  silver 
dollars  as  may  be  required  to  supply  the  demand  for  actual  circula 
tion,  in  lieu  of  the  minimum  coinage  provided  for  in  the  act  of 
February  28th,  1878.  The  Greenback  papers  of  Maine  denounced 
the  bill  and  the  report,  charging  that  "Mr.  Dingley  is  a  bank  di 
rector,  and  his  bill  is  in  the  interest  of  the  banks."  Mr.  Dingley 
replied,  denying  that  he  was  a  bank  director  or  the  holder  of  any 
bank  stock.  After  disposing  of  some  of  the  objections  raised,  he 
observed :  "But  the  greatest  objection  to  the  unlimited  coinage  of 
silver  dollars  worth  intrinsically  less  than  eighty  cents  as  compared 
with  the  gold  dollar,  is  that  it  will  finally  force  us  to  a  silver  basis, 
and  drive  gold  from  the  country.  At  present  the  eleven  cents  dif 
ference  between  the  silver  and  the  gold  dollars,  is  bridged  over  by 
receiving  the  former  for  gold  duty.  This  will  answer  when  the 
volume  of  silver  dollars  and  certificates  is  small;  but  will  utterly 
fail  if  the  coinage  goes  on  many  years  longer,  and  would  fail  at 
once  if  we  should  have  unlimited  coinage  as  the  silver  lunatics  pro 
pose,  and  have  introduced  a  bill  into  congress  to  do.  This  is  seen 
by  every  eminent  bimetallist,  and  every  authority  in  finance." 

June  5th  Mr.  Dingley  introduced  a  bill  to  provide  for  the  issue 
of  gold  certificates.  It  authorized  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to 
receive  deposits  of  gold  coin  and  bullion  with  the  treasurer  or  as 
sistant  treasurer,  in  sums  not  less  than  ten  dollars,  and  to  issue 
certificates  therefor.  The  coin  and  bullion  deposited  for  and  rep 
resenting  the  certificates  of  deposit  were  to  be  retained  in  the 
treasury  for  the  payment  of  the  same  on  demand  and  the  certifi 
cates  were  to  be  receivable  for  customs,  taxes  and  all  public  dues, 
and  when  so  received  might  be  re-issued,  and  when  held  by  any 
banking  association  might  be  counted  as  part  of  its  lawful  reserve 
and  accepted  in  the  settlement  of  its  clearing  house  balances.  This 
bill  finally  became  a  section  of  the  silver  bill. 

When  the  deficiency  appropriation  bill  was  in  the  house  (June 
6th)  a  paragraph  was  reached  appropriating  $32,000  for  the  ex 
penses  of  the  celebration  of  the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  sur 
render  of  Lord  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  Virginia.  During  the  de 
bate  Mr.  Cobb  of  Indiana  obtained  leave  to  print  the  items  enum 
erated  in  the  bill  presented  by  the  "Yorktown  Centennial  Celebra 
tion  Commission,"  October  18,  1881.  The  bill  was  for  $6,500 
worth  of  liquors,  most  of  which  was  utilized  in  making  the  celebra 
tion  "glorious."  Mr.  Dingley  objected  to  the  payment  of  this  bill 


218  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

and  said:  "The  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Hiscock)  re 
marked  a  few  moments  ago  that  it  was  better  that  these  transac 
tions  should  remain  in  silence  rather  than  be  trumpeted  abroad 
throughout  the  country.  If  they  were  not  already  known  to  the 
country ;  if  every  newspaper  in  the  land  had  not  already  trumpeted 
this  disgraceful  affair,  there  might  be  some  point  to  the  sugges 
tion."  He  then  read  a  despatch  to  a  Cincinnati  paper,  asserting 
that  the  officers  in  charge  of  the  celebration  were  provided  with 
liquors  of  all  kinds  and  "Uncle  Sam  was  footing  the  bills."  Mr. 
Hewitt  of  New  York  thought  there  was  a  difference  "between  the 
arena  of  the  newspapers  and  the  floor  of  the  house  of  representa 
tives."  Mr.  Dingley  continued  in  reply:  "When  such  an  uncon- 
tradicted  charge  as  that  which  I  have  read  is  made  against  a  com 
mittee  of  congress,  and  when  it  appears  that  they  have  used  the 
money  of  the  people  to  contract  and  pay  such  bills,  it  is  time  for  the 
representatives  of  the  people  on  this  floor  to  proclaim  in  the  house 
what  everybody  outside  knows,  and  to  protest  against  it.  And  I 
stand  here  to  protest  in  the  name  of  my  constituents  and  I  believe 
in  the  name  of  this  country,  against  foisting  upon  the  taxpayers  of 
this  country  the  payment  of  a  bill  like  this,  incurred  under  the  plea 
of  extending  a  welcome  to  twenty  gentlemen  from  France.  I  call 
upon  the  representatives  of  the  people  not  to  counsel  silence  when 
it  is  proposed  to  pay  such  bills  from  the  public  treasury,  but  to 
speak  out  words  of  truth;  for  unless  they  are  spoken,  unless  we 
protest  against  such  a  proceeding  as  this,  we  shall  find  the  evil  in 
creasing  from  year  to  year."  These  brave  words  were  re-echoed 
in  every  Christian  and  temperance  home  in  the  land. 

Mr.  Elaine  had  stepped  from  the  political  arena,  but  his  political 
influence  remained.  So  great  was  the  regard  of  his  old  constitu 
ents,  that  they  tendered  him  the  nomination  for  representative  in 
congress  but  he  declined  the  same.  He  said :  "For  twenty-three 
years  I  was  continuously  in  the  public  service  and  left  in  conse 
quence  of  a  tragedy  that  has  involved  deep  changes  in  the  policies 
of  the  government."  More  than  this,  he  had  given  up  all  hope  of 
being  president  of  the  United  States,  for  two  years  before  he  pub 
licly  stated:  "I  will  never  make  another  organized  effort  to  secure 
the  nomination.  If  the  nomination  should  come,  I  will  be  thankful, 
but  I  cannot  go  through  another  struggle  and  will  not  ask  my 
friends  to  make  the  sacrifice."  But  his  friends  were  willing  to  make 
the  sacrifice;  and  in  1884  he  was  nominated  for  president  by  the 
Republicans  but  defeated  by  a  narrow  margin. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.          ..;  .  219 

President  Arthur  appointed  the  following  members  of  the  tariff 
commission:  William  A.  Wheeler  of  New  York,  John  L.  Hayes 
of  Massachusetts,  Henry  W.  Oliver  Jr.  of  Pennsylvania,  Austin 
M.  Garland  of  Illinois,  John  Ambler  of  Ohio,  John  S.  Phelps  of 
Missouri,  Robert  P.  Porter  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  John  W.  H. 
Underwood  of  Georgia,  Duncan  F.  Kenner  of  Louisiana.  Mr. 
Wheeler  declined  to  serve  and  the  place  was  offered  to  several 
gentlemen,  all  of  whom  also  declined.  Finally  William  H.  Mc- 
Mahon  of  New  York  accepted.  Mr.  Phelps  declined  to  serve  and 
Alexander  P.  Boteler  of  West  Virginia  was  nominated  in  his  place. 
July  6th  this  commission,  with  not  a  few  misgivings  as  to  the  result, 
assembled  at  the  Ebbitt  house  and  began  its  work. 

The  Maine  Republican  state  convention  was  held  in  Portland, 
June  1 3th.  Senator  Frye  was  chairman  of  the  state  committee. 
Senator  Hale,  who  presided  over  the  convention,  said  he  be 
lieved  "President  Arthur  was  trying  to  bring  all  shades  of  the 
party  into  accord."  Frederick  Robie  was  nominated  for  governor 
and  Messrs.  Reed,  Dingley,  Boutelle,  and  Milliken,  for  congress- 
men-at-large.  Mr.  Dingley  did  not  attend  this  convention,  but  sent 
kind  words  of  appreciation  and  greeting.  He  received  every  vote 
of  the  eleven  hundred  and  eighty-one  cast  in  the  convention — a  re 
markable  distinction.  Daniel  H.  Thing  was  nominated  by  the 
fusionists  of  the  second  congressional  district  as  the  man  "who  is 
to  warm  the  seat  now  occupied  by  Nelson  Dingley  Jr." 

On  the  1 5th  of  June,  when  the  house  in  committee  of  the  whole 
had  under  consideration  the  river  and  harbor  bill,  Mr.  Cox  of  New 
York  made  one  of  his  characteristic  speeches ;  and  this  speech  was 
quite  the  funniest  that  he  had  thus  far  delivered.  He  followed  Mr. 
Horr  of  Michigan,  his  rival  in  wit  and  absurdity.  "Mr.  Chair 
man,"  said  Mr.  Cox  with  marked  solemnity,  "I  have  just  looked 
over  this  bill  and  have  failed  to  find  one  favorite  stream.  I  do  not 
mean  the  Kiskiminetas ;  that  is  'gone  to  the  rearward  and  abyss  of 
time.'  I  pine  for  my  favorite.  Other  streams  also  that  used  to  be 
in  these  bills  are  gone.  But  one  stream,  of  unpronounceable  de 
light,  I  have  failed  to  find  in  this  bill.  It  touched  my  heart  with 
peculiar  tenderness.  It  deserved  an  appropriation.  I  have  some 
poetry  about  it.  It  speaks  of  messages  of  love  and  joy  and  sorrow. 
I  think  my  friend  Judge  Holman,  when  he  hears  this  song,  will 
move  to  amend  the  bill  by  putting  this  stream  in."  Then  in  the 
midst  of  roars  of  laughter,  the  clerk  read  Mr.  Cox's  original  poem, 
entitled  "the  Skoodoowobskook." 


22Q  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

"Oh !  maid  with  the  hair  that  is  yellow, 
'Tis  time  that  your  home  you  forsook ; 
Come  over  and  live  with  a  fellow, 
By  the  beautiful  Skoodoowobskook. 

And  there  where  the  grasses  of  brooks  kiss, 
In  the  prettiest  kind  of  a  nook, 
Where  the  swift  running  Skoodoowobskook  is 
Pours  into  the  Skoodoowobskook. 

Our  lives  their  streams  shall  commingle, 
For  heaven  no  further  will  look ; 
Then  come, — it  is  wrong  to  live  single — 
O  come  to  the  Skoodoowobskook. 

In  this  lovely  terrestial  Eden, 
I'll  teach  you  to  fish  with  a  hook, 
The  fishes  are  plenty,  O  maiden, 
In  the  crystalline  Skoodoowobskook.. 

Our  food  shall  be  trout  from  the  waters, 
Which  you  to  your  sweet  taste  shall  cook; 
Come,  fairest  of  Uncle  Sam's  daughters, 
To  the  banks  of  the  Skoodoowobskook." 

"I  am  glad,"  said  Mr.  Cox,  "that  our  clerk  has  a  fine  apprecia 
tion  of  poetry*  He  not  only  reads  it  with  credit  to  himself,  but 
honor  to  the  house  and  committee.  I  fail  to  find  that  stream  in  this 
bill.  It  is  an  outrage  on  the  Skoodoowobskook.  It  is  an  outrage  on 
the  state  of  Maine,  where  I  surmise  it  is  situated.  The  gentleman 
from  Maine  (Mr.  Dingley)  who  honors  me  with  his  attention,  feels 
it  enter  his  very  heart !" 

This  good-natured  thrust  at  the  most  sober  and  serious  mem 
ber  of  the  house,  himself  overcome  with  laughter,  fairly  convulsed 
the  house.  But  Mr.  Dingley  appreciated  the  sarcasm  and  wit  of  the 
member  from  New  York. 

Mr.  Dingley  first  gave  evidence  in  the  house  of  his  wonderfully 
accurate  and  comprehensive  grasp  of  government  finances  and  the 
tariff,  on  the  26th  of  June,  when  he  made  a  speech  in  the  committee 
of  the  whole  on  "Reduction  of  Taxation."  The  committee  was 
considering  a  bill  reported  from  the  committee  on  ways  and  means 
to  reduce  internal  revenue  taxation.  Mr.  Dingley  argued  that  as 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  221 

far  as  possible  taxes  should  be  imposed  on  luxuries  and  made  as 
light  as  possible  on  necessities  when  this  taxation  increased  their 
cost.  Liquors  and  tobacco  he  deemed  luxuries  to  be  taxed.  "Five 
times,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  "since  the  war  closed  has  the  Republican 
party  reduced  taxation.  But  in  making  reduction,  congress  should 
be  guided  by  the  single  purpose  of  aiding  the  masses  and  the  indus 
tries  of  the  country  as  far  as  possible,  and  in  all  indirect  taxation, 
should  make  the  burdens  fall  on  the  luxuries  rather  that  the  neces 
saries  of  life."  1  This  speech  was  reprinted  and  circulated  as  a  cam 
paign  document  by  the  Republican  congressional  committee.  June 
27  the  bill  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  128  to  80,  83  not  voting. 
Mr.  Dingley  voted  "no,"  because  the  bill  reduced  the  internal  reve 
nue  tax  on  liquor  and  tobacco.  He  was  in  favor  of  that  portion  of 
the  bill  removing  the  stamp  tax  on  checks,  drafts,  orders  and 
vouchers ;  and  removing  certain  taxes  upon  the  capital  and  deposits 
of  banks  and  bankers. 

In  the  meantime  the  bill  to  enable  national  banking  associa 
tions  to  extend  their  corporate  existence,  passed  the  senate  with 
amendments,  and  came  over  to  the  house.  Mr.  Crapo,  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  banking  and  currency,  moved  that  the  house 
insist  on  its  disagreements  to  the  amendments  of  the  senate  and 
ask  for  a  conference.  The  speaker  appointed  Mr.  Crapo,  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  and  Mr.  Buckner  as  the  house  conferees.  In  this  conference 
Mr.  Dingley  displayed  his  rare  skill  and  diplomacy  in  adjusting  dif 
ferences  of  opinions  so  as  to  obtain  the  best  possible  results.  For 
several  days  the  conferees  failed  to  agree.  Finally  through  the 
persuasive  efforts  of  Mr.  Dingley,  on  the  loth  of  July,  an  agree 
ment  was  reached  and  the  conference  report  adopted  by  both 
houses.  The  bill  2  thus  became  a  law. 

Mr.  Dingley's  district  was  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Atlantic 
ocean;  and  along  the  shore  were  many  important  seaport  towns, 
such  as  Bath,  Boothbay,  Rockland,  and  Camden.  For  years,  Bath 
had  been  a  great  ship-building  centre,  and  in  the  early  days  before 
the  advent  of  iron  and  steel  ships,  the  wooden  ships  of  Bath  were 
the  pride  of  Maine  and  the  glory  of  the  nation  in  the  leading  ports 
of  the  world.  But  the  foreign  carrying  trade  of  the  United  States 
was  declining,  and  Mr.  Dingley  wanted  the  whole  country  to  know 
why.  His  speech  in  the  house  on  the  2Oth  of  April  previous,  had 
called  the  attention  of  the  people  to  his  knowledge  of  and  decided 
views  on,  the  situation.  With  a  view  to  bringing  about  practical 

1 — See  Appendix. 

2—U.  of  R.  Bill  No.  4167. 


222  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

results  along  this  line,  he  introduced  a  joint  resolution  to  provide 
for  a  commission  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  ship-building 
and  ship-owning  interests  of  the  United  States  and  to  suggest 
measures  for  restoring  the  foreign  carrying  trade  of  the  United 
States.  The  fruitful  result  of  this  move  was  made  manifest  a  few 
years  later. 

On  the  26th  of  July,  in  company  with  Representatives  Hewitt 
and  Belmont,  Mr.  Dingley  appeared  before  the  committee  on  com 
merce  to  urge  the  adoption  of  his  joint  resolution.  Captain  James 
Parker,  secretary  of  the  American  ship-owners'  association,  also 
addressed  the  committee.  The  resolution  was  reported  to  the 
house  and  referred  to  the  committee  of  the  whole.  On  the  5th  day 
of  August  Mr.  Dingley  asked  that  the  committee  be  discharged 
from  further  consideration  of  the  resolution.  Mr.  Holman  wanted 
to  know  "what  good  result  we  can  hope  for  from  this  joint  com 
mittee."  Mr.  Dingley  replied  that  "the  joint  resolution  is  reported 
unanimously  by  the  committee  on  commerce,  and  it  seems  to  them 
to  be  the  only  feasible  method  of  reaching  certain  information  and 
formulating  some  plan  for  reviving  the  American  merchant  marine 
engaged  in  the  foreign  carrying  trade.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind 
that  within  two  years  there  have  been  great  changes  in  the  condi 
tion  of  American  commerce.  New  facts  have  been  developed,  a 
new  situation  is  presented,  and  this  house  and  the  American  con 
gress  ought  not  to  longer  delay  to  take  steps  which  will  tend  to  the 
important  result  of  restoring  our  flag  to  the  commerce  of  the 
ocean."  Mr.  Dingley  was  supported  by  Mr.  Cox  of  New  York. 
The  joint  resolution  was  agreed  to,  and  the  speaker  appointed 
Messrs.  Page  of  California,  Candler  of  Massachusetts,  Robeson 
of  New  Jersey,  Dingley  of  Maine,  McLane  of  Maryland  and  Cox  of 
New  York  members  of  this  joint  committee  on  the  part  of  the 
house.  Senators  Miller  of  New  York,  Conger  of  Michigan  and 
Vest  of  Missouri  were  appointed  members  on  the  part  of  the  sen 
ate.  The  object  of  this  commission  was  to  inquire  into  the  cause  of 
the  decline  of  American  shipping,  with  a  view  to  the  enactment  of 
laws  during  the  next  session  enabling  the  American  merchant 
marine  to  compete  with  that  of  foreign  countries. 

Mr.  Dingley  sustained  President  Arthur's  veto  of  the  river  and 
harbor  bill  on  the  first  day  of  August,  and  said :  "I  regard  it  as  a 
wise  and  brave  act.  It  calls  for  a  halt  in  a  system  of  so-called  public 
improvements  so  dovetailed  together  that  the  success  of  one  ap 
propriation,  however  important,  depends  upon  the  success  of 
others  in  no  wise  defensible." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  223 

At  three  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  August  8th  the  first  ses 
sion  of  the  forty-seventh  congress  came  to  an  end.  Mr.  Dingley, 
weary  from  his  long  and  arduous  labors,  left  for  Maine  the  day  be 
fore  congress  adjourned;  and  on  the  8th  of  the  month  once  more 
joined  his  family  circle  at  his  summer  home. 

The  campaign  in  Maine  was  already  on  when  Mr.  Dingley 
reached  his  home.  The  Republican  speakers  from  out  of  the  state 
were  Messrs.  Allison  of  Iowa,  Plumb  of  Kansas,  Rollins  of  New 
Hampshire,  Miller  of  New  York,  Lynch  of  Virginia,  Hawley  of 
Connecticut,  Kasson  of  Iowa,  Hiscock  of  New  York,  Butterworth 
of  Ohio,  Windom  of  Minnesota,  Keifer  of  Ohio,  Foster  of  Ohio, 
Frederick  Douglas,  and  General  Green  B.  Raum,  commissioner  of 
internal  revenue.  Mr.  Dingley  at  once  plunged  into  the  campaign. 
He  spoke  nearly  every  night  until  the  day  of  election.  The  state 
election  on  September  n,  was  a  great  Republican  victory,  Fred 
erick  Robie,  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor,  receiving 
72,481  votes.  Harris  M.  Plaisted,  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
governor,  received  63,921  votes,  and  Solon  Chase,  Greenbacker, 
1,324  votes.  Four  Republican  members  of  congress  (at  large) 
— Reed,  Dingley,  Boutelle  and  Milliken — were  elected.  The  day 
following  the  election  was  one  of  great  rejoicing.  Cannon  were  fired 
in  Lewiston  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  serenaded  by  enthusiastic  admir 
ers.  October  ist  he  made  a  temperance  address  in  Tremont  tem 
ple,  Boston,  and  also  addressed  the  Cambridge  temperance  reform 
ers. 

The  significant  features  of  the  November  election  were  the  de 
feat  of  Judge  Folger,  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor  of 
New  York,  and  the  election  of  a  majority  of  Democrats  to  the 
lower  house  of  congress.  Both  disasters  were  the  result  of  the  dic 
tation  of  the  Arthur  administration  and  the  stalwarts  in  national 
politics.  It  was  a  public  rebuke  pointing  the  way  to  Elaine's  nomi 
nation  at  Chicago  in  1884.  But  his  nomination  afforded  an  op 
portunity  for  stalwart  revenge,  and  the  great  Republican  leader 
met  with  defeat  almost  on  the  threshold  of  the  White  House. 

November  14,  Mr.  Dingley  went  to  New  York  to  attend  a 
meeting  of  the  congressional  shipping  commission  appointed  in 
the  closing  hours  of  the  preceding  session.  The  commission  met  at 
the  Fifth  avenue  hotel  the  next  day  and  perfected  an  organization. 
Captain  C.  C.  Duncan,  United  States  shipping  commissioner  for 
the  port  of  New  York  read  the  principal  paper  and  offered  recom 
mendations  for  the  restoration  of  discriminating  duties  and  per 
mitting  the  free  importation  of  material  of  all  kinds  used  in  ship 


224  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

construction,  liberal  postage  compensation  to  fast  American 
steamers  bound  to  foreign  ports,  etc.  John  Roach  read  a  state 
ment  saying  that  he  had  just  taken  a  contract  to  build  an  iron  ship 
at  sixty-five  dollars  a  ton,  which  could  be  built  on  the  Clyde  for 
more  than  five  per  cent  less.  He  asked  for  the  adoption  of  a  fixed 
policy  towards  the  shipping  interest  and  presented  documents 
showing  the  policy  of  foreign  governments.  During  the  course  of 
the  hearing  Mr.  Cox  and  John  Roach  became  personal  in  their 
argument,  and  Mr.  Dingley  protested,  saying  that  he  thought  the 
personality  should  go  no  further.  Mr.  Dingley  took  an  active  part 
in  the  hearings  and  at  the  close  was  appointed  a  member  of  a  sub 
committee  (Messrs.  Conger  and  Cox  being  the  other  two),  to  draft 
a  bill  and  draw  up  a  preliminary  report.  Mr.  Dingley,  as  was  his 
custom  in  all  such  matters,  threw  himself  heartily  into  the  work 
and  performed  all  the  labor.  The  bill  was  framed  in  his  own 
handwriting.  On  the  following  day  he  devoted  himself  to 
the  preparation  of  the  report,  all  of  which  was  personally  pre 
pared  and  written  by  him.  Late  in  the  month  the  com 
mittee  adjourned  to  meet  again  in  Washington.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  reached  home  in  time  to  join  his  family  around  the  Thanksgiv 
ing  table.  With  a  devout  simplicity,  sprung  from  Puritan  ancestry, 
he  gave  thanks  to  "Him  who  had  surrounded  them  with  bountiful 
blessings,"  and  into  whose  presence  his  sainted  mother  and  be 
loved  son  had  gone. 

On  the  first  day  of  December  he  returned  to  Washington,  meet 
ing  with  the  shipping  commission  on  the  following  day.  The  bill  1 
for  the  relief  of  American  shipping,  and  the  accompanying  report 
was  largely  the  work  of  Mr.  Dingley.  December  15,  they  were  pre 
sented  to  the  house  and  referred  to  the  committee  on  commerce.  2 
The  report  3  contained  a  large  amount  of  valuable  information,  and 
the  bill  was  the  first  attempt  since  the  civil  war,  to  legislate  for  the 
revival  of  American  shipping. 

In  addition  to  American  shipping,  internal  revenue  and  the 
tariff  were  the  questions  before  the  second  session  of  the  forty- 
seventh  congress.  The  tariff  commission  worked  day  and  night  to 
complete  its  report ;  and  on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  presented  it 

1 — H.  R.  7061,  amending  section  4031  of  the  revised  statutes,  a  bill  to  remove 
certain  burdens  on  the  American  shipping  marine,  to  encourage  the  American 
foreign  carrying  trade,  and  to  amend  the  laws  relating  to  the  shipment  and  dis 
charge  of  seamen. 

2 — A  deadlock  between  the  free-traders  and  protectionists  on  the  committee 
seemed  to  be  inevitable,  but  Mr.  Dingley  proposed  a  compromise,  which  re 
ceived  the  approval  of  every  member  of  the  committee. 

3 — A  bound  volume  of  speeches  and  reports  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  family,  contained  a  copy  of  this  report,  on  which  is  made  this  memorandum 
in  Mr.  Dingley's  handwriting:  "Written  by  Mr.  Dingley." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  225 

to  the  Mouse.  The  commission  declared  "that  high  duties  have  a 
tendency  to  create  prejudice  and  encourage  unsafe  investments  of 
capital,  and  to  cause  a  plethora  of  certain  commodities;  that  the 
time  has  come  when  a  reduction  from  high  war  rates  can  safely  be 
made,  and  that  the  increase  of  production  by  the  older  industries  is 
sufficient  to  admit  of  a  reduction  without  impairment  of  ability  to 
compete.  The  reduction  on  the  average,  and  as  a  whole,  approxi 
mate  twenty  per  cent  and  will  perhaps  reach  twenty-five  per  cent." 

The  great  social  event  in  official  circles  in  Washington  during 
the  holidays,  is  the  president's  New  Year's  reception  at  the  White 
House.  Mr.  Dingley,  in  company  with  one  of  his  sons,  attended 
this  function  on  January  i,  1883.  It  was,  as  usual,  a  brilliant  af 
fair.  There  were  sounds  of  many  voices  mingled  with  the  strains  of 
inspiring  music.  The  members  of  the  foreign  diplomatic  corps,  and 
the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy  were  present,  gorgeous  in  their 
official  array.  Among  the  distinguished  guests  was  a  modest  un 
assuming  man — Hon.  Elisha  A.  Allen,  Minister  from  the  Hawaiian 
Islands  to  the  United  States.  Mr.  Allen  and  Mr.  Dingley  were  per 
sonal  friends,  both  being  natives  of  Maine;  and  meeting  in  the 
cloak  room  they  exchanged  greetings.  They  had  scarcely  parted 
when  Mr.  Allen  was  seen  to  stagger  and  raise  his  hand  to  his  heart. 
Friends  assisted  him  to  a  couch  near  by  where  he  immediately  ex 
pired.  Mr.  Dingley  was  almost  the  last  person  Mr.  Allen  spoke  to; 
and  the  incident  shocked  Mr.  Dingley  not  a  little.  It  was  shortly 
after  noon ;  and  as  soon  as  President  Arthur  learned  of  the  affair, 
he  immediately  said:  "This  is  sad  indeed.  The  reception  must 
stop  at  once."  The  president  hurried  to  the  cloak  room  and  the  re 
mains  of  Mr.  Allen  were  taken  to  the  Hamilton  house,  where  the 
funeral  was  held  January  2. l 

Debate  on  the  shipping  bill  began  January  6th.  Mr.  Page  of 
California,  chairman  of  the  committee,  explained  briefly  the  pro 
visions  of  the  bill,  then  surrendered  the  floor  to  Mr.  Cox  of  New 
York  and  Mr.  Dingley  of  Maine,  the  former  against  the  bill  and  in 
favor  of  free  ships ;  the  latter  for  the  bill  and  against  free  ships. 
In  the  course  of  his  speech  Mr.  Cox  said :  "I  do  not  greatly  rely 
upon  any  method  proposed  by  the  majority  for  the  revival  of  our 
ship  building  and  ship  using,  although  I  must  commend  the  per 
spicuous  energy  and  the  intelligence  of  the  gentleman  from  Maine." 

1— Mr.  Allen  was  dean  of  the  diplomatic  corps.  He  moved  to  Maine  in  1826, 
forming  a  partnership  with  Mr.  Appleton,  chief  justice  of  the  state.  He  was  in 
the  state  legislature,  and  speaker  of  the  house  in  1838.  In  1840  he  was  elected  to 
congress.  He  was  appointed  consul  to  Hawaii  in  1850.  In  1857  he  was  appointed 
chief  justice  and  chancellor  of  the  kingdom. 


226  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

With  eloquent -language  and  choice  diction  Mr.  Cox  closed  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  and  interesting  speeches  ever  delivered  in  the 
house.  But  it  was  as  weak  in  argument  as  it  was  strong  in  hyper 
bole  and  climax.  Mr.  Dingley  followed;  and  before  he  had  fairly 
got  into  his  subject,  the  members  drew  nearer  to  catch  every  word 
he  uttered.  Carefully,  logically  and  convincingly,  he  tore  the  mask 
from  the  speech  of  Mr.  Cox  and  laid  bare  its  sophistry  and  con 
fusion.  He  reviewed  the  history  of  legislation  in  this  and  other 
countries;  called  attention  to  the  decline  of  American  shipping  in 
the  foreign  trade;  suggested  proper  remedies;  pointed  out  the 
amendments  proposed  to  the  existing  law ;  and  denounced  the  free 
admission  of  ships  built  abroad.  The  complete  knowledge  and  wide 
information  displayed  by  Mr.  Dingley  astonished  the  house;  and 
when  at  the  end  of  two  hours  he  apologized  for  taking  so  much 
time,  there  were  cries  of  "Go  on !  go  on !"  from  both  sides  of  the 
house.  He  continued  for  half  an  hour,  closing  with  an  appeal  to 
the  house  to  try  something — to  take  a  step  forward  in  this  matter, 
"for  if  we  go  on  ten  years  more  in  the  way  we  have  been  going  on 
for  twenty-five  years,  the  American  merchant  marine  and  the 
American  flag  will  have  faded  from  the  ocean."  This  truly  great 
speech  was  greeted  with  long-continued  applause.  It  was  a  speech 
of  a  master — a  statesman;  and  the  house  knew  it.  It  placed  Mr. 
Dingley  in  the  front  rank  of  congressmen,  and  gave  him  a  national 
reputation.  Of  it  the  Washington  Post  said:  "The  speech  de 
livered  by  Congressman  Dingley  of  Maine  on  American  shipping, 
was  one  of  the  most  instructive  addresses  that  the  house  has  lis 
tened  to  during  the  present  session.  Mr.  Dingley  has  studied  his 
subject  thoroughly,  and  being  an  experienced  journalist,  he  knew 
how  to  put  a  great  many  facts  into  small  space."  The  Washington 
correspondent  of  the  Boston  Journal  said :  "It  is  not  often  that  a 
member  receives  the  compliment  of  so  close  attention  for  so  long  a 
time  on  a  subject  which  possesses  so  few  popular  attractions."  A 
Washington  despatch  to  the  New  York  Tribune  said :  "Mr.  Ding- 
ley  is  one  of  the  best  informed  men  in  congress  on  matters  relating 
to  the  shipping  interest ;. and,  although  he  spoke  without  notes,  and 
was  frequently  interrupted,  his  argument  was  compact  and  lucid, 
and  his  imposing  array  of  facts  and  statistics  was  so  marshalled  as 
to  command  an  attentive  audience  throughout,  although  he  spoke 
for  more  than  two  hours." 

The  shipping  bill  passed  the  house  January  12,  and  Mr.  Dingley 
thus  achieved  a  great  triumph.  The  measure  removed  existing 
burdens  upon  the  running  of.  Amerkan  ships,  and  placed  American 


R.  B.  HATES.    W.  W.  PHELPS. 
W.  S.  HOLMAN.    JOHN  A.  KASSON. 


NELSON  DINGEY  JK*  227 

merchantmen  on  an  equality  with  British  ships.    Of  the  bill  Mr£ 

Dingley  said  in  an  interview :  "It  is  of  more  importance  than  ap 
pears  at  first  glance.  It  addresses  itself  entirely  to  the  running  of 
American  vessels  in  competition  with  their  English  rivals.  The 
main  cause  of  the  decline  in  our  merchant  marine  engaged  in  for 
eign  trade  for  the  past  twenty  years  has  been  the  inability  of  our 
vessels  to  compete  in  running  with  English  vessels.  Ship  owners 
attribute  this  to  our  laws  relating  to  merchant  marine ;  to  the  bur- 
'dens  heaped  upon  them  by  these  laws.  The  bill  passed  by  the  house 
removes  these  burdens.  Mr.  Hitt  of  Illinois,  who  in  his  connection 
with  the  state  department,  and  as  diplomatic  agent  abroad,  is  well 
acquainted  with  this  subject,  said  to  me  that  there  has  been  no  bill 
connected  with  our  commercial  marine  passed  for  fifty  years  that 
has  the  importance  of  this  bill." 

The  free-ship  amendment  happily  was  defeated  by  an  over* 
whelming  vote.  Its  adoption  would  have  been  a  fatal  blow  to  our 
shipping  interests. 

"That  speech  must  have  cost  you  a  great  amount  of  work," 
a  friend  said  to  Mr.  Dingley. 

"I  had  thought  it  all  over  and  arranged  it  in  my  mind,"  he  re 
plied,  "but  I  had  not  written  it,  and  it  is  printed  in  the  Congres 
sional  Record  just  as  the  stenographer  took  it  down  with  the  ex 
ception  of  a  few  inserts  of  paragraphs  from  authors  to  which  I  re 
ferred,  but  which  I  did  not  read.  I  have  not  set  myself  down  to 
study  the  subject  for  any  certain  number  of  days.  I  have  made  it 
my  knitting  work  for  the  past  twelve  months.  Up  to  the  time  when 
I  was  elected  to  congress,  a  year  ago,  I  had  given  no  attention  to 
the  subject,  and  knew  of  it  only  as  an  editor  knows  of  any  matter 
of  national  interest.  But  I  was  elected  to  represent  a  ship-build 
ing  district,  and  have  studied  its  interests.  I  think  I  have  read  all 
that  has  been  written  on  the  subject  of  our  shipping."  Mr.  Dingley 
received  congratulations  with  characteristic  modesty.  Many  sen 
ators  whom  he  had  never  met  sent  him  congratulatory  notes.  Sen 
ator  Dawes  of  Massachusetts  pronounced  the  speech  the  most  able, 
exhaustive  and  intelligent  presentation  which  the  subject  ever  had. 

The  tariff  question  was  absorbing  the  attention  of  the  senate 
and  the  shipping  bill  was  not  reported  out  of  the  committee  on 
commerce  until  ten  days  before  the  session  closed,  and  then  with  an 
amendment.  A  senate  caucus  on  the  night  of  February  loth,  called 
to  determine  "which  of  the  various  measures  now  pending  in  the 
senate  shall  be  regarded  as  the  most  important  to  press  to  a  vote," 
decided  that  the  shipping  bill  seemed  to  present  the  greater  claims 


228  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

for  precedence.  The  bill,  however,  was  not  taken  up  by  the  senate 
until  the  last  night  of  the  session,  and  even  then,  in  order  to  get  it 
up  an  agreement  was  necessary  to  strike  out  the  tonnage  tax  sec 
tion,  which  was  violently  opposed  by  the  foreign  steamship  inter 
ests.  It  was  passed  by  the  senate  after  midnight  of  March  3rd  and 
went  back  to  the  house.  When  it  reached  the  house,  that  body  was 
in  a  deadlock  over  a  South  Carolina  election  case.  The  committee 
in  charge  of  that  case  waived  it  in  order  to  allow  Mr.  Dingley  to 
call  up  the  shipping  bill.  Two  attempts  were  made  by  Mr.  Dingley 
to  bring  the  bill  before  the  house,  but  both  failed.  Thus  the  whole 
subject  was  thrown  over  to  the  next  congress. 

On  the  1 8th  of  January  Mr.  Dingley  addressed  the  national 
board  of  trade,  and  on  the  night  of  February  6th  attended  a  Dart 
mouth  college  reunion  at  Willard's  hotel,  responding  to  the  toast, 
"No  Victory  Without  Toil" — a  theme  with  which  he  was  familiar. 
February  17  he  addressed  the  association  of  American  economists 
at  Willard's  hotel  on  "American  Shipping." 

Debate  on  the  tariff  bill  reported  from  the  committee  on  ways 
and  means,  began  January  25th  and  continued  for  several  weeks, 
but  it  was  not  until  the  I4th  of  February  that  Mr.  Dingley  took  any 
part  in  this  discussion.  When  the  lumber  schedule  was  reached,  an 
amendment  was  offered  to  put  manufactured  lumber  on  the  free 
list.  Mr.  Dingley  opposed  this  amendment  on  the  ground  that  "the 
manufacture  of  lumber  in  this  country  is  the  largest  industry  and 
the  most  diversified  of  any  in  the  United  States."  Then  turning  to 
Mr.  Holman,  one  of  the  leaders  on  the  Democratic  side  he  said: 
"It  has  been  urged  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  that  it  is  neces 
sary  to  take  away  the  protection  of  the  lumber  manufactured  in 
Maine  in  order  to  protect  our  forests.  This  is  a  benevolent  argu 
ment.  It  is  the  argument  that  comes  from  gentlemen  representing 
those  states  which  have  no  forests  of  their  own  to  protect.  It  is 
the  patriotism  of  Artemus  Ward,  who  loved  his  country  so  much 
that  he  was  willing  to  sacrifice  all  his  wife's  relations  in  her  de 
fence."  He  then  called  attention  to  another  important  considera 
tion  by  saying:  "Canada  desires  the  markets  of  this  country  for 
her  lumber.  She  is  willing  to  give  this  country  valuable  privileges 
in  return  for  the  privilege  of  securing  our  markets  for  her  lumber. 
She  is  willing  by  reciprocity  treaty  to  give  us  the  right  to  export  to 
Canada  a  large  number  of  our  own  products  free  of  duty.  The 
proposition  presented  by  the  free-lumber  amendment,  is  to  give 
Canada  our  markets  for  lumber  with  nothing  in  return.  Whenever 
we  shall  adopt  the  policy  of  putting  lumber  on  the  free  list  it  should 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  229 

be  done  not  on  a  tariff  bill,  but  by  a  reciprocity  treaty  under  which 
we  can  obtain  from  Canada  value  in  return  for  that  which  we  are  to 

'"      •  •    I  •       ,'*  IC\     '  •    *    \ 

give." 

After  a  long  debate  and  a  weary  controversy  between  the  sen 
ate  and  the  house,  the  tariff  bill  of  1883  was  sent  to  a  conference 
and  finally  passed  in  the  face  of  every  obstacle  which  the  Demo 
cratic  members  could  suggest. 

The  conference  report  was  agreed  to  in  the  senate  by  a  majority 
of  one,  Mr.  Ingalls  casting  the  deciding  vote  in  the  affirmative.  On 
the  afternoon  of  March  3rd,  the  conference  report  was  agreed  to  in 
the  house  by  a  majority  of  thirty-six.  The  debate  was  sharp  and 
personal,  the  Democratic  leaders  making  strenuous  efforts  to  de 
feat  the  adoption  of  the  report.  The  result  was  greeted  with  pro 
longed  applause. 

At  noon  on  the  3rd  of  March  the  forty-seventh  congress  ex 
pired.  Of  Mr.  Dingley's  work,  the  Washington  Post  said:  "Mr. 
Dingley  of  Maine  will  be  in  the  next  congress,  backed  by  a  larger 
majority  than  any  other  members  of  his  state ;  and  his  zeal  for  the 
revival  of  American  shipping  will  not  be  overlooked  by  the  ma 
jority.  His  shipping  bill  will  be  revived  and  put  through." 

On  the  7th  of  March  Mr.  Dingley  and  his  devoted  wife  left 
Washington  for  a  trip  through  the  south.  They  visited  several 
points,  returning  to  Washington  April  2nd.  Three  days  later  he 
was  at  his  home  in  Maine  among  friends  and  neighbors. 

That  spring  Mr.  Dingley  purchased  a  new  home  in  Lewiston. 
Here  in  a  modest  way  he  lived  for  sixteen  years.  Surrounded  by 
the  members  of  his  family,  and  his  books  and  papers,  he  found  the 
comfort,  enjoyment  and  contentment  of  a  happy  Christian  home. 

From  the  first  of  June  until  the  first  of  December,  Mr.  Dingley 
gave  much  of  his  time  to  public  addresses,  principally  on  temper 
ance.  He  spoke  at  Farmington,  at  the  Congregational  conference 
on  the  duty  of  the  churches  in  temperance  reform.  At  Lake 
Maranocook  (near  Lewiston)  he  made  an  address  on  "The  Consti 
tutional  Amendment  and  Prohibition."  1  He  also  spoke  at  Weirs, 
New  Hampshire  camp  grounds,  at  Nobleboro  camp  grounds,  at 
North  Anson,  at  Old  Orchard,  at  Unity  and  at  Gardiner.  Early  in 
October  he  made  a  flying  trip  to  Washington  where  he  called  on 
President  Arthur  and  Secretary  Folger.  He  found  time  to  do  a 
large  amount  of  editorial  work  during  this  period,  to  make  a  tour 

1 — See  Appendix. 


230  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  IMS  congressional  district  and  to  attencl  Republican  conferences. 
On  the  last  day  of  November  he  started  for  Washington  to  resume 
his  labors  in  the  halls  of  congress. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
1883-1885. 

The  forty-eighth  congress  assembled  a  year  and  a  month  after 
the  Democratic  party  had  elected  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
lower  house.  There  were  in  that  body  196  Democrats,  118  Repub 
licans,  5  Readjusters,  3  Independents  and  3  Greenback-labor  men. 
John  G.  Carlisle  of  Kentucky  was  nominated  by  the  Democrats  as 
speaker  of  the  house.  His  rivals  were  Samuel  Randall  and  S.  S. 
Cox.  The  selection  of  Mr.  Carlisle  gave  shape  to  the  Democratic 
campaign  of  1884,  not  only  in  the  matter  of  the  ticket  but  also  of 
the  platform.  It  meant  that  the  tariff  question  was  no  longer  a 
"local  issue,"  but  a  national  matter.  A  decided  and  square-cut 
issue  between  free-trade  and  protection  was  precipitated  upon  the 
country.  Furthermore  the  organization  of  this  house  marked  a 
return  of  the  Democratic  party  to  complete  southern  control.  J, 
Warren  Keifer  of  Ohio  was  renominated  for  speaker  by  the  Repub 
licans.  The  president's  message  was  received  with  marked  favor; 
and  Mr.  Dingley  was  especially  pleased  with  that  portion  endors 
ing  the  recommendation  of  Secretary  Folger,  that  the  shipping  bill, 
which  failed  of  a  passage  in  the  preceding  session,  be  re-introduced 
and  passed. 

In  this  house  were  Hilary  A.  Herbert  of  Alabama,  secretary  of 
the  navy  under  President  Cleveland ;  William  S.  Rosecrans  of  Cali 
fornia,  a  distinguished  southern  soldier;  Charles  F.  Crisp  of 
Georgia,  later  speaker  of  the  national  house;  Robert  H.  Hitt  of 
Illinois,  noted  in  diplomatic  circles ;  Thomas  J.  Henderson  of  Illi 
nois,  a  brave  union  soldier ;  William  M.  Springer  of  Illinois,  subse 
quently  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee ;  Joseph  G. 


232  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Cannon  of  Illinois,  a  veteran  in  congressional  service ;  William  R, 
Morrison,  later  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee;  Wil 
liam  S.  Holman  and  George  W.  Steele  of  Indiana,  the  latter  asso 
ciated  with  Mr.  Dingley  in  1897  with  the  preparation  of  the  tariff 
bill;  David  B.  Henderson  and  William  P.  Hepburn,  veteran  con 
gressmen  from  Iowa;  John  G.  Carlisle  and  J.  C.  S.  Blackburn  of 
Kentucky;  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine,  the  intellectual  giant;  John 
D.  Long  of  Massachusetts,  subsequently  secretary  of  the  navy; 
George  D.  Robinson  of  Massachusetts,  afterwards  governor  of  the 
Bay  state;  Richard  P.  Bland  of  Missouri  of  "silver  dollar"  fame; 
William  Walter  Phelps  of  Massachusetts,  later  ambassador  to  Ger 
many;  Henry  W.  Slocum  of  New  York,  a  distinguished  union 
soldier;  Samuel  S.  Cox,  Abram  S.  Hewitt,  Frank  Hiscock  and 
Sereno  E.  Payne,  also  of  New  York ;  J.  Warren  Keifer,  Frank  H. 
Hurd,  A.  J.  Warner,  Joseph  D.  Taylor,  William  McKinley  Jr.,  and 
Ezra  B.  Taylor,  all  distinguished  members  from  Ohio;  Samuel  J. 
Randall,  Henry  J.  Bingham,  William  D.  Kelley,  Andrew  G.  Curtin, 
all  from  Pennsylvania ;  Benton  McMillin  of  Tennessee ;  John  H. 
Reagan,  David  B.  Culberson,  Thomas  P.  Ochiltree  and  Roger  Q. 
Mills,  well  known  members  from  Texas;  and  William  L.  Wilson 
of  West  Virginia,  subsequently  chairman  of  the  committee  on  ways 
and  means  that  prepared  the  Wilson  tariff  bill. 

Mr.  Dingley  immediately  introduced  to  the  house  four  import 
ant  bills  relating  to  shipping,  the  first  to  encourage  American  ship 
building  in  the  foreign  carrying  trade;  the  second  providing  for 
licensing  masters  of  vessels  and  others  as  pilots  for  sailing  vessels 
in  the  coastwise  trade ;  the  third  to  remove  certain  burdens  on  the 
American  merchant  marine ;  the  fourth  to  establish  a  bureau  of 
commerce  and  navigation  in  the  treasury  department. 

The  Democratic  party  in  the  house  was  divided  into  two  war 
ring  factions — the  Carlisle  or  free  trade  wing  and  the  Randall  or 
protection  wing.  The  struggle  between  the  factions  over  the  selec 
tion  of  committees  was  fierce,  and  the  result  was  a  distinct  triumph 
of  the  Carlisle  wing.  Indeed  this  faction  served  notice  on  Mr.  Ran 
dall  and  the  protection  Democracy  that  "Democracy  is  not  inci 
dental  protection  but  tariff  for  revenue  only  and  free  trade."  The 
old  free  trade  policy  under  which  the  country  suffered  was  re-in 
augurated.  The  announcement  of  the  committees  gave  shape  to 
the  political  issues  of  the  next  campaign.  Important  things  were 
foreshadowed — Ohio  was  abandoned  to  the  Republicans  and  the 
pledges  of  the  Ohio  Democrats  were  forsworn.  The  manufactur 
ing  interests  were  informed  that  they  must  "go  it  alone."  The  New 


J.  G.  CARLISLE.     CHAS.  H.  CRISP. 
JOSEPH  McKENNA.     BENJ.  BUTTERWORTH. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  233 

York  Democrats  were  left  in  division.  There  was  no  hope  of  stop 
ping  the  silver  coinage.  "Tariff  reform"  was  to  be  the  issue. 

In  the  matter  of  committee  assignments,  Mr.  Dingley  fared 
well.  He  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Republicans  on  the  com 
mittee  on  banking  and  currency  and  the  new  committee  on  Ameri 
can  shipping. 

Speaker  Carlisle  was  worked  into  a  state  of  physical  collapse  by 
the  perplexities  over  the  making  up  of  these  committees ;  and  there 
was  a  significant  wink  among  the  temperance  advocates  in  the 
house,  when  the  committee  on  alcoholic  liquor  traffic  came  to  the 
surface  with  not  a  temperance  man  on  it !  And  all  but  one  voted 
against  having  any  such  committee !  The  committee  on  the  revival 
of  American  shipping  was  pronounced  a  strong  one,  while  much 
diversity  of  opinion  existed  among  the  members  of  the  committee 
on  banking  and  currency.  Mr.  Dingley  expressed  the  opinion  that 
"a  majority  of  the  committee  is  disposed  to  treat  the  banks  with 
fairness." 

On  the  Qth  of  January  Chairman  Slocum  of  the  special  ship 
ping  committee  reported  the  new  Dingley  shipping  bill  to  the 
house.  The  report  accompanying  the  bill  (written  by  Mr.  Dingley) 
was  substantially  the  report  accompanying  the  bill  which  passed  the 
house  the  previous  session.  The  committee  voted  unanimously  to 
report  this  measure  thus  showing  their  confidence  in  Mr.  Dingley. 
The  shipping  interests  waited  anxiously  for  congress  to  act ;  but  the 
appropriation  bills  and  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Fitz  John  Porter  oc 
cupied  several  weeks  of  the  session  of  the  house.  In  the  meantime 
the  house  shipping  committee  authorized  Mr.  Dingley  to  favorably 
report  the  bill  to  constitute  a  bureau  of  navigation  in  the  treasury 
department.  Mr.  Dingley's  shipping  bill  was  also  adopted  by  the 
senate  committee  and  Senator  Frye  was  authorized  to  report  it 
favorably.  But  the  session  of  the  house  dragged,  enlivened  in 
February,  however,  by  Chairman  Morrison's  famous  "horizontal" 
tariff  reform  bill.  After  two  months'  labor,  Mr.  Morrison,  chair 
man  of  the  ways  and  means  committee,  made  public  his  scheme, 
which  consisted  mainly  of  a  twenty  per  cent  horizontal  reduction  of 
the  tariff  rates,  without  regard  to  the  condition  of  each  industry 
which  it  was  to  effect,  with  a  provision  that  "no  duty  shall  be  less 
than  that  provided  by  the  act  of  1861."  This  was  the  first  attempt 
of  the  "reformers"  to  put  their  tariff  talk  into  figures,  after  a  dis 
cussion  of  twenty-seven  years.  It  gave  the  country  some  idea  of 
what  the  reformers  would  do  if  they  had  the  power.  Mr.  Randall 


234  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

and  the  protection  Democrats  denounced  the  measure.  "Horizon 
tal  reform"  caused  astonishment  and  disappointment. 

It  was  in  this  congress  that  the  first  attempt  was  made  by  the 
Republicans  to  have  the  house  rules  amended  so  as  to  permit  a 
majority  to  proceed  with  business.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
the  Democrats  were  in  the  majority,  they  rejected  the  Reed  amend 
ment,  thus  practically  voting  a  want  of  confidence  in  themselves. 
Under  the  existing  rules,  all  bills  went  to  one  of  three  calendars, 
and  had  to  be  considered  in  the  order  reported,  unless  they  were 
appropriation,  revenue  or  election  matters  which  were  privileged. 
Nothing  short  of  a  two-thirds  vote  on  suspension  day,  could  take  a 
bill  out  of  its  order.  But  the  opposition  of  the  Democrats  insured 
inaction  on  important  measures  during  this  session. 

While  Mr.  Dingley  was  patiently  waiting  for  his  shipping  bill  to 
be  reached,  he  busied  himself  with  careful  investigations  of  the 
operations  of  the  government,  and  with  other  matters  which  deeply 
interested  him.  He  continued  the  studious  habits  he  early  ac 
quired.  His  Washington  home  was  littered  with  books  and  pamph 
lets  on  tariff,  finance  and  temperance.  His  desk  and  table  were 
covered  with  newspaper  clippings  and  scraps  of  paper  on  which  he 
had  written  notes  and  memoranda  and  figures.  He  was  not  a  care 
ful  man  in  the  appearance  of  his  workshop  or  study.  He  would  sit 
for  hours,  his  head  bent  over  his  lap,  his  knees  together  and  his  feet 
pointing  in  until  the  toes  of  his  shoes  met,  writing  on  a  pad  or  a 
bundle  of  copy  paper.  He  would  start  his  speech  or  address,  write 
from  twenty  to  fifty  pages,  and  perhaps  not  touch  it  again  for 
weeks.  He  would  write  out  conclusions  and  ideas  he  had  gathered 
from  his  reading  or  from  study.  When  engaged  in  the  preparation 
of  his  great  speech  on  the  shipping  bill  and  the  report  accompany 
ing  it,  he  was  so  absorbed  in  his  topic  that  he  scarcely  knew  of  the 
presence  of  another  person  in  the  room.  He  was  apparently  un 
businesslike  in  his  methods  of  preparing  and  handling  his  material. 
It  appeared  to  be  scattered  from  one  end  of  the  room  to  the  other ; 
but  from  the  apparent  confusion  he  knew  where  to  obtain  every 
thing  when  needed.  He  made  a  mental  note  of  every  figure  and 
every  point;  and  with  that  rare  skill  which  only  a  trained  news 
paper  man  possesses,  he  marshaled  all  his  material  as  a  general 
marshals  his  soldiers. 

By  way  of  diversion  he  delivered  a  lecture  in  Washington  on 
temperance  in  which  he  gave  a  sketch  of  the  result  of  prohibition 
in  Maine.  He  said  that  "the  law  has  come  to  stay,  and  does  a  great 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  235 

deal  of  good.  There  is  less  crime  in  Maine  according  to  population 
than  in  any  state  wholly  under  license." 

Another  week  passed,  and  the  house  did  nothing  of  moment. 
Mr.  Dingley  introduced  a  bill  authorizing  the  secretary  of  the  treas 
ury  to  invest  in  four  per  cent  bonds  at  his  discretion,  the  lawful 
money  now  in  the  treasury  to  the  credit  of  the  national  banks  for 
the  retirement  of  circulation.  The  amount  of  this  fund  was  about 
thirty-six  million  dollars  and  was  constantly  on  the  increase.  Mr. 
Dingley's  bill  was  designed  to  prevent  further  contraction  of  the 
currency  from  this  source. 

The  shipping  committee  agreed  to  report  adversely  the  bill  to 
admit  foreign  built  ships  to  American  registry,  free  of  duty.  The 
same  committee  referred  the  postal  steamship  bill  to  Messrs.  Hunt 
and  Dingley  for  investigation;  and  authorized  Mr.  Dingley  to 
favorably  report  the  pilotage  bill  permitting  the  masters  and  mates 
of  American  sailing  vessels  to  be  examined  and  licensed  by  United 
States  inspectors  to  pilot  their  own  vessels.  The  bill  also  provided 
that  when  any  sailing  vessel  is  in  tow  of  a  steamer  which  is  in 
charge  of  a  Unites  States  pilot,  "such  vessel  shall  not  be  compelled 
to  employ  a  pilot." 

A  bill  to  extend  not  to  exceed  two  years,  the  payment  of  the  tax 
on  distilled  spirits  in  warehouses,  caused  much  discussion  in  the 
house  at  this  time.  Mr.  Morrison,  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
ways  and  means  said  in  his  report  that  the  passage  of  the  bill 
"would  probably  prevent  serious  disaster  and  bankruptcy  not  only 
to  the  interest  itself,  but  to  associate  business  interests."  Mr. 
Dingley  opposed  the  bill.  He  said  that  "the  proposition  involved 
in  this  extension  is  practically  to  lend  the  holders  of  whiskey  sixty- 
three  million  dollars,  the  amount  of  the  tax  on  the  whiskey  which 
will  accumulate  in  the  next  year  or  two,  and  to  lend  that  immense 
sum  of  money  at  the  rate  of  four  and  a  half  per  cent  per  annum. 
*  *  *  I  object  to  that  proposition,  first  because  it  is  not  the 
business  of  this  government  to  lend  money  to  anyone ;  second,  be 
cause  by  extending  the  period  for  paying  the  whiskey  tax  from 
three  years  now  allowed  by  law  to  five  years,  we  would  eventually 
lose  all  or  a  large  part  of  the  sixty-three  million  dollar  tax  on 
whiskey  now  in  bond."  *  He  contended  that  the  existing  law  made 
no  discrimination  against  the  whiskey  interest,  and  when  the 
bonded  period  was  extended  to  three  years,  congress  had  gone  to 
the  utmost  limit.  To  pass  the  bill  would  favor  whiskey  as  no  other 
product  was  favored.  The  recommendation  of  the  committee  of 

1 — See  Appendix. 


236  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

the  whole  that  the  enacting  clause  of  the  bill  be  stricken  out  was 
agreed  to  by  the  house  by  a  vote  of  186  to  83. 

The  session  of  the  house  was  rather  uninteresting  until  the  bill 
to  retire  the  trade  dollar  was  reached.  The  silver  question  was  a 
tender  topic  with  many,  and  the  bill  precipitated  a  long  debate. 
The  coinage  of  the  trade, dollar  was  authorized  by  the  act  of  Febru 
ary  12,  1873.  About  thirty-six  million  dollars  had  been  coiried ;  and 
it  was  proposed  to  exchange  trade  dollars  for  standard  silver  dol 
lars  coined  under  the  act  of  February  28,  1878.  "Silver  dollar" 
Bland  of  Missouri,  made  a  notable  speech  in  which  he  objected  to 
that  portion  of  the  bill  providing  that  the  retirement  of  the  trade 
dollars  should  be  at  the  expense  of  the  monthly  purchase  of  bullion 
and  the  coinage  of  standard  silver  dollars  as  now  provided  by  law. 
The  discussion  covered  the  whole  question  of  silver  coinage  and  the 
battle , of  the  standards  was  foreshadowed.  Before  the  discussion 
closed  Mr.  Dingley  took  a  hand.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  if  the  trade  dollars  were  not  to  be  treated  as  bullion  after  they 
were  retired  "then  the  proposition  was  to  increase  the  coinage  of 
standard  silver  dollars  to  the  extent  of  the  silver  bullion  that  may 
be  purchased  in  the  form  of  trade  dollars.  A  new  question  is  forced 
upon  the  house,  namely,  will  this  house  consent  to  the  enlarge 
ment  of  the  coinage  of  the  standard  silver  dollars  ?"  He  said  he  ob 
jected  to  the  coinage  of  more  silver  dollars  "to  be  piled  up  in  the 
treasury  when  nobody  wants  them."  He  favored  the  bill  as  it  came 
from  the  committee  because  it  would  neither  increase  nor  diminish 
the  silver  coinage.  He  closed  his  brief  address  by  saying:  "I  for 
one  believe  in  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  in  the  full  legal  tender 
coinage  of  this  country.  But  I  say  to  you  gentlemen,  you  never  can 
successfully  use  both  metals  unless  they  are  coined  at  a  bullion 
value  which  shall  be  equivalent,  and  then  and  only  then  can 
you  secure  the  full  circulation  of  silver."  Mr.  Bland  succeeded  in 
carrying  his  point,  131  advocates  of  more  silver  dollars  voting  with 
him.  Mr.  Dingley  voted  against  the  Bland  amendment,  and  joined 
with  44  others  in  voting  against  the  bill.  But  198  members  sup 
ported  the  measure  as  amended,  and  the  bill  was  passed. 

Ever  watchful  of  the  interests  of  temperance,  Mr.  Dingley  ob 
jected  to  the  tabling  of  the  bill  to  provide  for  a  commission  on  the 
subject  of  alcoholic  liquor  traffic.  He  asked  that  the  bill  be  placed 
upon  the  calendar  of  the  committee  of  the  whole  and  it  was  so  or 
dered. 

All  efforts  to  consider  Mr.  Dingley's  shipping  bill  had  thus  far 
failed.  Private  legislation  and  appropriation  bills  were  used  to  an- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  237 

tagonize  everything.  Six  thousand  bills  and  three  hundred  joint 
resolutions  had  been  introduced  in  the  house,  of  which  only  two  had 
become  laws.  Finally  the  Morrison  tariff  bill  was  brought  up  by  a 
majority  vote  of  two,  and  debate  began.  But  it  was  a  foregone 
conclusion  that  the  bill  would  not  pass. 

The  last  of  April,  Mr.  Dingley's  bill  creating  a  bureau  of  navi 
gation  in  the  treasury  department  passed  the  house  by  a  large  ma 
jority.  In  explaining  the  bill  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  the  measure  if 
enacted  into  law  "would  establish  in  the  treasury  department  a 
bureau  similar  in  many  respects  to  the  British  board  of  trade  which 
has  charge  of  the  British  merchant  marine,  with  a  head  who  shall 
be  amply  fitted  by  experience  and  by  ability  to  direct  affairs  relating 
to  our  merchant  marine."  This  bill  later  became  a  law,  and  the  ex 
pectations  of  its  friends  were  realized.  This  bureau  has  become 
one  of  the  most  important  departments  of  the  treasury  depart 
ment  and  has  been  presided  over  by  able  men. 

The  house  continued  to  discuss  the  tariff  bill,  Mr.  McKinley  of 
Ohio  making  a  notable  speech  on  the  22nd  of  April.  On  the  same 
day  "Calamity"  Weller  of  Iowa,  objected  to  the*  consideration  of 
Mr.  Dingley's  bill  to  allow  the  investment  of  moneys  deposited  in 
the  treasury  for  the  redemption  of  the  circulation  of  national  banks 
going  out  of  business.  The  bill  would  have  prevented  the  contrac 
tion  of  currency  and  saved  the  government  the  interest  on  so  much 
money.  Mr.  Weller  shouted:  "Let  the  national  banking  system 
be  wiped  out."  Nothing  could  be  said  or  done  to  remove  the  ob 
jection  of  the  member  from  Iowa  and  Mr.  Dingley  simply  said: 
"Very  well ;  I  have  done  my  duty." 

Fortunately,  Mr.  Slocum  of  New  York,  chairman  of  the  special 
shipping  committee,  represented  a  shipping  district.  His  home 
was  in  Brooklyn,  and  his  constituents  were  interested  in  ship  build 
ing  and  commerce.  He  was  a  warm  admirer  of  Mr.  Dingley,  and 
although  a  Democrat  relied  implicitly  upon  the  integrity  and  ac 
curate  information  of  the  member  from  the  second  Maine  district. 
Mr.  Slocum  was  heartily  in  favor  of  the  bill  and  assisted  materially 
in  bringing  many  members  of  his  own  party  to  the  support  of  the 
measure.  Mr.  Slocum  was  a  distinguished  civil  war  veteran  and  a 
fine  looking  man.  His  clear-cut  features,  long  white  hair  and  mili 
tary  bearing  made  him  a  noticeable  member  on  the  floor  of  the 
house.  But  behind  the  distinguished  and  courteous  chairman  was 
the  pilot  of  the  measure — Mr.  Dingley.  The  bill  itself  was  largely 
the  product  of  Mr.  Dingley's  labors.  The  report  accompanying  the 
bill  was  submitted  by  the  chairman,  but  was  written  by  Mr.  Ding- 


238  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ley.  l  The  bill  came  up  in  the  house  April  26,  and  Chairman  Slo- 
cum  made  a  brief  explanatory  speech.  Then  the  debate  became 
general,  in  which  Mr.  Dingley  took  part.  Amendments  were  of 
fered  by  the  opponents  of  the  measure,  and  Mr.  Dingley  with  rare 
skill  and  tact,  accepted  the  unimportant  and  opposed  what  would 
materially  injure  the  bill.  It  was  no  easy  task  to  get  such  a  meas 
ure  through  a  Democratic  house.  The  danger  point  was  reached 
when  Mr.  Cox  of  New  York  moved  a  "free-ship"  amendment, 
which  in  Mr.  Dingley's  opinion  would  defeat  the  whole  bill.  Al 
though  a  separate  measure  covering  the  proposition  of  "free- 
ships"  was  before  the  house,  Mr.  Cox  preferred  to  have  the  ques 
tion  tested  at  this  point.  Mr.  Dingley  then  made  an  earnest  argu 
ment  against  the  free-ship  amendment.  1  It  was  pronounced  an 
able  effort;  but  the  free-trade  majority  adopted  the  amendment, 
and  the  bill  passed  with  the  free-ship  clause  attached.  Although 
disappointed  over  the  action  of  the  house,  Mr.  Dingley  felt  confi 
dent  that  the  senate  would  defeat  the  objectionable  amendment. 
On  the  Qth  of  May  the  senate  amended  the  house  bill  by  striking 
out  the  free-ship  clause  and  adding  the  senate  provision  granting  a 
limited  subsidy  in  the  nature  of  foreign  mail  pay  to  American 
steamship  lines.  Senator  Frye  asked  for  a  committee  of  confer 
ence  which  was  agreed  to,  Messrs.  Frye  of  Maine,  Miller  of  New 
York  and  Vest  of  Missouri  being  the  conferees.  On  the  28th  of 
May  the  house  agreed  to  a  conference ;  Messrs.  Slocum,  Dibble  and 
Dingley  were  appointed  conferees.  It  was  not  until  June  17  that 
the  conferees  met;  and  after  a  protracted  meeting  a  deadlock  re 
sulted  on  the  free-ship  and  subsidy  clauses.  At  this  conference  Mr. 
Dingley  and  Mr.  Frye,  both  from  Maine  and  both  from  the  same 
city,  labored  hard  to  secure  the  rejection  of  the  "free-ship"  amend 
ment  and  the  retention  of  the  "mail  pay"  amendment,  offered  by 
the  senate.  The  latter  amendment  simply  authorized  the  post 
master  general  to  contract  for  the  carrying  of  our  foreign  mails 
with  American  steamship  companies,  the  contract  to  be  given  to 
the  lowest  bidder.  Several  heated  conferences  were  held.  There 
were  three  Republicans  and  three  Democrats,  with  Mr.  Slocum 
rather  inclined  to  the  views  held  by  the  Republicans  on  the  "free- 
ship"  amendment.  Finally  on  the  night  of  the  2Oth  the  conferees 
from  both  houses  made  concessions,  and  it  was  decided  to  report 
the  bill  without  either  the  free-ship  or  mail  pay  amendments.  On 
the  following  day,  the  conference  report  was  agreed  to  by  both 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  239 

houses.  Thus,  after  two  months  of  opposition  on  the  part  of  the 
Democrats,  the  shipping  bill  substantially  as  drawn  originally  by 
Mr.  Dingley,  passed  congress  and  June  26th  received  the  signa 
ture  of  President  Arthur.  It  became  a  law  July  ist.  Thus  Mr. 
Dingley  scored  his  first  great  triumph  in  congress.  He  received 
congratulations  from  the  maritime  association  of  New  York,  1  the 
maritime  exchange  of  Philadelphia,  John  Roach,  and  other  Ameri 
can  ship  builders  and  owners. 

As  this  was  the  first  step  that  had  been  taken  by  congress  for 
half  a  century  to  encourage  American  shipping,  the  measure  at 
tracted  much  attention,  and  gave  Mr.  Dingley  a  merited  reputa 
tion  as  the  leading  friend  of  the  American  merchant  marine  in  con 
gress.  Mr.  Dingley  said  in  reference  to  the  measure  that  "the 
movement  for  the  relief  of  American  shipping  is  not  fictitious  or 
simply  local,  but  answers  to  a  long  and  deeply  felt  and  quite  gen 
eral  demand.  We  may  now  look  for  a  more  intelligent  comprehen 
sion  of  the  needs  of  the  shipping  interest  and  legislation  required." 

Nobody  outside  of  Washington  realized  the  amount  of  hard 
work  performed  by  Mr.  Dingley  in  putting  through  his  shipping 
bill.  But  his  efforts  were  appreciated  even  where  their  extent  was 
not  fully  realized. 

March  nth,  Mr.  Dingley  made  a  lengthy  report  from  the  ship 
ping  committee  on  "pilotage,"  accompanying  his  bill  to  relieve 
American  vessels  of  the  obligations  to  pay  state  pilots  not  used.  2 
The  bill  was  not  reached  for  action. 

Debate  on  the  Morrison  tariff  bill  still  dragged  wearily.  In 
numerable  speeches,  most  of  them  for  the  benefit  of  constituents, 
were  delivered.  Mr.  Dingley  followed  the  debate  carefully,  not 
withstanding  the  fact  that  he  was  deeply  absorbed  in  the  shipping 
bill.  He  had  in  years  past,  devoted  much  time  to  a  study  of  the 
tariff  question,  and  his  mind  was  already  stored  with  a  vast  amount 
of  information  and  fundamental  knowledge.  In  early  manhood  and 
throughout  his  college  course,  he  had  made  a  specialty  of  political 
economy.  He  refused  to  accept  the  dogmas  of  the  free-trade  text 
books,  and  entered  public  life  as  a  confirmed  protectionist.  This 

1 — Mr.  Dingley  received  the  following  from  the  maritime  association  of  the 
port  of  New  York:  "Now  that  success  has  happily  crowned  your  efforts  on  be 
half  of  the  commerce  of  the  country  in  the  final  passage  of  your  shipping  bill, 
the  gratitude  of  all  commercial  communities  throughout  the  United  States  is 
due  to  you  and  to  those  who  aided  you  in  its  progress  and  passage.  Leaving 
untouched  the  disputed  questions  of  free  ships  and  subsidies,  the  measure  as 
adopted  embraces  those  points  which  divergent  interests  agree  upon  as  essen 
tial  to  the  successful  competition  with  the  world  upon  the  common  ocean.  For 
your  indefatigable  perseverence,  affecting  so  valuable  and  comprehensive  a  re 
sult,  please  accept  our  sincerest  thanks  and  most  cordial  congratulations." 

2— See  Appendix. 


240  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

debate  in  the  house  afforded  him  the  opportunity  he  had  been  wait 
ing  for;  and  when  on  the  29th  of  April,  Mr.  Turner  of  Kentucky 
closed  a  long  speech  in  favor  of  the  Morrison  bill  and  the  principle 
of  a  low  tariff,  Mr.  Dingley  took  the  floor.  The  house  had  already 
learned  to  listen  while  this  member  from  Maine  spoke.  The  mem 
bers  knew  he  had  something  to  say,  not  to  his  constituents  alone, 
but  to  the  whole  country.  He  talked  not  to  the  galleries  but  to  an 
intelligent  nation.  The  Democrats  having  the  bill  in  charge, 
watched  the  speaker  closely  to  detect  weak  points  in  his  argument, 
if  any  should  appear.  In  this  exhaustive  speech, 1  Mr.  Dingley  an 
swered  what  he  characterized  the  fallacies  of  the  free  trade  idea, 
and  carefully  discussed  the  bearings  of  the  tariff  question  upon  the 
price  of  labor  and  merchandise.  He  said  that  "the  issue  raised  by 
this  bill  is  whether  our  tariff  legislation  in  the  future  shall  be  ad 
justed  with  a  view  not  only  of  revenue,  but  also  of  protecting  home 
industries  against  the  unequal  competition  of  foreign  industries 
employing  cheaper  labor,  or  whether  it  shall  be  adjusted  so  as  to 
exclude  protection  solely  with  the  view  of  revenue."  This  was  the 
keynote  of  the  whole  debate.  In  answer  to  the  charge  that  protec 
tion  is  a  system  of  robbery,  he  said  that  "protection  is  not  intended 
to  benefit  capital,  except  so  far  as  capital  is  benefited  by  general 
prosperity."  He  made  a  strong  point  when  he  declared  that  "the 
average  purchasing  power  of  wages  in  the  United  States  is  forty 
per  cent  greater  than  in  England."  In  reply  to  the  "free  raw  ma 
terial"  argument,  put  forward  by  the  advocates  of  the  bill,  Mr. 
Dingley  said  that  "the  raw  material  of  one  industry  is  the  manu 
factured  product  of  some  other  industry,  and  there  is  no  such  thing 
as  raw  material  upon  which  human  labor  has  been  expended."  He 
maintained  that  "a  protective  duty  is  not  a  tax,"  and  that  "home 
production  cheapens  prices."  In  pointing  out  the  blessings  of  pro 
tection  to  farmers,  he  said  that  "it  is  essential  to  the  success  of 
farming  in  the  United  States  that  the  pursuits  of  our  people  should 
be  diversified.  And  it  will  be  found  that,  other  things  being  equal, 
farmers  are  most  prosperous  in  those  states  where  manufacturing 
industries  are  established,  and  pursuits  of  the  people  diversified, 
and  home  markets  created."  Mr.  Dingley  was  warmly  congratu 
lated  by  the  Republican  members  of  the  house  who  were  deeply 
impressed  by  the  sound  logic  and  the  accurate  information.  The 
Democratic  leaders,  also  impressed  by  the  ability  displayed,  joined 
in  the  congratulations.  Mr.  Dingley  received  these  commenda 
tions  with  characteristic  modesty;  and  when  the  house  adjourned 

1— See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  241 

quietly  retired  to  his  apartments.  But  this  speech  was  the  first  step 
toward  the  high  position  he  attained  as  a  tariff  authority.  It  was 
regarded  as  so  satisfactory  an  exposition  of  the  tariff  from  the  pro 
tection  standpoint  that  extracts  from  it  were  published  and  circu 
lated  as  campaign  documents. 

It  was  a  curious  coincidence  that  Mr.  Dingley  was  renominated 
by  the  second  district  congressional  convention  in  Auburn  on  the 
same  day  that  he  delivered  this  tariff  speech.  General  James  A. 
Hall  of  Damariscotta  presided.  Joseph  S.  Hoyt  of  Franklin  county 
arose  and  said:  "Mr.  Chairman,  everyone  seems  to  be  somewhat 
modest  today.  I  will  present  the  name  of  a  candidate  for  represen 
tative  to  congress,  a  gentleman  whose  valuable  service  fully  com 
mends  itself.  I  move  that  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  be  nominated 
by  acclamation  by  the  convention  as  representative  to  the  forty- 
ninth  congress  from  the  second  congressional  district."  The  entire 
convention  acquiesced  and  in  the  midst  of  applause  the  nomination 
was  made  unanimous.  The  resolutions  declared  that  "we  heartily 
commend  to  the  electors  of  the  second  congressional  district  the 
nominee  of  this  convention,  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  as  a  Repub 
lican,  devoted  to  Republican  principles,  equal  rights,  equal  privi 
leges,  a  free  ballot,  a  fair  count,  protection  to  American  industry, 
temperance,  free  schools,  encouragement  of  American  shipping, 
the  promotion  of  the  efficacy  and  purity  of  the  civil  service,  and  a 
sound  currency,  and  whose  official  course  has  shown  him  to  be  a 
faithful  representative  of  his  constituents." 

A  week  later,  May  6,  the  Morrison  tariff  bill  was  given  its  death 
blow  in  the  house.  Mr.  Morrison  in  closing  the  debate,  turned  to 
Mr.  Randall  and  said  excitedly :  "You  claim  to  have  the  power  to 
strike  out  the  enacting  clause  of  this  bill.  If  you  have  that  power, 
you  have  the  power  to  amend  this  bill  and  make  it  what  it  should 
be."  This  remark  was  greeted  with  tremendous  applause  on  the 
Democratic  side.  The  debate  over,  a  murmur  of  expectancy  ran 
through  the  ranks  of  both  opponents  and  advocates  of  the  meas 
ure,  as  the  chairman  directed  the  clerk  to  read  the  bill.  The  audi 
ence  which  throughout  the  day  crowded  the  galleries  almost  to  suf 
focation,  hushed  their  hum  of  conversation  and  watched  with  in 
tense  interest  further  proceedings  on  the  floor.  Mr.  Converse  of 
Ohio,  pushed  his  way  to  the  front,  and  moved  to  strike  out  the  en 
acting  clause.  This  was  the  signal  for  a  volley  of  hisses  and  groans 
from  the  Democratic  side,  and  this  demonstration  was  met  by 
rounds  of  applause  from  the  Republican  side.  The  scene  in  the 
chamber  was  of  intense  excitement  and  confusion  to  which  the  gal- 


242  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

leries  rendered  no  little  aid  by  loud  tokens  of  approval  and  disap 
proval.  The  tellers  being  ordered,  Messrs.  Converse  and  Morrison 
were  appointed  by  the  chair.  Before  taking  his  place  Mr.  Morrison 
called  to  the  clerk  of  the  house,  who  was  standing  by  the  speaker's 
desk,  and  exclaimed:  "Clerk,  see  that  no  d — d  scoundrel  who  is 
paired  goes  between  the  tellers."  The  first  man  to  pass  through  in 
the  negative  was  Reagan  of  Texas,  who  had  been  brought  in  on  an 
invalid's  chair  in  order  to  cast  his  vote,  and  he  was  heartily  ap 
plauded  by  friends  of  the  negative  vote.  The  announcement  that 
the  "ayes  have  it,"  was  greeted  with  cheers  from  the  Republican 
side;  and  the  cheers  were  taken  up  by  the  galleries  and  reverber 
ated  from  every  nook  and  corner  of  the  hall.  Ladies  stood  up  and 
waved  their  handkerchiefs,  and  the  men  waved  their  hats.  When 
the  last  name  on  the  list  had  been  called  in  the  house,  Speaker  Car 
lisle  said  to  the  clerk :  "Call  my  name."  His  name  was  called  and 
the  speaker  voted  "No,"  amid  another  round  of  cheers.  The  final 
announcement  of  the  defeat  of  the  bill  by  a  vote  of  159  to  155,  was 
cheered  enthusiastically.  Republicans  and  protection  Democrats 
rose  in  their  seats  and  gave  cheer  after  cheer.  Some  waved  papers 
above  their  heads,  while  others  added  to  the  confusion  by  continu 
ous  clapping  of  hands.  Thus  died  the  Morrison  tariff  bill  and 
"tariff  reform." 

Thus  the  Democratic  party  was  badly  divided  on  the  eve  of  a 
presidential  election.  It  organized  the  national  house,  resolved  to 
leave  its  position  as  a  mere  fault-finder,  as  an  organized  negation, 
and  start  out  with  one  definite  principle,  and  it  was  this :  that  the 
protective  tariff  must  be  overthrown  and  a  free-trade  or  revenue 
tariff,  substituted.  A  speaker  was  , chosen  after  a  bitter  fight, 
pledged  to  appoint  a  committee  on  ways  and  means  favorable  to 
such  a  bill.  After  an  incubation  of  nearly  three  months  this  com 
mittee  reported  the  Morrison  tariff  bill,  changed  so  that  its  authors 
hardly  knew  it.  The  Republicans  almost  solidly  objected  to  a  bill 
whose  porpose  it  was  to  inaugurate  the  abolition  of  all  protective 
duties.  Every  Republican  but  two  from  Minnesota,  and  forty  pro 
tection  Democrats  voted  to  strike  out  the  enacting  clause.  The 
Democracy  of  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  Ohio  and  California,  declared  they  would  have 
nothing  of  the  kind.  The  bitterness  exhibited  between  the  two 
wings  of  the  party  was  very  great. 

The  Republican  national  convention  was  scheduled  for  June  3rd 
at  Chicago.  Sentiment  seemed  to  drift  strongly  towards  James  G. 
Elaine,  and  the  friends  of  the  Maine  leader  already  counted  361 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  243 

votes  to  his  credit,  411  being  necessary  to  a  choice.  But  Mr. 
Elaine  himself  thus  far,  was  as  silent  as  a  sphynx.  He  said  that  "he 
had  not  so  much  as  lifted  a  little  finger  to  secure  a  single  delegate." 
And  yet,  whenever  Mr.  Elaine  went  out  to  ride  in  Washington,  he 
was  shadowed  by  reporters,  and  recreation  twisted  into  a  dark  and 
unfathomable  conspiracy  to  capture  the  presidency.  If  he  called  on 
a  friend,  he  was  said  to  be  hatching  some  sly  plot  to  carry  off  the 
nomination. 

The  singular  spontaniety  of  the  movement  in  Mr.  Elaine's  be 
half  made  it  the  grandest  tribute  paid  an  American  statesman  since 
the  days  of  Washington.  The  stalwarts'  strength  was  divided  be 
tween  Arthur  and  Edmunds ;  but  for  the  first  time  there  was  com 
parative  good  feeling.  Senators  Frye  and  Hale  of  Maine,  who  had 
been  reported  as  unfriendly  to  Mr.  Elaine,  stated  emphatically  that 
Mr.  Elaine  would  receive  the  united  support  of  Maine.  A  few  days 
before  the  convention  Mr.  Elaine  went  to  his  home  in  Augusta, 
where  he  remained  until  after  the  convention.  Before  leaving 
Washington  he  told  his  immediate  friends  that  he  did  not  want  to 
be  in  Washington,  if  nominated,  and  within  sight  and  hearing  of 
President  Arthur.  He  did  not  want  anything  done  that  would  in 
jure  President  Arthur's  feelings. 

On  the  last  day  of  May,  Mr.  Dingley,  in  company  with  Repre 
sentatives  Milliken  and  Boutelle  of  Maine  and  Representative  Long 
of  Massachusetts,  left  Washington  for  Chicago  to  attend  the  na 
tional  Republican  convention.  The  headquarters  of  the  party  was 
the  Grand  Pacific  hotel.  Already  the  city  was  thronged  with  dele 
gates  and  visitors.  Two  hundred  members  of  the  Maine  Elaine 
club  made  their  presence  known  in  a  boisterous  manner.  In  a  quiet 
but  effective  way,  Mr.  Dingley  advanced  the  cause  of  his  life-long 
friend.  Monday  evening,  June  2nd,  the  Maine  delegation  paid  a 
visit  of  respect  to  the  Iowa  delegation  at  the  Sherman  house.  The 
California  delegation  was  also  present,  and  enthusiastic  speeches 
for  Mr.  Elaine  were  made  by  Mr.  Dingley  and  Mr.  Boutelle  of 
Maine,  and  General  Stone  of  Iowa.  The  convention  met  June  3rd 
in  the  Exposition  building.  Fourteen  thousand  people  were  pres 
ent.  Mr.  Dingley  and  party  occupied  prominent  seats  on  the  stage. 
It  was  a  sight  long  to  be  remembered.  Roman  standards,  pendants 
with  blue  silk  banners  imprinted  with  gold,  in  mottoes  of  states  and 
territories,  rose  from  the  edges  of  the  aisles.  A  sea  of  faces  swayed 
in  the  midst  of  fluttering  flags  and  banners.  Bands  played  patriotic 
airs.  It  was,  as  George  William  Curtis  said,  "the  supreme  council 
of  the  Republican  party."  It  was  Mr.  Elaine  against  the  field ;  and 


244  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

when  John  R.  Lynch,  a  colored  delegate  from  Mississippi  was 
elected  temporary  chairman,  a  scene  of  great  excitement  followed. 
It  was  apparently  a  victory  of  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Elaine,  but  Mr. 
Dingley  did  not  regard  it  as  "strictly  drawing  a  line  as  to  the  rela 
tive  strength  of  Elaine  to  that  of  the  field-candidates  against  him. 
It  was  not  an  indication  of  presidential  preferences." 

The  name  of  Mr.  Elaine  threw  the  convention  into  a  whirlwind 
of  excitement.  He  was  the  popular  idol ;  and  when  the  blind  ora 
tor,  Judge  West  of  Ohio,  was  conducted  to  the  platform  there  was 
a  hush  throughout  the  vast  hall.  In  a  speech  of  remarkable 
strength  and  candor,  Judge  West  placed  Mr.  Elaine  in  nomination. 
The  balloting  began  Friday  morning,  the  fourth  day  of  the  conven 
tion  ;  and  on  the  fourth  ballot  Mr.  Elaine  was  nominated.  He  re 
ceived  334  1-2  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  349  on  the  second,  375  on 
the  third  and  544  on  the  fourth.  The  result  of  the  fourth  ballot  was 
received  with  great  enthusiasm,  the  band  playing  and  cannon 
booming  outside  the  hall.  The  nomination  was  made  at  half  past 
four  in  the  afternoon,  and  even  before  the  last  figures  were  pro 
nounced,  the  vast  audience  arose  and  broke  into  another  mad 
demonstration  of  enthusiasm.  Cheers  resounded ;  the  band  played 
inspiring  airs,  and  hats  and  handkerchiefs  and  national  flags  were 
waved.  A  large  square  banner  from  Kansas  was  carried  through 
the  hall,  promising  immense  majorities  in  that  state  for  Elaine. 
The  roar  of  the  artillery  outside  was  heard  commingling  with  the 
louder  roar  of  the  voices  from  within,  and  amid  great  enthusiasm 
the  nomination  was  made  unanimous.  That  evening  General  John 
A.  Logan  of  Illinois  was  nominated  for  vice  president.  Thus  the 
two  wings  of  the  Republican  party,  after  years  of  fighting,  were 
again  reunited  on  the  eve  of  what  appeared  to  be  a  most  auspicious 
national  campaign. 

Mr.  Dingley  in  a  public  interview  said :  "The  talk  of  disaffec 
tion  will  not  affect  the  ticket  one  particle  in  the  end,  unless  it  is  to 
increase  the  aggregate  vote  for  Elaine.  I  believe  that  where  one 
Independent  leaves  the  party,  a  half  dozen  Democrats  will  support 
Elaine  and  Logan.  These  papers  have  been  preaching  free  trade, 
and  have  been  generally  antagonistic  to  the  Republican  party,  and 
it  is  fortunate  that  they  have  gone  over  where  they  belong — to  the 
Democracy."  On  the  night  of  June  6th  Mr.  Dingley  left  Chicago 
for  Washington,  rejoiced  over  the  success  of  Maine's  favorite  son. 
On  the  iQth  he  addressed  a  Elaine  ratification  meeting  in  Wash 
ington.  The  presidential  campaign  was  fairly  launched,  and  the 
first  session  of  the  48th  congress  was  drawing  to  a  close.  Tilden's 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  245 

letter  of  withdrawal  concentrated  the  Democrats  upon  Grover 
Cleveland  of  New  York.  Benjamin  Butler,  who  had  already  re 
ceived  the  presidential  nomination  of  the  Greenback  party,  was 
coquetting  with  the  Democracy ;  but  on  the  I  ith  of  July  the  Demo 
cratic  national  convention,  after  a  stormy  session  of  four  days, 
nominated  Cleveland  and  Hendricks  for  president  and  vice  presi 
dent.  The  platform  adopted  denounced  the  Republican  party  "for 
having  failed  to  relieve  the  people  from  crushing  war  taxes,"  and 
pledged  the  Democratic  party  "to  raise  the  tariff  in  a  spirit  of  fair 
ness  to  all  interests ;  but  in  making  reductions  in  taxes  it  is  not  pro 
posed  to  injure  any  domestic  industries  but  rather  to  promote  their 
healthy  growth."  On  the  money  question  the  party  said,  "we  be 
lieve  in  honest  money — the  gold  and  silver  coinage  of  the  consti 
tution — and  a  circulating  medium  convertible  into  such  money 
without  loss."  Benjamin  Butler,  who  was  a  delegate  to  the  con 
vention  made  a  minority  report  from  this  committee  on  resolu 
tions,  and  created  much  laughter  and  amusement  by  saying:  "And 
now  read  that  platform — read  that  tariff  plank — and  then  see  if  you 
can  find  out  exactly  what  it  does  mean?  It  does  not  mean  pro 
tection.  If  it  did  Col.  Morrison  is  too  honest  a  man  to  bring  it 
here.  And  yet  it  is  twisted  so  that  it  is  supposed  that  it  might 
mean  protection."  On  account  of  the  opposition  of  the  south  to 
Butler,  his  name  had  been  withdrawn,  but  he  remained  a  thorn  in 
the  Democratic  side.  Mr.  Cleveland  was  nominated  on  the  second 
ballot  in  the  midst  of  a  whirlwind  of  excitement. 

Congress  adjourned  the  day  before  the  Democratic  conven 
tion  assembled  in  Chicago.  Two  days  before  adjournment,  Mr. 
Dingley's  bill  to  establish  a  bureau  of  navigation  in  the  treasury  de 
partment,  became  a  law.  The  act  provided  for  a  commissioner  of 
navigation,  charged  with  the  supervision  of  the  interests  of  the 
merchant  marine  of  the  United  States.  Jarvis  Patten  of  Bath, 
Maine,  was  appointed  the  first  commissioner  under  the  act. 

Mr.  Dingley  commented  thus  on  the  session  which  had  come  to 
a  close:  "The  house  of  representatives  has  shown  itself  a  most 
incapable  body.  It  has  not  been  able  to  take  up  and  despatch  the 
public  business,  and  has  left  much  of  it  undone  from  sheer  lack  of 
capacity.  It  has  shown  extreme  perversity,  in  its  refusal  to  take  up 
important  matters  that  really  demanded  important  attention,  in  its 
neglect  of  business,  and  its  attempt  to  make  political  capital  rather 
than  to  attend  to  the  public  business.  In  these  respects  it  has  gone 
to  such  extremes  as  to  convince  all  thoughtful  men  that  it  is  not 
safe  to  entrust  the  Democratic  party  with  full  control  of  the  gov- 


246  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ernment  or  to  continue  it  in  power  in  the  popular  branch  of  con 
gress.  There  is  a  long  list  of  public  questions  whose  consideration 
has  been  deferred,  which  have  almost  imperatively  demanded  the 
attention  of  congress,  and  the  ignoring  of  which  has  been  a  fatal 
neglect  of  public  business.  While  the  Democrats  were  unable  to 
unite  their  differing  factions  on  the  tariff  question,  they  have 
clearly  shown  that  the  largest  majority  of  their  party,  as  repre 
sented  in  congress,  is  in  favor  of  free  trade,  and  have  thus  created 
an  issue  which  will  predominate,  regardless  of  the  action  of  their 
national  convention.  The  people  have  been  placed  face  to  face 
with  the  tariff  issue,  and  it  must  now  be  fought  out."  On  the  last 
day  of  the  session  Mr.  Dingley  started  for  his  home  in  Maine,  and 
once  more  rejoined  his  family  at  his  summer  abode.  Here  his  mind 
and  body  obtained  much  needed  rest.  Surrounded  by  his  loved 
ones,  his  kind,  gentle  and  generous  nature  communed  with  God. 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Elaine  for  president  made  the  Demo 
cratic  case  in  Maine  hopeless.  Republican  rallies  were  held  in 
every  county.  Big  mass  meetings  and  state  rallies  were  held  in  the 
principal  cities.  Mr.  Elaine,  at  his  home  in  Augusta,  received 
daily,  distinguished  public  men,  journalists  and  prominent  Repub 
licans.  Mr.  Dingley  paid  Mr.  Elaine  a  visit  July  I2th  and  congrat 
ulated  him  personally.  The  nominee  greeted  Mr.  Dingley  with 
unconcealed  warmth,  and  expressed  his  profound  gratitude.  Mr. 
Elaine  read  to  Mr.  Dingley  his  letter  of  acceptance  and  asked  the 
latter's  opinion.  Mr.  Dingley  pronounced  it  admirable  and  subse 
quently  wrote  that  "it  cannot  but  serve  to  sweep  away  the  misrep 
resentations  of  Mr.  Elaine's  attitude  on  public  questions,  and  to 
convince  every  candid  man  of  his  conservative,  patriotic,  states 
manlike  and  truly  American  principles." 

The  enemies  of  Mr.  Elaine  were  busy.  The  spectre  of  Fisher 
and  Mulligan  again  appeared  and  the  Republican  candidate  was 
obliged  to  defend  himself  against  his  maligners.  Perhaps  it  can 
never  be  proved  to  some  men  that  Mr.  Elaine  was  absolutely  in 
nocent  of  wrong-doing  in  this  connection ;  but  the  fact  remains  that 
nothing  wrong  was  ever  proved.  At  all  events,  Mr.  Dingley  always 
stoutly  declared  that  the  charges  against  Mr.  Elaine  were  false. 
While  discussing  these  charges  he  wrote  that  "it  may  be  well  to 
remark  that  the  character  of  Mr.  Elaine  has  never  been  successfully 
impeached.  In  business  and  in  social  life  his  record  is  clean.  He 
has  never  been  accused  of  disloyalty  to  his  home  or  want  of  public 
spirit.  His  personal  habits  are  such  as  will  bear  close  inspection. 
In  private  life  a  cleaner  man  cannot  be  found.  Whether  in  the 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  247 

work  of  educational,  moral  or  religious  reform,  Mr.  Elaine  is  never 
niggardly  or  a  loiterer.  As  in  Garfield's  case,  however,  the  at 
tempt  is  made  in  Elaine's,  to  impeach  a  career  of  uniform  honor, 
integrity  and  public  spirit." 

The  Maine  campaign  continued  vigorously.  Mr.  Dingley  ad 
dressed  political  meetings  at  different  points  in  the  state  during  the 
last  half  of  July,  the  entire  month  of  August  and  the  first  week  in 
September.  July  17  in  company  with  Senator  Frye  he  made  an 
address  at  the  dedication  of  the  Poland  Springs  Music  hall.  August 
2nd  he  addressed  a  temperance  gathering  at  Lake  Sebago.  He 
said  that  the  adoption  of  the  prohibitory  amendment  was  impor 
tant  because  it  was  regarded  everywhere  as  a  test  vote  on  the  ques 
tion  of  prohibition  or  license.  He  addressed  himself  to  the  women 
in  the  audience  and  appealed  to  them  to  aid  in  its  adoption  by  their 
influence  at  home  and  in  the  social  circle,  and  by  their  presence  at 
the  polls  in  distributing  affirmative  ballots. 

The  big  rally  of  the  campaign  was  held  at  Lake  Maranocook, 
a  few  miles  from  Lewiston,  August  I2th.  Fifteen  thousand  people 
were  present.  The  speaking  was  opened  from  three  stands  pre 
sided  over  by  Senators  Frye  and  Hale  and  Governor  Connor. 
When  Mr.  Elaine  arrived  the  enthusiasm  of  the  fifteen  thousand 
people  was  without  limit.  After  some  minutes  the  excitement  be 
gan  to  die  away  into  cheers,  and  then  with  hats  and  handkerchiefs 
waving  it  broke  out  again  anew.  Nothing  approaching  it  was  ever 
seen  in  Maine  before.  Mr.  Dingley  was  one  of  the  speakers  at  this 
memorable  gathering. 

Election  day  in  Maine  was  September  8th.  It  was  very  warm 
and  sultry;  but  the  Republicans  polled  a  larger  vote  than  ever  be 
fore.  A  novel  feature  at  the  polls  was  the  presence  of  ladies  dis 
tributing  votes  for  the  prohibitory  constitutional  amendment  which 
carried  by  over  43,000  majority.  Frederick  Robie  was  re-elected 
governor  by  over  15,000  majority  and  the  four  Republican  mem 
bers  of  congress,  Reed,  Dingley,  Milliken  and  Boutelle  were  re- 
elected  by  large  majorities.  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  the  splendid 
majority  for  the  Republicans  was  "a  sufficient  response  to  the  false 
charges  and  persistent  abuse  which  had  been  heaped  upon  Mr. 
Elaine."  On  the  vote  on  the  prohibitory  amendment  Mr.  Dingley 
said  that  "the  emphatic  result  will  strengthen  the  cause  in  Maine 
and  carry  great  encouragement  to  the  friends  of  prohibition  in 
other  states." 

In  commenting  on  the  significance  of  the  victory  Mr.  Dingley 
wrote :  "It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  much  of  this  Republican  in- 


248  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

crease  is  due  to  the  belief  of  the  people  in  the  wisdom  of  the  Re 
publican  protective  policy.  But  more  is  due  to  the  great  personal 
popularity  of  Mr.  Elaine  in  Maine,  and  to  the  unjust  abuse  heaped 
upon  him  by  the  Democratic  speakers  and  organs.  Unless  some 
thing  new  comes  up,  it  is  well  nigh  certain  that  every  northern  state 
will  give  its  electoral  vote  to  Elaine." 

Mr.  Elaine's  brilliant  tour  through  the  west  began  the  latter 
part  of  September.  It  was  a  most  remarkable  exhibition  of  phy 
sical  endurance  and  rare  judgment.  His  addresses  were  models  of 
political  utterances,  and  his  presence  aroused  the  people  to  unusual 
enthusiasm. 

From  the  close  of  the  Maine  campaign  to  the  22nd  of  October 
Mr.  Dingley  devoted  his  time  to  editorial  work.  His  articles 
touching  all  public  questions,  were  able  and  comprehensive.  The 
Lewiston  Journal  was  a  power. 

The  October  victory  in  Ohio  and  West  Virginia  gave  the  Re 
publicans  fresh  hope.  It  appeared  to  settle  the  presidential  con 
test.  The  tide  was  surely  setting  in  favor  of  Elaine  and  the  election 
of  the  Republican  candidate  was  apparently  as  certain  as  any  future 
event. 

The  Republican  national  committee  early  recognized  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  influence  on  the  stump,  not  because  of  his  eloquence,  for  he 
possessed  little ;  but  because  of  his  wide  and  accurate  information 
and  his  convincing  way  of  presenting  it.  Late  in  October  he 
started  on  a  stumping  tour  through  western  Massachusetts  and 
eastern  New  York.  Under  the  date  of  October  27  he  wrote  to  the 
Lewiston  Journal  an  interesting  letter  giving  his  observations  of 
the  presidential  campaign  in  Massachusetts  and  New  York.  "In 
response  to  your  request,"  he  wrote,  "that  I  should  give  the  Jour 
nal  readers  my  impression  of  the  presidential  outlook  in  the  two 
states  which  I  have  visited  during  the  past  week  I  may  say  in  gen 
eral  that  I  find  the  situation  even  more  cheering  for  the  Republi 
can  cause  than  I  supposed.  I  addressed  large  Republican  meet 
ings,  with  other  speakers,  at  Beverly,  Fall  River,  and  Pittsfield, 
Mass.,  last  week,  and  had  an  opportunity  to  confer  with  leading 
Republicans  and  members  of  the  state  committee.  I  find  that  the 
only  question  in  the  old  Bay  state  is  as  to  the  size  of  Elaine's  plur 
ality — the  figures  standing  all  the  way  from  25,000  to  50,000. 
Elaine's  vote  will  reach  and  probably  exceed  150,000;  Cleveland's 
vote  will  be  from  100,000  to  120,000;  and  Butler's  from  30,000  to 
50,000.  In  order  to  reach  my  appointments  in  western  New  York, 
I  was  compelled  to  leave  Pittsfield  by  the  n  o'clock  night  train 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  249 

immediately  after  speaking  there.  Reaching  Palmyra  (twenty- 
five  miles  east  of  Rochester)  at  n  o'clock  Friday  morning,  I  was 
taken  by  team  to  Fairport  (twelve  miles),  where  a  large  mass  meet 
ing  of  the  Republicans  of  Monroe  county  was  held  in  the  afternoon, 
addressed  by  Cassius  M.  Clay,  the  veteran  Kentucky  abolitionist, 
and  myself.  Mr.  Clay,  although  seventy-four  years  of  age,  is  still 
vigorous  and  heartily  Republican.  In  the  evening  there  was  a 
grand  torch-light  procession  in  which  1,600  torch-bearers  par 
ticipated.  It  was  a  grand  display,  and  gave  a  striking  idea  of  the 
Elaine  enthusiasm  in  western  New  York. 

"Saturday  evening  I  addressed  a  large  Republican  meeting  at 
Perry,  Wyoming  county ;  and  this  week  speak  in  Schuyler,  Oswego, 
St.  Lawrence  and  Franklin  counties,  closing  at  Malone.  I  have 
conferred  with  leading  Republicans  and  members  of  the  state  com 
mittee,  and  I  find  all  entirely  confident  that  Mr.  Elaine  will  carry 
New  York  on  Tuesday  of  next  week — none  placing  the  plurality  at 
less  than  25,000,  and  many  insisting  that  it  will  reach  from  50,000 
to  75,000. 

"Said  a  prominent  member  of  the  state  committee  to  me  this 
morning,  The  Republicans  will  have  at  least  100,000  plurality  over 
Cleveland  in  New  York  state  outside  of  New  York  city,  Brooklyn, 
and  Kings  county.  Cleveland's  plurality  in  these  three  Demo 
cratic  strongholds  will  not  be  much  over  50,000.  Butler's  vote  in 
the  state  is  set  at  50,000.' 

"I  never  saw  greater  enthusiasm  in  a  campaign  than  is  wit 
nessed  here  on  the  Republican  side.  Every  night  torch-light  pro 
cessions  are  in  order,  and  the  air  rings  with  Elaine  and  Logan 
songs.  Evidently  the  Democrats  are  discouraged  although  they 
are  working  with  vigor.  Here  in  Rochester  it  is  estimated  that 
100,000  Irish-Americans  and  workingmen  who  have  heretofore 
voted  the  Democratic  ticket,  will  vote  for  Elaine  and  that  the  Re 
publican  majority  in  this  county  (Monroe)  will  be  larger  than  Gar- 
field's  in  1880. 

"I  am  informed  that  the  only  hope  of  the  Democrats  lies  in  the 
St.  John  movement,  which  they  are  doing  their  utmost  to  en 
courage,  as  they  recognize  the  fact  that  a  Republican  vote  for  St. 
John  is  half  a  vote  for  Cleveland.  It  is  well  understood  that  the 
Democrats  supply  the  money  for  the  St.  John  campaign ;  and  even 
the  liquor  interests,  which  have  declared  for  the  Democratic  ticket, 
is  expressing  a  hope  that  'temperance  men  will  vote  as  they  pray' 
meaning  by  this  that  they  shall  vote  for  the  independent  prohibi 
tory  party,  so  as  to  aid  in  Cleveland's  election. 


250  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

"This  is  so  plain  that  many  temperance  men  who  had  intended 
to  vote  for  St.  John,  will  now  vote  for  Elaine.  The  Democrats 
have  hoped  to  get  50,000  votes  in  New  York  for  St.  John,  which 
would  mainly  come  from  the  Republican  ranks ;  but  it  is  now 
thought  they  will  not  get  more  than  half  this  number.  New  York 
may  be  put  down  as  sure  for  Elaine. 

"It  is  well  understood  that  the  Democratic  hope  of  electing 
Cleveland  rests  on  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Connecticut,  all  of 
which  states  are  necessary  to  add  to  the  solid  south  in  order  to 
elect  him." 

The  last  two  weeks  of  this  memorable  campaign  exhausted  all 
the  ingenuity  and  energy  of  the  contesting  parties.  The  Republi 
cans  pressed  the  tariff  issue,  and  the  Democrats  dodged.  Mr. 
Elaine  made  from  six  to  eighteen  speeches  daily,  arousing  wild 
enthusiasm.  A  fitting  climax  of  his  great  western  tour  was  the 
ovation  he  received  in  Chicago.  Such  a  hurricane  of  welcome  has 
not  often  been  witnessed  on  this  continent.  Wednesday,  October 
29,  occurred  that  remarkable  and  historical  meeting  in  New  York 
city  between  Mr.  Elaine  and  a  large  delegation  of  clergymen,  125 
in  number,  who  called  to  pay  their  respects.  Mr.  Elaine  was  deeply 
moved,  and  with  moistened  eyes  replied  to  the  speeches  of  wel 
come.  Rev.  Dr.  Burchard  was  one  of  the  clergymen  who  spoke. 
In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  spoke  of  Democracy  as  the  bulwark 
of  "Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion" — an  illiteration  that  cost  Mr. 
Elaine  ten  thousand  votes  in  New  York  city  and  helped  to  lose  the 
electoral  vote  of  New  York  state.  That  trivial  and  yet  historical 
incident,  together  with  the  twenty  thousand  prohibitory  party 
votes  in  New  York  state,  elected  Grover  Cleveland  president. 

Twenty-four  years  had  elapsed  since  Buchanan  the  last  Demo 
cratic  president  went  out  of  office.  That  quarter  of  a  century  had 
witnessed  a  marvelous  and  unparalleled  national  growth.  The  Re 
publican  party  had  waged  a  successful  war  to  preserve  the  union ; 
it  had  abolished  slavery;  it  had  restored  the  national  currency  and 
credit ;  paid  two-thirds  of  the  cost  of  the  rebellion ;  and  given  the 
country  wonderful  prosperity.  Nevertheless  the  Democratic  party 
was  restored  to  power.  This  restoration  was  due  to  a  variety  of 
causes.  Aside  from  the  advantages  possessed  by  the  Democrats 
in  having  a  solid  south,  the  Republicans  were  weakened  by  the 
depression  of  business  and  the  inevitable  grievances  and  dissen 
sions  that  arise  from  the  possession  of  power,  patronage  and  re 
sponsibility.  To  this  were  added  the  Prohibitory  diversion  and  the 
Burchard  blunder. 


BENJ.  HARRISON.     JAS.  G.  ELAINE. 
R.  P.  BLAND.     S.  S.  COX. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  251 

Mr.  Elaine  received  his  defeat  philosophically.  In  a  speech  de-i 
void  of  bitterness,  he  simply  invited  the  attention  of  the  people  to 
the  results  of  the  election  in  the  restoration  of  the  country  to  that 
status  of  parties  which  obtained  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago.  Mr. 
Elaine  clearly  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  south  had  thirty-seven 
electoral  votes  on  the  strength  of  the  colored  voters  "whose  votes 
it  disallows  wherever  decisive."  Mr.  Elaine  was  cheerful,  but 
Maine  was  in  mourning.  Subsequent  events  proved  that  the  de 
feat  of  the  Republicans  was  a  national  calamity. 

The  last  session  of  the  48th  congress  met  the  first  Monday  in 
December.  President  Arthur's  message  was  sound,  business-like, 
devoid  of  verbiage  and  containing  many  wise  suggestions.  Mr. 
Dingley  observed  that  "the  imposition  of  responsibility  has 
brought  out  in  Mr.  Arthur  broad  and  statesmanlike  qualities  which 
the  country  gratefully  recognizes." 

Mr.  Dingley  this  winter,  took  up  his  Washington  residence  in 
the  Hamilton  house  where  many  New  England  residents  lived. 
Here  in  the  pleasant  sunny  rooms  overlooking  Franklin  Square, 
corner  of  Fourteenth  and  K  streets,  he  lived  for  fifteen  sessions 
consecutively.  It  was  his  Washington  home.  It  was  the  center  of 
a  life  he  loved.  With  his  devoted  wife  and  daughter  by  his  side, 
he  plunged  deeper  than  ever  into  the  labors  of  congressional  life. 
He  invariably  walked  to  and  from  the  capitol,  partook  of  a  light 
lunch  (usually  bread  and  milk)  in  the  house  restaurant,  was  always 
abstemious  at  dinner,  and  retired  promptly  at  10  o'clock.  Regular 
habits  and  plenty  of  sleep  fortified  him  against  the  exhaustive  and 
nervous  work  incident  to  official  life. 

As  a  rule  congress  accomplishes  little  business,  aside  from  pass 
ing  the  regular  appropriation  bills,  during  the  short  session.  This 
session  was  no  exception.  Samuel  Randall,  as  chairman  of  the  ap 
propriation  committee,  was  really  the  dictator  of  congress;  and 
through  his  control  of  the  Democratic  majority,  controlled  legisla 
tion.  Morrison  and  Randall  acted  together  to  prevent  congress 
from  doing  anything.  But  on  the  I5th  of  December,  the  commit 
tee  on  banking  and  currency  succeeded  in  securing  a  two-thirds 
vote  in  favor  of  a  resolution  to  set  apart  January  15  for  the  consid 
eration  of  the  McPherson  bill  to  permit  national  banks  to  receive 
from  the  comptroller  of  the  treasury  a  circulation  equal  to  the  par 
value  of  the  bonds  deposited ;  and  the  Dingley  bill  which  its  author 
explained  was  a  bill  "to  authorize  the  secretary  of  the  treasury; 
to  invest  certain  lawful  money  deposited  in  the  treasury  by  national 
banks  which  is  being  accumulated  under  the  following  circum- 


252  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

stances :  under  the  law  as  it  exists  today,  when  national  banks  fail, 
or  go  into  liquidation,  or  when  they  propose  to  retire  any  part  of 
their  circulation,  and  to  withdraw  the  bonds  which  have  been  de 
posited  as  security,  they  are  required  to  deposit  in  the  treasury  law 
ful  money  to  the  amount  of  their  circulating  notes  outstanding. 
*  *  *  The  government  holds  this  fund  for  the  purpose  of  re 
deeming  the  circulating  notes,  and  whatever  portion  of  the  fund 
may  remain  after  the  circulating  notes  shall  have  been 
presented  for  redemption,  goes  to  the  government  and  not  to  the 
banks.  Within  two  years  this  fund  will  be  seventy-five  million  dol 
lars.  This  will  seriously  contract  the  currency.  The  bill  reported 
by  the  committee  proposes  to  remedy  these  difficulties  by  author 
izing  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  invest  so  much  of  this  fund  as 
he  may  think  proper  in  United  States  bonds,  these  bonds  and  the 
accruing  interest  to  be  held  for  the  same  purpose  as  the  lawful 
money  deposited.  This  will  release  the  large  amount  of  money  so 
deposited  and  restore  it  to  the  channels  of  circulation." 

The  house  adjourned  for  the  holiday  recess  December  24  and 
re-assembled  January  5th.  Mr.  Dingley  remained  quietly  in  Wash 
ington  during  this  period,  devoting  his  entire  time  to  deep  study. 
He  was  conscientiously  industrious  and  nothing  of  importance  in 
public  affairs  escaped  him.  Mr.  Elaine  was  in  Washington  com 
pleting  the  second  volume  of  his  "Twenty  Years  of  Congress,"  and 
Mr.  Dingley  frequently  called  upon  him  to  renew  pleasant  ac 
quaintances  and  discuss  national  politics.  One  of  the  few  social 
functions  Mr.  Dingley  attended  this  winter,  was  a  reception  given 
by  Mr.  Elaine  at  the  Windom  mansion  in  the  month  of  January,  to 
the  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  cabinet  officers,  senators  and  rep 
resentatives,  foreign  ministers  and  others  prominent  in  public  life. 
At  this  reception  Mr.  Dingley  took  a  modest  part  in  the  serious 
discussion  of  affairs,  partook  sparingly  of  refreshments  and  ex 
cused  himself  promptly  at  10  o'clock.  While  fond  of  social  inter 
course  he  was  not  fond  of  the  formal  affairs  where  simplicity  gave 
way  to  indigestion. 

For  nearly  a  month  the  house  "marked  time."  The  most  inter 
esting  events  were  the  defeat  of  the  Mexican  pension  bill,  the  His- 
cock  free  tobacco  and  brandy  bill  and  the  bankruptcy  bill.  Mr. 
Randall  made  a  southern  tour  as  the  champion  of  a  high  tariff  and 
the  friend  of  free  tobacco  and  whiskey;  but  the  house  declined  to 
accept  his  platform.  The  inter-state  commerce  bill  which  passed 
the  house  the  middle  of  January,  marked  a  new  departure  in  na 
tional  control.  A  slight  tariff  debate  late  in  the  month,  created  a 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  253 

bit  of  a  sensation,  Mr.  Dorsheimer,  President  Cleveland's  special 
friend,  coming  out  for  tariff  reduction  and  a  reciprocity  treaty. 
This  indicated  that  Mr.  Cleveland  would  throw  his  influence  against 
the  Randall  protective  tariff  Democrats,  and  that  Carlisle  would  be 
the  speaker  of  the  next  house. 

The  defeat  of  the  McPherson  bill  and  the  Dingley  bill,  both  de 
signed  to  stop  the  contraction  of  the  currency,  alarmed  financiers 
who  saw  that  this  contraction,  together  with  the  forced  coinage  of 
silver,  were  rapidly  carrying  the  country  away  from  a  gold  to  a  sil 
ver  basis.  Silver  certificates  sold  at  a  discount  in  New  York  and 
little  gold  was  used  in  paying  debts.  Nevertheless  the  policy  of  the 
party  was  to  do  nothing,  save  pass  the  appropriation  bills.  It  was, 
therefore,  somewhat  ludicrous  for  the  house  to  get  into  a  contro 
versy  with  the  senate  over  the  question  of  prerogatives — whether 
the  senate  had  power  to  originate  appropriation  bills.  The  house 
Democrats  were  particularly  sensitive  on  this  point.  They  brought 
forth  the  dusty  volumes  of  history  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the 
house,  whereupon  Mr.  Reed  of  Maine,  in  reply  to  speeches  re 
flecting  on  the  senate,  remarked,  amid  applause,  that  he  hardly 
thought  it  necessary  for  the  house  to  go  hunting  around  for  more 
business.  "For  my  part,"  said  Mr.  Reed,  "I  have  not  seen  anything 
in  the  history  of  the  house  of  representatives  since  I  have  been  a 
member  of  it  that  should  make  me  feel  inclined  to  insist  on  more 
bills  originating  in  it.  We  are  today  so  clogged  with  the  business 
which  legitimately  belongs  to  us  that  under  our  present  system  of 
working  we  do  absolutely  nothing.  If  then,  we  should  undertake 
to  shut  off  the  senate  from  what  is  their  plain  constitutional  right, 
I  am  afraid  we  should  exhibit  to  the  country  a  still  worse  instance 
of  ineffectuality  than  we  do  today." 

The  Republicans  carried  their  point  and  the  house  refused  to  in 
struct  the  committee  on  judiciary  to  defend  its  dignity.  The  bank 
ruptcy  bill  and  the  river  and  harbor  bill  were  the  bones  of  conten 
tion.  The  supporters  of  the  latter  measure  were  repulsed  by  the 
members  of  the  appropriation  committee.  As  the  session  grew  to 
a  close,  the  "scenes"  on  the  floor  of  the  house  became  more  fre 
quent.  The  assistance  of  the  sergeant-at-arms  was  frequently  in 
voked  to  preserve  order.  The  lower  house  was  under  high  pres 
sure.  The  demands  made  upon  the  Democratic  leaders  were  tre 
mendous,  and  angry  members  made  dire  threats.  The  atmos 
phere  was  charged  with  personalities.  Mr.  Cleveland  was  soon  to 
be  inaugurated  and  the  country  was  agitated  over  the  possibilities 
that  might  follow  the  change.  A  panic  seemed  to  take  possession  of 


254  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

the  Democratic  party,  and  the  whole  country  was  in  a  feverish  con 
dition.  The  house  majority  defeated  an  attempt  to  admit  duty- 
free  (by  draw-back)  raw  material  entering  into  American  manu 
factures  to  be  exported  notwithstanding  the  "free  raw  material" 
attitude  taken  by  the  party.  The  majority  of  the  ways  and  means 
committee  declined  to  report  Mr.  Dingley's  bill  providing  for  the 
admission  free  of  duty  of  materials  for  the  equipment  of  vessels  for 
foreign  trade,  notwithstanding  the  charge  that  "the  tariff  prevents 
us  from  building  vessels  as  cheap  as  foreign  nations." 

The  liveliest  scene  of  this  session  was  on  Monday,  February 
2nd.  It  was  suspension  day,  and  scores  of  members  were  anxious 
to  get  their  pet  bills  before  the  house.  To  make  the  matter  more 
complicated,  Speaker  Carlisle  was  unable  to  be  present,  and  failed 
to  place  in  the  hands  of  Speaker  pro-tempore  Blackburn,  a  list  of 
men  he  had  promised  to  recognize.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that 
the  original  program  was  to  be  departed  from,  there  was  a  grand 
rush  for  Blackburn.  Demands  for  recognition  were  made  on  every 
hand.  Threats  were  made.  Echoes  of  the  loud  and  desperate  talk 
in  the  speaker's  room  reached  the  corridor.  Then  out  rushed 
Blackburn  followed  by  hordes  of  members.  The  struggle  began 
on  the  floor.  The  friends  of  the  bankruptcy  bill  saw  that  unless  a 
motion  to  take  a  recess  which  would  extend  suspension  day  to 
Tuesday,  could  be  carried,  their  bill  was  doomed.  Mr.  Collins  of 
Massachusetts,  the  leader,  mustered  his  forces  and  made  an  at" 
tempt  but  it  failed.  Discomfited,  they  withdrew  and  determined 
to  compel  the  house  to  take  up  the  bankruptcy  bill  or  stay  there 
all  night.  One  by  one  the  tired  and  sleepy  members  glanced  at  the 
clock,  then  hurried  home  to  dinner,  until  only  a  handful  of  despe 
rate  obstructors  on  each  side  stood  facing  each  other.  Nine  o'clock 
came,  motions  to  adjourn  and  to  take  a  recess  being  defeated  one 
after  another.  The  house  was  in  a  deadlock.  It  refused  to  do  busi 
ness  or  adjourn.  The  members  sat  there  hour  after  hour,  now 
glaring  at  each  other,  now  relieving  themselves  with  laughter,  and 
at  all  times  utterly  ignoring  the  tremendous  thump  of  the  speaker's 
gavel.  Ten  o'clock,  eleven  o'clock  came.  There  was  no  adjourn 
ment.  Sleepy  members  began  to  stretch  themselves  out  on  the 
desks  and  seats.  The  air  was  blue  with  smoke,  and  from  the  gallery 
the  scene  resembled  a  battle-field.  Again  and  again  a  motion  was 
made  to  adjourn,  the  roll  called  and  the  motion  defeated.  Mid 
night  came  and  they  were  still  at  it.  It  was  discovered  that  there 
was  no  quorum  and  a  call  of  the  house  was  ordered.  In  the  course 
of  half  an  hour  a  number  of  absent  ones,  with  sleepy  eyes  and  dis- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  255 

sheveled  hair,  some  with  no  collar,  others  scantily  clad,  were  forci 
bly  brought  to  the  house.  Mr.  Dingley  departed  early  from  this 
scene  of  revelry.  He  knew  the  house  would  accomplish  no  business 
and  felt  that  he  was  safe  from  intrusion  in  his  hotel.  Mr.  Reed  also 
retired  early  but  did  not  escape  the  officers  of  the  law.  His 
rooms  were  in  the  top  story  of  the  Hamilton  house ;  and  from  the 
windows  he  could  see  the  lights  in  the  dome  of  the  capitol.  He 
knew  the  house  was  still  struggling;  and  with  a  chuckle,  he  pulled 
down  the  shades,  stepped  to  the  speaking-tube  and  shouted  to  the 
clerk :  "If  anybody  comes  for  me  tell  them  I  am  not  in  this  even 
ing."  He  was  soon  fast  asleep.  Suddenly  there  came  a  thump  on 
the  door.  Then  another  thump  followed.  Then  a  voice  at  the  key 
hole  said :  "Mr.  Reed !  Mr.  Reed !"  There  was  no  response  only  a 
soft  "sh-sh"  within.  Then  the  officer  of  the  law  departed  not  in  an 
angelic  state  of  mind.  As  soon  as  the  sounds  had  disappeared  in 
the  distance  Mr.  Reed  quietly  arose  from  his  couch,  stole  to  the 
speaking  tube  and  said  softly  to  the  clerk:  "Have-they-gone ?" 
Receiving  an  affirmative  answer  he  said :  "Then  bring  me  some  ice 
water."  And  he  disappeared  in  the  darkness  of  the  chamber.  It 
was  nearly  half  past  two  Tuesday  morning  when  the  house  finally 
agreed  to  adjourn. 

Mr.  Dingley  watcheH  his  opportunity  to  assist  the  shipping  in 
terests  of  the  country,  when  the  post-office  appropriation  bill  was 
under  consideration.  Mr.  Hunt  of  Louisiana  had,  on  the  9th  of 
February,  called  the  attention  of  the  house  to  the  liberality  of  Great 
Britain  in  promoting  her  shipping  interests  engaged  in  the  foreign 
trade,  by  means  of  liberal  mail  pay.  On  the  following  day  (Febru 
ary  10)  Mr.  Dingley  addressed  the  house  in  advocacy  of  that  sec 
tion  of  the  bill  which  provides  for  generous  mail  pay  to  American 
lines  of  steamers  engaged  in  the  foreign  trade.  1  He  discussed  the 
policy  of  other  countries  and  answered  every  objection  raised.  "A 
nation  of  fifty-six  million  people,"  he  said,  "occupying  so  high  a 
place  among  the  powers  of  Christendom  and  proudly  boasting  of  a 
future,  of  which  no  other  country  ever  dreamed,  ought  not  to  be 
content  until  her  mails  are  carried  to  other  nations  by  steamships 
floating  her  own  flag.  *  *  *  The  same  policy  of  liberal  mail 
pay  which  has  built  up  British  steamship  lines  on  all  the  great 
routes  of  ocean  commerce,  and  nothing  else,  will,  if  persistently 
followed,  secure  to  the  United  States  similar  results."  The  debate 
on  this  paragraph  of  the  bill  continued  for  several  days.  The  sec 
tion  was  assailed  bitterly,  and  by  a  vote  of  105  to  97,  was  stricken 

1— See  Appendix. 


256  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

from  the  bill.    This  result  was  greeted  with  applause  by  the  Demo 
crats. 

When  the  legislative  appropriation  bill  was  under  considera 
tion,  Mr.  Dingley,  ever  watchful  of  the  interests  of  American  ship 
ping,  discovered  that  the  annual  salary  of  the  commissioner  of  nav 
igation  had  been  cut  down  from  four  thousand  dollars  to  three 
thousand  six  hundred  dollars.  He  moved  to  amend  the  bill  by 
striking  out  "three  thousand  six  hundred  dollars"  and  inserting 
"four  thousand  dollars."  He  said  "the  act  creating  this  bureau  was 
passed  at  the  last  session  of  congress  and  provided  a  salary  of  four 
thousand  dollars.  Upon  the  unanimous  report  of  a  committee  and 
by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  both  houses  this  salary  was  fixed;  and  we 
ought  not  now  in  an  appropriation  bill  to  make  this  reduction." 
Mr.  Dingley  added  that  the  duties  were  administrative,  not  clerical. 
"If  the  house,"  he  said,  "after  a  thorough  consideration  of  the  mat 
ter  should  see  fit  to  change  the  law  on  this  subject,  that  would  be 
a  different  question.  The  officer  entered  upon  his  duties  with  the 
understanding  that  the  salary  should  be  four  thousand  dollars." 
But  Mr.  Dingley's  amendment  was  defeated. 

On  the  1 6th  the  house  passed  a  bill  designed  to  prevent  outside 
speculators  from  obtaining  and  sub-letting  mail  contracts.  In  ad 
vocating  this  bill  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "It  is  in  the  public  interest  to 
have  the  mails  carried  by  contractors  living  in  the  immediate  vicin 
ity  of  the  routes,  and  of  giving  personal  attention  to  the  same. 
Where  out-of-state  speculators  bid  off  mail  lines  on  speculation, 
they  are  inclined  to  sub-let  to  parties  having  inadequate  equip 
ment,  and  whenever  irregularities  or  difficulties  arise  there  is  gen 
erally  a  long  delay  in  correcting  them." 

Mr.  Holman's  paragraph  in  the  legislative  appropriation  billy 
limiting  the  compensation  of  custom  officers  of  several  ports  to  the 
fees,  was  opposed  by  Mr.  Dingley  on  the  ground  that  it  would  take 
away  the  custom  houses  and  officials  from  several  ports  which  are 
necessary  for  fishing  and  coasting  vessels.  Mr.  Dingley's  time  ex 
pired  and  Mr.  Long  of  Massachusetts  courteously  yielded  his  time 
to  the  member  from  Maine.  As  a  result  the  proposition  of  Mr. 
Holman  was  defeated. 

February  26  was  a  stormy  day  in  the  house.  The  fight  was  over 
a  paragraph  in  the  sundry  civil  appropriation  bill  authorizing  the 
president  to  suspend  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars.  The  house  re 
fused  to  consider  the  proposition  at  all  and  it  was  stricken  from  the 
bill.  As  this  was  Mr.  Cleveland's  own  plan,  its  defeat  caused  much 
comment,  as  it  showed  a  division  in  the  Democratic  ranks  on  this 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  257 

important  currency  issue.  Two  days  later  the  subject  was  touched 
upon  incidentally,  and  Mr.  Horr,  the  wag  of  the  house,  congratu 
lated  the  Democrats  that  Mr.  Cleveland  should  begin  his  adminis 
tration  by  getting  on  the  Republican  platform.  "I  hold  here," 
said  Mr.  Horr,  "a  letter — the  first  message  given  by  the  incoming 
president  to  the  congress  of  the  United  States,  if  I  may  call  it  a 
message.  I  find  in  this  message  nothing  but  words  of  wisdom.  To 
my  astonishment  almost  every  line  of  it  commends  itself  to  my 
judgment,  and  the  one  thing  I  regret  is  that  such  pearls  had  to  be 
cast  before  such — congressmen.  I  do  not  know  what  the  notions 
of  the  incoming  president  are  on  the  fortification  bill.  Has  any 
member  here  a  message  from  him  on  that  subject?  Did  the  gentle 
man  from  Illinois  (Mr.  Springer)  speak  to  me  ?" 

"No,  sir,"  said  Mr.  Springer,  "I  am  not  casting  pearls  now." 

Smarting  under  the  lash  of  sarcasm  and  ridicule,  the  Demo 
cratic  leaders  parried  the  thrusts  of  Mr.  Horr.  Mr.  Dorsheimer 
said  he  should  have  preferred  that  the  president  had  waited  until 
he  had  been  inaugurated  before  sending  a  message  to  congress. 
Mr.  Warner  came  to  the  rescue  of  Mr.  Dorsheimer,  and  declared 
he  disagreed  with  the  president-elect  as  to  the  danger  of  silver  coin 
age.  Thus  the  contest  over  the  silver  question  was  again  fore 
shadowed;  and  the  serious  disagreement  between  Mr.  Cleveland 
and  a  majority  of  his  party  which  resulted  in  his  political  retire 
ment,  became  more  and  more  apparent.  The  decision  of  the  house 
on  the  silver  question  during  these  closing  hours  of  congress,  was 
significant  and  ill-omened. 

The  peril  of  an  extra  session  of  congress  was  removed  by  the 
recession  of  the  house  from  its  antagonism  to  the  ocean  steamship 
mail  pay  paragraph  of  the  post-office  appropriation  bill,  and  its  con 
currence  with  the  senate.  For  this  victory  of  American  shipping, 
great  credit  was  due  Mr.  Dingley.  This  measure  was  one  of  the 
few  important  matters  wrested  from  the  forty-eighth  congress. 
The  fight  to  secure  it  during  the  closing  hours  of  this  session  was 
tremendous.  There  were  only  nine  votes  to  spare,  after  a  long  and 
sharp  running  debate.  The  last  three  days  of  this  congress  were 
crowded  with  business.  Confusion  seemed  to  be  supreme ;  but  out 
of  it  all,  the  appropriation  bills  were  saved  with  the  exception  of  the 
liver  and  harbor  bill.  The  forty-eighth  congress  expired  by  limita 
tion  at  noon  March  4,  Speaker  Carlisle  delivering  his  valedictory; 
and  President  Cleveland  was  inaugurated. 

The  light  was  burning  brightly  in  the  dome  of  the  capitoi  as  the 
morning  broke  on  the  4th  of  March.  The  jaded  legislators  were  still 


258  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

at  their  desk  when  the  troops  began  to  assemble  at  the  forming 
places.  The  day  was  the  most  beautiful  of  the  year.  The  sky  was 
cloudless,  and  the  air  was  soft  and  balmy.  The  senate  chamber 
was  early  in  readiness  for  the  distinguished  party.  Twenty  thous 
and  people  with  up-turned  faces,  stood  in  the  space  east  of  the 
capitol.  To  this  multitude  and  to  the  entire  nation,  the  first  Demo 
cratic  president  since  1856  delivered  his  inaugural  address.  But 
curiously  enough,  President  Cleveland's  message  was  assailed  by 
his  own  party  and  endorsed  by  the  Republicans.  A  delegation  of 
Republican  congressmen  hastened  to  the  White  House  to  assure 
the  new  president  that  the  Republicans  were  especially  pleased  with 
his  soundness  on  the  silver  question.  Thus  President  Cleveland's 
estrangement  from  his  party  began  the  first  day  of  his  term. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  fifty-three  years  old  on  the  I5th  of  February, 
and  he  recorded  in  his  diary:  "I  feel  as  young  as  I  did  thirty  years 
ago."  It  was  a  remarkable  fact  that  in  the  midst  of  exciting  public 
duties  and  under  strain  of  incessant  mental  labor,  Mr.  Dingley 
maintained  perfect  health.  He  returned  to  his  home  in  Lewiston, 
two  days  after  congress  adjourned.  He  was  always  happy  in  the 
editorial  chair ;  and  in  the  intervals  between  public  duties,  wrote  for 
the  Lewiston  Journal  sound  and  able  leaders  that  were  quoted 
freely  by  the  state  papers. 

June  1 6,  the  general  conference  of  the  Congregational  churches 
of  Maine  met  in  Lewiston.  Mr.  Dingley,  responding  to  the  invita 
tion  of  the  moderator  of  the  conference  said  that  "the  preaching  of 
today  is  as  sound,  faithful  and  spiritual  as  ft  was  seventy-five  years 
ago,  when  church-going  was  more  general  than  now.  The  church 
has  not  lost  any  of  its  zeal,  nor  the  gospel  any  of  its  old  power. 
How  does  it  happen,  then,  that  there  is  a  large  and  increasing  num 
ber  of  non-church  attendants  in  both  city  and  country?  It  is  partly 
because  of  immigration  and  partly  because  the  conditions  of  life 
are  changed,  while  the  churches  are  pursuing  their  old  methods 
of  work.  Formerly  most  of  our  population  lived  on  farms.  The 
invention  of  machinery  by  which  farm  work  is  done  with  less 
manual  labor,  and  the  cheap  transportation  which  has  brought 
western  farm  produce  so  cheaply  to  our  doors,  has  carried  the  boys 
and  girls  in  large  numbers  from  off  the  farm,  and  taken  them  into 
the  manufacturing  villages  and  cities,  of  which  we  had  none  sev 
enty-five  years  ago.  Young  men  and  women  away  from  home  in 
cities  do  not  go  to  the  city  churches  because  they  have  not  parental 
influence  to  lead  them  to  church.  The  old  method  is  good  for 
church-going  people;  nothing  better  was  ever  discovered  to  pro- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  259 

mote  spiritual  welfare ;  but  you  have  got  to  add  some  instrumental 
ity  to  the  old  agencies  in  order  to  reach  those  outside  the  church. 
The  preaching  is  as  sound  and  spiritua.1,  but  the  people  are  not  in 
the  churches  to  hear  it ;  neither  will  free  seats  bring  them  in.  Some 
thing  must  be  done.  You  may  have  more  consecrated  men  in  the 
churches,  but  that  will  not  bring  in  non  church-goers.  You  have 
got  to  go  out  after  them.  The  Young  Men's  Christian  associations 
and  other  organizations  have  already  been  at  work  in  this  direc 
tion.  Whatever  agency  may  be  resorted  to,  it  should  be  under  the 
guidance  of  the  church.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  work  of  such 
organizations,  as  the  Salvation  army,  they  are  certainly  reaching 
for  good,  many  whom  the  ordinary  agencies  of  the  church  cannot 
reach.  They  should  not  be  opposed,  but  guided,  moulded  and  used 
by  the  church  itself.  We  should  remember  that  even  their  parades 
and  drum-beatings  have  in  view  simply  the  drawing  into  their 
meetings  of  the  masses  who  cannot  be  persuaded  to  enter  a  church, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  reached  by  the  gospel  truths  presented 
in  such  a  way  it  clearly  finds  lodgment  in  the  hearts  of  many.  We 
should  welcome,  use,  sustain  and  guide  any  and  all  methods  of 
Christian  work  which  reach  the  masses,  and  this  is  what  we  should 
do  to  the  Salvation  army."  This  sentiment  was  greeted  with  ap 
plause. 

Late  in  July  it  was  announced  from  Washington  that  Postmas 
ter  General  Vilas  had  declined  to  increase  the  compensation  of 
American  steamship  lines  for  carrying  the  mails.  The  substance  of 
his  excuse  was  that  English  steamship  lines  would  carry  our  mails, 
for  the  annual  compensation  then  paid,  and  second  that  the  act  of: 
the  last  congress  did  not  furnish  a  sufficiently  definite  basis  for 
action.  Mr.  Dingley  thus  commented  editorially:  "To  the  first 
excuse,  it  is  sufficient  to  reply  that  it  was  understood  by  the  last 
congress  that  British  steamship  lines,  supported  in  part  by  large 
mail  pay  appropriations  of  the  British  government,  would  carry  our 
mails  without  compensation,  if  they  could  thereby  extinguish  or 
prevent  the  establishment  of  American  steamship  lines.  The  sec 
ond  excuse  is  brushed  aside  by  the  terms  of  the  law  which  gives  the 
postmaster  general  full  authority  to  use  not  exceeding  $400,000. 
Postmaster  General  Vilas  and  the  administration  cannot  avoid 
their  full  responsibility.  It  is  an  open  secret  that  the  real  reason 
for  non-action  is  hostility  to  the  plan  of  aiding  in  maintaining 
American  steamship  lines  by  liberal  mail  pay." 

The  death  of  General  U.  S.  Grant  July  23rd,  cast  a  gloom  over 
the  whole  nation.    Mr.  Dingley  wrote  of  the  departed  soldier:  "As 


2<5o  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ihe  imperturbable  leader  of  our  armies  in  the  great  contest  which 
ended  so  triumphantly  for  the  rights  of  men,  General  Grant  was 
honored  while  living,  and  his  death  is  the  death  of  a  citizen  of  the 
world  to  whom  every  man  struggling  against  caste  and  prejudice 
owes  a  debt  which  happily  for  justice  to  his  great  name,  the  masses 
of  the  people  on  both  sides  of  the  sea,  are  not  slow  to  acknowl 
edge." 

Mr.  Dingley  found  much  rest  and  recreation  at  his  island  home ; 
but  his  recreation  often  consisted  of  writing  editorials  and  ad 
dresses.  July  25th  he  delivered  the  opening  address  at  the  annual 
mass  meeting  of  the  Friends  of  Temperance  at  Sebago  lake,  near 
Portland.  His  address  was  on  "The  First  Centennial  of  the  Tem 
perance  Movement  in  the  United  States — a  Review  of  the  Pro 
gress  of  a  Hundred  years,  and  a  Glance  at  the  Future  of  the  Tem 
perance  Reform."  l  Temperance  meetings  and  political  confer 
ences  occupied  a  large  part  of  Mr.  Dingley's  time  during  August 
and  September. 

The  result  of  the  state  elections  in  eleven  states  on  the  third  of 
November,  indicated  very  little  change  in  party  strength  from  that 
shown  in  the  presidential  election  of  a  year  previous.  The  leading 
feature  of  the  elections  was  the  restoration  of  Tammany  to  the  con 
trol  of  the  Democratic  party  in  New  York.  With  David  B.  Hill 
governor,  Tammany  was  "on  top,"  and  Mr.  Dingley  observed: 
"We  doubt  not  that  what  seems  to  many  Democrats  a  victory,  will 
in  the  end  only  serve  to  make  the  Democratic  overthrow  com 
plete  in  the  early  future."  October  I4th  he  attended  a  meeting  of 
the  Republican  state  committee  at  Augusta,  and  dined  with  Mr. 
Elaine.  October  2ist  he  gave  the  address  of  welcome  at  the  state 
Sabbath  school  convention  at  Auburn.  On  the  I5th  of  November 
he  dined  at  his  brother  Frank's  to  celebrate  their  father's  76th 
birthday.  His  devotion  and  tenderness  to  his  father  and  to  his 
children  was  rare.  He  never  failed  to  write  a  loving  birthday  letter 
to  his  only  daughter,  to  whom  he  referred  in  his  diary  as  the  "sole 
daughter  of  my  house  and  heart." 

Thanksgiving  day  brought  its  usual  joys.  The  family — grand 
father,  two  sons,  Nelson  and  Frank,  and  eleven  sons  and  daughters, 
sat  down  to  a  bountiful  repast,  at  the  Congressman's  home,  where 
good  health  and  happiness  abounded.  December  3rd,  Mr.  Dingley 
started  for  Washington,  leaving  his  devoted  wife  to  watch  at  the 
bed-side  of  his  second  son  who  was  seriously  ill.  Silent  prayer 
comforted  him  on  his  lonely  journey. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
1885-1887. 

The  death  of  Vice  President  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  November 
25th,  1885,  following  so  soon  the  assassination  of  Lincoln  and  Gar- 
field,  joined  to  the  fact  that  two  presidents  had  previously  died  in 
office,  reminded  the  country  that  rulers  in  a  republic  are  as  liable 
to  die  during  their  terms  as  kings  and  emperors,  and  that  it  is  the 
part  of  wisdom  to  provide  for  such  contingencies  by  law.  Had 
President  Cleveland  died  then,  there  would  have  been  no  official 
authorized  to  take  up  the  reins  of  government.  There  was  no  pres 
ident  pro  tempore  of  the  senate  and  no  speaker  of  the  house.  This 
startling  situation  resulted  shortly  after,  in  the  passage  of  the  pres 
idential  succession  bill,  whereby  the  different  members  of  the  cabi 
net  succeeded  to  the  presidency  after  the  death  of  the  president 
and  vice  president. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Republicans  were  in  a  mi 
nority  in  the  forty-ninth  congress,  and  therefore  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  speaker  would  be  elected,  nevertheless  the  Republi 
cans  held  a  caucus  the  Saturday  before  congress  met,  to  select  a 
candidate  for  speaker.  As  the  nomination  was  regarded  as  indi 
cating  the  man  whom  the  Republicans  would  look  to  as  a  leader, 
and  a  probable  future  candidate  for  speaker,  there  was  no  little  in 
terest  manifested.  The  names  mentioned  were  Reed  of  Maine, 
Hiscock  of  New  York,  Long  of  Massachusetts  and  McKinley  of 
Ohio.  Reed  was  always  looked  to  as  a  leader  in  a  partisan  debate, 
his  great  powers  of  sarcasm  giving  him  peculiar  advantage  in  such 
a  rough  and  tumble  war  of  words.  He  seemed  to  be  the  favorite ; 
and  on  the  day  of  the  caucus  was  nominated  for  speaker  by  a  vote 


262  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  sixty-three  to  forty-two  for  Hiscock.  His  nomination  was  not 
an  empty  honor.  It  gave  him  prestige  as  the  leader  on  the  Repub 
lican  side.  In  accepting  the  nomination,  Mr.  Reed  simply  bowed 
his  acknowledgement.  In  his  selection  Mr.  Dingley  played  an  im 
portant  part. 

Congress  assembled  December  7  with  the  usual  ceremony. 
John  G.  Carlisle  was  elected  speaker,  and  his  address  to  the  house 
expressed  his  confidence  that  the  Democratic  congress  would  be 
able  to  ''lighten  the  burdens  of  the  people,  reform  abuses  in  the 
public  service,  complete  the  restoration  of  confidence  and  fraternal 
feeling  among  the  people  in  all  sections  of  the  country,  and  give 
such  assurances  for  a  wise  and  patriotic  policy  as  will  guarantee 
a  long  life  of  Democratic  administration."  Mr.  Carlisle  changed 
his  mind  before  congress  adjourned. 

President  Cleveland's  message  was  a  disappointment  to  his  own 
party,  and  enigmatical  to  the  Republicans.  No  light  was  thrown 
upon  the  issues  of  free  trade  and  protection.  The  President  first 
dodged  the  issue  and  then  declared  there  was  before  the  adminis 
tration  no  economic  issue  whatever  of  protection  or  free  trade. 
Mr.  Dingley  observed :  "The  president  talks  of  protection  in  the 
interest  of  the  masses  of  the  people  and  of  the  importance  of  re 
ducing  the  revenue,  and  yet  when  the  question  comes  up  for  prac 
tical  solution  the  Democrats  prefer  to  continue  the  tariff  on  sugar, 
which  is  an  uncalled-for  tax  on  the  plain  people.  The  program  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  congress  has  been  to  make  sugar  dear 
and  to  make  whiskey  cheap.  The  perils  of  the  party  that  under 
takes  to  govern  the  country  and  to  deny  that  protection  is  an  issue, 
will  be  seen  gradually  to  accumulate  as  time  rolls  on.  A  party  out 
of  power,  may  continue  out  of  power  without  a  constructive  policy, 
as  the  history  of  bourbonism  reveals;  but,  in  power,  something 
other  than  negations  is  required.'* 

In  this  house  were  Hilary  A.  Herbert,  William  C.  Gates  and 
Joseph  Wheeler  of  Alabama ;  Joseph  McKenna  of  California,  sub 
sequently  appointed  justice  of  the  United  States  supreme  court; 
Henry  G.  Turner,  Charles  F.  Crisp  and  James  H.  Blount  of 
Georgia;  A.  J.  Hopkins,  Robert  R.  Hitt,  Thomas  J.  Henderson. 
Lewis  E.  Payson,  William  M.  Springer,  Joseph  G.  Cannon  and 
William  R.  Morrison  of  Illihois;  William  S.  Holman,  William  B. 
Bynum  and  George  W.  Steele  of  Indiana;  David  B.  Henderson, 
(later  speaker  of  the  house),  J.  B.  Weaver  and  William  P.  Hepburn 
of  Iowa ;  William  P.  Breckinridge  and  J.  G.  Carlisle  of  Kentucky ; 
Thomas  B.  Reed,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Seth  L.  Milliken  and  Charles 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  263 

A.  Boutelle  of  Maine ;  John  D.  Long,  P.  A.  Collins,  Charles  A. 
Allen,  William  W.  Rice  and  William  Whiting  of  Massachusetts; 
James  O'Donnell,  J.  C.  Burrows,  Edwin  B.  Winans,  Byron  M. 
Cutcheon  and  Spencer  O.  Fisher  of  Michigan;  Knute  Nelson  of 
Minnesota ;  Richard  P.  Bland  of  Missouri ;  WilliamWalter  Phelps 
of  New  Jersey,  later  ambassador  to  Germany,  and  William  Mc- 
Adoo  from  the  same  state ;  Perry  Belmont,  Joseph  Pultizer,  Abram 
S.  Hewitt  and  S.  E.  Payne  of  New  York;  Benjamin  Butterworth, 
James  E.  Campbell,  Charles  H.  Grosvenor,  A.  J.  Warner  and  Wil 
liam  McKinleyJr.,  of  Ohio ;  Henry  H.  Bingham,  Samuel  J.  Randall, 
William  B.  Kelley,  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Thomas  M.  Bayne  of  Penn 
sylvania  ;  Benton  McMillin  and  James  D.  Richardson  of  Tennessee ; 
James  H.  Reagan  and  R.  Q.  Mills  of  Texas ;  George  D.  Wise  and 
John  W.  Daniels  of  Virginia ;  Nathan  Goff  Jr.,  and  William  L.  Wil 
son  of  West  Virginia. 

Debate  over  the  proposed  new  rules  occupied  several  days,  dur 
ing  which  Mr.  Dingley  sought  to  secure  an  amendment  creating  a 
committee  on  navigation  and  fisheries,  but  without  avail.  The 
most  important  amendment  to  the  new  rules  was  the  granting  to  a 
majority  of  the  house  the  power  to  determine  what  business  shall 
be  taken  up  and  prohibiting  general  legislation  in  the  forms  of 
riders  to  appropriation  bills. 

Congress  adjourned  for  the  holidays  the  day  before  Christmas, 
but  Mr  Dingley  was  obliged  to  return  to  Maine  December  18,  be 
cause  of  the  dangerous  illness  of  his  second  son.  The  scene  at  that 
bedside  when  the  devoted  and  anxious  father  entered  the  siclc 
room,  will  never  be  forgotten.  The  father  knelt  beside  his  son  and 
put  his  arms  tenderly  about  the  wasted  body.  The  anxious  and 
weary  mother  stood  near.  Both  uttered  a  silent  prayer  for  the  re 
covery  of  their  boy,  and  the  prayer  was  heard.  The  crisis  was 
passed  and  the  son  was  soon  restored  to  health. 

The  legislative  reunion  at  Augusta  early  in  January,  1886,  was 
the  event  of  the  winter.  Mr.  Dingley  was  to  take  a  prominent  part 
and  on  the  afternoon  of  January  5th  started  for  Augusta.  There 
he  was  the  guest  of  Mr.  Blaine.  The  reception  was  held  in  repre 
sentative  hall,  Governor  Robie  and  former  Governors  Hamlin, 
Dingley,  Connor  and  Plaisted  forming  the  receiving  party.  The 
exercises  the  next  day  were  exceptionally  interesting.  Some  of 
the  most  noted  men  of  the  state  were  present,  several  of  them  well 
advanced  in  years.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  John  C.  Talbot,  N.  W.  Far- 
well,  Nathaniel  Wilson,  William  Dickey  and  Solon  Chase  made 
short  addresses.  Mr.  Dingley  gave  interesting  reminiscences  of  the 


264  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

war  sessions  of  the  legislature  from  1861  to  1865.  He  said  he  had 
looked  forward  to  this  occasion  with  more  than  ordinary  interest 
and  had  delayed  his  departure  for  Washington  for  the  purpose  of 
attending.  He  first  became  a  member  of  the  legislature  in  the  first 
year  of  the  civil  war.  At  that  time  Hon.  Bion  Bradbury,  Hon. 
George  P.  Sewell,  Hon.  A.  P.  Gould  and  many  other  able  men  were 
members  of  the  house.  In  the  senate  among  others  were  Hon. 
John  A.  Peters  and  Hon.  N.  A.  Farwell.  Over  the  house  presided 
Hon.  J.  G.  Blaine.  He  said  that  the  experience  to  be  gained  in  a 
legislature  composed  of  such  able  men  as  these  was  valuable.  The 
questions  to  be  met  at  that  time  were  not  those  of  ordinary  legis 
lation  but  questions  of  the  life  and  death  of  the  nation.  It  was  a 
session  which  he  could  never  forget,  and  it  was  a  pleasure  to  him  to 
meet  some  of  those  who  sat  in  these  halls  at  that  time.  During  the 
years  he  had  served  in  the  legislature  he  had  formed  the  friend 
ships  of  men  now  scattered  throughout  the  union,  friendships 
which  had  not  only  continued  but  strengthened  and  increased  as 
the  years  had  gone  by.  No  friendships  formed  in  the  ordinary  re 
lations  of  life  are  stronger  or  more  lasting  than  those  formed  in 
legislative  halls.  Nothing  would  have  deterred  him,  except  actual 
necessity,  from  being  present.  He  thanked  those  who  had  con 
ceived  the  project  of  a  reunion  and  made  it  so  successful. 

Mr.  Dingley  also  spoke  at  the  banquet,  the  other  speakers  be 
ing  Mr.  Blaine,  Mr.  Hamlin,  Governor  Robie,  W.  W.  Thomas, 
Charles  Hamlin,  Selden  Connor,  A.  P.  Morrill  and  others.  Hon. 
J.  H.  Drummond  was  toastmaster.  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "I  suppose 
the  toastmaster's  reference  was  whether  we  consider  it  a  misfor 
tune  to  be  promoted  from  a  legislative  body  of  this  state  to  con 
gress.  If  I  were  to  answer  that  question  I  should  want  to  con 
sider  it  in  two  or  three  points  of  view.  If  I  were  consulted  person 
ally,  I  should  say  it  was  a  misfortune,  for  it  has  already  been  stated 
by  my  friend  Mr.  Blaine,  that  no  ex-member  of  our  house  of  repre 
sentatives  who  has  been  transferred  to  congress  has  had  any  other 
view  of  the  promotion  than  that  he  has  been  deprived  of  the  great 
est  pleasure  of  his  life.  It  is  true,  my  friends,  that  in  one  point  of 
view  it  is  a  promotion,  but  it  is  also  true  in  congress,  as  has  been 
said  here,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  deliberation  in  the  transaction 
of  business.  It  is  so  to  a  certain  extent  in  the  senate  of  the  United 
States,  but  it  is  increased  in  the  house.  Deliberation  in  the  latter 
body  is  practically  an  impossibility,  and  I  appeal  to  gentlemen  who 
have  been  present  if  it  does  not  very  nearly  represent  a  bear  gar 
den.  It  is  true  that  we  here  in  our  house  of  representatives  delib- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  265 

erate  in  the  transaction  of  business.  Every  man  who  has  anything 
to  say,  gets  a  hearing.  Few  members  get  a  hearing  in  the  house  ot 
representatives  of  the  United  States.  Occasionally  we  have  some 
thing  approaching  the  debates  that  we  have  here  but  very  rarely. 
You  who  have  visited  Washington,  and  looking  down  upon  the 
house  from  the  galleries,  have  observed  some  gentleman  of  con 
siderable  reputation  sawing  the  air,  and  repeating  the  words  to  go 
to  his  constituents,  and,  apparently,  not  a  solitary  member  listening 
to  what  is  being  said.  Now,  I  must  confess  that  I  do  not  like  that 
way  of  doing  business.  The  legislation  there  is  transacted  in  com 
mittees  and  not  in  open  house.  Occasionally  some  question  of 
great  importance,  commanding  the  attention  of  the  country,  does 
receive  some  degree  of  deliberation,  but  not  usually.  Therefore,  I 
say  that  in  that  point  of  view,  a  great  pleasure  is  taken  away  from 
any  member  who  may  be  transferred -from  the  legislature  of  this 
state  to  congress.  But  then,  of  course  when  you  ask  me,  for  ex 
ample,  if  I  am  ready  -to  step  down  and  out,  and  come  back  here,  I 
say  we  all  have  a  little  idea  that  there  is  something  a  little  more  ele 
vated  in  it,  although  it  is  not  quite  so  agreeable  and  we  stick  to  it. 
As  Jefferson  once  said,  few  die,  and  none  resign." 

The  occasion  was  made  still  more  interesting  and  historical  by 
the  presentation  to  the  state  of  a  portrait  in  oil  of  Lot  M.  Morrill. 
The  presentation  speech  was  made  by  the  venerable  former  United 
States  senator,  James  W.  Bradbury.  The  grand  ball  was  led  by 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  then  76  years  old.  That  night  the  week's  festiv 
ities,  a  success  from  inception  to  close,  came  to  end. 

Thursday  before  the  program  was  concluded,  Mr.  Dingley 
started  for  Washington,  arriving  in  time  to  hear  the  announce 
ment  of  the  committees  on  the  following  day.  Speaker  Carlisle 
placed  Mr.  Dingley  on  his  old  committees — banking  and  currency 
and  American  ship  building.  The  shipping  committee  was  almost 
entirely  re-constructed  by  the  speaker.  Free  ship  Democrats  like 
Holman  of  Indiana,  Mills  of  Texas  and  McMillin  of  Tennessee, 
were  substituted  for  the  Democrats  who  ia  the  last  congress  fol 
lowed  Mr.  Dingley  in  opposing  free  ships.  Speaker  Carlisle  and  Mr. 
Morrison  were  chagrined  in  the  previous  congress  to  find  that  their 
shipping  committee  had  reported  against  free  ships,  and  the 
speaker  took  particular  pains  this  session  to  make  the  committee 
strongly  in  favor  of  allowing  foreign  built  ships  to  take  an  Ameri 
can  registry. 

In  speaking  of  the  outlook  for  legislation  Mr.  Dingley  said  that 
he  did  not  expect  any  important  financial  legislation.  In  regard  to 


266  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

the  silver  coinage  law  he  thought  that  there  would  be  no  change 
until  some  financial  calamity  occurred  to  open  the  eyes  of  con 
gressmen. 

Mr.  Dingley's  interest  in  American  shipping  never  waned.  On 
the  28th  of  January  he  secured  consideration  of  his  bill  to  abolish 
certain  fees  for  official  services  to  American  vessels,  and  to  amend 
the  laws  relating  to  shipping  commissioners,  seamen  and  owners 
of  vessels.  1  This  bill  was  unanimously  reported  from  the  select 
committee  on  American  shipping.  Mr.  Dingley  explained  the  bill, 
section  by  section,  and  displayed  a  minute  knowledge  of  shipping 
law  and  navigation  regulations. 

He  was  busy  all  day,  February  4,  fighting  dangerous  amend 
ments  ;  and  by  his  rare  skill  and  diplomacy  secured  the  passage  of 
the  bill  substantially  as  it  came  from  the  committee.  This  bill 
passed  the  senate  May  17,  with  amendments,  and  Messrs.  Miller, 
Dolph  and  Vest  were  appointed  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  senate. 
The  house  committee  voted  to  recommend  non-concurrence  in 
most  of  the  senate  amendments.  This  was  not  through  opposition 
to  the  amendments  but  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  them  in  con 
ference.  May  25th  Mr.  Dingley  reported  the  bill  to  the  house  with 
the  recommendation  that  some  of  the  amendments  be  concurred 
in  and  others  rejected,  and  that  conferees  be  appointed.  The 
speaker  appointed  Messrs.  Dingley,  Dunn  and  McMillin  conferees 
on  the  part  of  the  house.  Mr.  Dingley  was  the  leading  spirit  in  the 
conference  held  May  26th,  and  succeeded  by  his  superior  knowl 
edge,  in  carrying  a  majority  of  the  conferees  with  him.  On  the  fol 
lowing  day,  he  presented  the  conference  report  to  the  house,  and 
explained  it.  The  amendment  "authorizing  the  president  to  with 
draw  commercial  privileges  in  our  ports  from  the  vessels  of  any 
foreign  country  to  the  extent  that  such  privileges  are  denied  to  the 
vessels  of  the  United  States  in  the  ports  of  such  foreign  countries," 
caused  some  debate.  Mr.  Dingley  explained  that  "in  view  of  the 
fact  that  Canada  is  attempting  to  discriminate  against  American 
fishing  vessels  by  depriving  them  of  certain  commercial  privileges 
which  we  freely  allow  Canadian  vessels  in  our  ports,  it  is  proposed 
by  this  section  simply  to  extend  the  authority  already  given  the 
president  by  the  act  of  1823.  *  *  *  If  Canada  or  any  other 
country  shall  come  to  understand  that  her  vessels  can  obtain  full 
privileges  in  our  ports  without  corresponding  return  on  her  part, 
then  we  shall  have  her  vesels  coming  into  our  ports  and  claiming 
these  privileges,  while  our  vessels  in  her  ports  are  denied  similar 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  267 

privileges,  and  she  will  simply  laugh  at  us."  Mr.  Dingley  reiterated 
his  statement  that  the  amendment  did  not  undertake  to  settle  the 
pending  controversy  in  regard  to  the  fisheries  between  the  United 
States  and  Canada.  The  report  was  agreed  to  in  the  house  and 
also  in  the  senate;  and  on  the  iQth  of  June  President  Cleveland 
signed  the  bill.  This  law,  enacted  through  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Ding- 
ley,  was  a  great  boon  to  the  shipping  interests  of  the  country.  The 
Portland  Advertiser  said :  "Mr.  Dingley's  work  in  behalf  of  Amer 
ican  shipping  deserves  great  praise,  for  in  a  quiet  way  he  has  man 
aged  to  pass  bills  raising  an  annual  burden  of  a  million  and  a  half 
dollars  on  American  ships." 

The  president  in  his  message,  recommended  the  passage  of  a 
bill  authorizing  him  to  appoint  a  commission  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
with  Great  Britain  to  settle  the  question  of  fishing  grounds  on  the 
Canadian  and  American  coasts,  and  to  make  arrangements  relative 
to  trade  with  Canada.  It  was  well  understood  that  the  real  purpose 
of  the  commissipn  on  the  part  of  Canada  was  to  secure  a  treaty  for 
the  free  admission  of  Canadian  fish  into  our  markets.  Mr.  Dingley 
foreshadowed  the  strong  opposition  that  would  be  made  by  Ameri 
can  fishermen,  by  presenting  in  the  house  the  protest  of  a  large 
number  of  fishermen  and  citizens  of  Maine  against  any  such  ar 
rangement.  The  memorial  was  signed  by  a  number  of  citizens  of 
Maine  "who  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  preservation  and  encour 
agement  of  the  sea  fisheries  which  have  always  proved  so  valuable 
a  nursery  of  seamen  to  man  our  national  vessels  in  case  of  war." 
The  signers  represented  that  "these  fishing  interests  have  seriously 
declined  during  recent  years,  largely  in  consequence  of  the  dis 
astrous  competition  of  Canadian  fish,  which,  under  treaty  arrange 
ments,  have  until  recently,  been  admitted  into  the  markets  of  the 
United  States  without  the  payment  of  any  duty."  It  was  pointed 
out  that  the  advantages  to  be  obtained  by  American  fishermen 
were  never  realized,  and  that  the  arrangements  had  been  termi 
nated  July  ist,  1885 ;  "and  that  Canadian  fish  have  ever  since  been 
charged  the  same  duty  as  fish  brought  into  our  markets  by  other 
foreign  fishermen."  The  memorialists  "respectfully  protest  against 
any  treaty,  arrangement  or  legislation  which  would  admit  Cana 
dian  fish  into  American  markets  free  of  duty.  We  urge  this  not 
simply  because  of  the  importance  of  the  industry,  which  cannot 
maintain  itself  in  open,  free  competition  with  the  cheaper  labor  and 
cheaper  vessels  and  supplies  of  Canadians  engaged  in  this  industry, 
but  also  and  especially  because  it  is  a  nursery  of  seamen  from  which 
the  nation  has  in  the  past  drawn  the  men  that  have  defended  our 


268  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

flag  on  the  ocean  in  time  of  war ;  and  which  it  is  as  essential  to 
maintain  as  a  resource  and  defence  in  case  of  a  conflict  with  naval 
powers  as  it  is  to  erect  forts  and  build  a  navy." 

Interest  in  the  proposed  fisheries  commission  increased.  Mr. 
Ding-ley  said  that  "the  friends  of  the  fishing  interests  of  New  Eng 
land  are  steadily  gaining  in  strength  in  the  house.  In  the  senate 
the  Republican  majority  has  been  steadily  opposed  to  any  commis 
sion  looking  to  the  admission  of  Canadian  fish  free  of  duty  from 
the  beginning,  and  there  has  been  no  fear  that  any  commission  bill 
that  the  house  would  pass,  could  pass  the  senate.  The  largely 
signed  remonstrances  from  the  lake  region  against  any  commis 
sion  looking  to  free  Canadian  fish,  which  have  recently  poured  into 
the  house,  have  so  strengthened  the  friends  that  I  am  satisfied  we 
can  beat  the  commission  in  the  house,  as  many  Democrats  are 
coming  over  to  us.  Indeed,  it  would  not  surprise  me  if  the  admin 
istration  found  the  job  of  carrying  a  commission  so  hopeless  that 
Secretary  Bayard  would  intimate  to  Mr.  Belmont  of  the  foreign 
affairs  committee  that  the  matter  had  better  be  allowed  to  die  in 
committee."  The  proposition  was  allowed  to  die. 

Early  in  April,  agitation  over  the  vexed  fishery  question  was  re 
newed  by  the  policy  of  the  Dominion  government  in  prohibiting 
any  fishing  vessel  of  the  United  States  from  entering  Dominion 
harbors  except  for  the  purpose  of  shelter,  repairs,  and  purchase  of 
wood  and  water.  Several  seizures  of  American  fishing  vessels  were 
made  by  the  Canadian  authorities  and  the  situation  was  somewhat 
strained.  Mr.  Dingley  called  Secretary  Bayard's  attention  to  the 
violation  by  the  Dominion  of  the  treaty  of  1844,  and  the  secretary 
agreed  that  the  Dominion  had  overstepped  the  bounds  in  these 
three  respects :  in  warning  American  vessels  from  Canadian  waters 
though  not  engaged  in  the  fishing  trade ;  in  denying  the  right  to  en 
ter  these  ports  for  trade,  and  in  refusing  to  American  fishing  vessels 
the  right  to  land  fish  caught  in  deep  water  for  shipment  to  the 
United  States  in  bond.  This  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  agree 
ment  made  in  1850  between  the  two  nations  that  the  vessels  of  each 
should  have  the  freedom  of  the  ports  of  the  other. 

April  5th,  Mr.  Dingley  introduced  the  following  resolution  in 
the  house :  "Resolved,  that  the  president  be  requested  to  furnish 
the  house,  if  compatible  with  the  public  interests,  with  any  informa 
tion  in  his  possession  relative  to  the  exclusion  of  American  ship 
ping  vessels  from  the  ports  of  entry  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  for 
the  purpose  of  trading,  purchasing  supplies  or  landing  fish  caught 
in  deep  water  for  shipment  in  bond  to  the  United  States,  or  doing 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  269 

other  acts  which  Canada  and  other  British  vessels  are  freely  per 
mitted  to  do  in  ports  of  the  United  States,  and  also  to  inform  the 
house  what  steps  have  been  taken  or  are  proposed  to  bring  such 
unwarrantable  and  unfriendly  acts  of  the  Dominion  authorities  to 
the  attention  of  the  British  government." 

Mr.  Dingley  made  an  argument  before  the  committee  on  for 
eign  affairs  in  favor  of  his  resolution,  and  the  resolution  (with  the 
preamble  eliminated)  was  unanimously  adopted  and  reported  to 
the  house.  April  16,  the  resolution  was  reached  and  Mr.  Dingley 
spoke  in  favor  of  its  adoption.  l  He  traced  the  history  of  the  con 
troversy  and  pointed  out  clearly  wherein  Canada  was  violating  a 
solemn  agreement  with  the  United  States.  "It  is  time,"  he  said, 
"that  the  interests  of  American  fishermen  should  be  scrupulously 
and  persistently  guarded  as  the  similar  interests  of  other  nations 
are  guarded  by  them.  Considered  simply  as  an  industry  to  supply 
food  to  our  people,  our  fisheries  are  of  great  importance.  But 
their  value  as  a  resource  in  time  of  war  cannot  be  over-estimated." 
The  resolution  was  adopted. 

The  seizure  of  Gloucester  and  Portland  fishing  vessels  by  a 
Canadian  vessel,  precipitated  matters,  and  Mr.  Dingley  on  the  loth 
of  May  introduced  in  the  house  a  bill  "to  limit  the  commercial 
privileges  of  vessels  of  foreign  countries  in  the  ports  of  the  United 
States  for  such  purposes  as  are  accorded  to  American  vessels  in 
the  ports  of  such  foreign  countries."  The  bill  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  American  ship  building.  In  the  meantime  Senator 
Frye  secured  the  adoption  of  an  amendment  to  the  Dingley  ship 
ping  bill  covering  the  same  point.  This  amendment  was  rejected 
by  the  house,  but  finally  agreed  to  in  conference ;  and  formed  a  part 
of  the  Dingley  shipping  bill  that  passed  both  houses  May  27th. 

Seizures  of  American  shipping  vessels  continued,  and  steps 
were  taken  by  New  England  fishermen  to  protect  themselves  if  the 
government  declined  so  to  do.  Secretary  Bayard  claimed  that  he 
was  doing  everything  in  his  power ;  but  the  season  was  rapidly  ad 
vancing  and  nothing  was  done.  Mr.  Dingley  said  in  July,  after 
fruitless  efforts  to  secure  action  by  the  state  department :  "It  must 
be  admitted  with  chagrin  by  the  American  citizen  that  in  our  tran 
sactions  with  Great  Britain  relative  to  the  fisheries,  ever  since  1818. 
the  British  have  got  the  best  of  us ;  that  while  we  have  somehow 
or  other  beaten  Great  Britain  in  the  settlement  of  other  issues  be 
tween  the  two  countries,  she  has  uniformly  gained  a  notorious  ad 
vantage  in  the  several  fishery  bargains  we  have  made  with  her. 

1— See  Appendix. 


270  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  English  authorities  are  now  using  their  old  and  successful 
game — the  game  that  cost  us  so  much  in  1877 — the  game  of  delay. 
Here  is  Minister  West  leaving  Washington  for  a  summer's  jaunt 
right  in  the  midst  of  the  troubles.  English  and  Canadian  states 
men  hope  by  a  studied  system  of  postponements  to  fret  us  into 
making  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada.  Secretary  Bayard  is  not 
the  man  to  cope  with  the  craft  of  British  statesmen  who,  having 
cheated  us  before  so  badly  and  so  many  times  are  hardly  to  be 
blamed  for  thinking  that  by  their  old  policy  of  delays  and  evasions 
they  can  tire  us  out,  drive  us  to  their  terms  and  cheat  us  again.  In 
the  present  emergency,  this  country  needs  a  quick-witted,  strong- 
willed  man  in  Secretary  Bayard's  place." 

While  the  house  had  under  consideration  the  postoffice  appro 
priation  bill,  Mr.  Dingley  on  the  3Oth  of  March,  delivered  an  able 
and  exhaustive  speech  x  on  liberal  pay  to  American  steamship  lines 
for  transportation  of  foreign  mails.  He  sharply  arraigned  the  post 
master  general  for  the  blow  he  had  administered  against  American 
shipping  by  refusing  to  apply  the  foreign  mail  pay  appropriations 
for  the  purposes  designed  by  the  last  congress.  He  showed  how 
protection  had  built  up  our  coastwise  marine  and  how  our  mer 
chant  marine  had  suffered  from  Democratic  policy.  This  speech 
was  a  remarkable  exposition  of  the  intimate  and  vital  relations  be 
tween  American  shipping  and  American  commerce,  and  added  to, 
Mr.  Dingley's  reputation  as  an  authority  on  this  subject. 

]jree  trade  and  free  ships  were  the  shibboleths  of  the  Demo- 
^ratic  majority  in  the  house.  On  the  25th  of  March  a  bill  was  re 
ported  to  the  house  "to  amend  section  4132  of  the  revised  statutes 
so  as  to  authorize  the  purchase  of  foreign  built  ships  by  citizens  of 
the  United  States  and  to  permit  the  same  to  be  registered  as  ves 
sels  of  the  United  States."  The  Republican  members  of  the  com 
mittee  opposed  the  bill  and  signed  a  minority  report  written  by 
Mr.  Dingley.  1  This  report  was  an  unanswerable  argument 
against  free  ships  and  an  appeal  to  congress  to  continue  the  motto 
of  Washington,  of  Jefferson  and  of  Madison* — "American  ships 
built  in  American  ship  yards."  This  bill  came  up  in  the  house  for 
discussion  May  22nd.  Mr.  Dunn,  chairman  of  the  shipping  com 
mittee,  made  the  opening  speech  in  favor  of  the  bill.  Mr.  Dingley 
replied  in  a  speech  1  of  remarkable  power.  "Before  we  commit 
ourselves  to  this  policy,"  he  said,  "it  will  be  wise  for  us  to  consider 
that  all  history  teaches  that  no  people  can  permanently  maintain 
their  prestige  unless  they  strengthen  their  position  on  the  ocean  as 

1— See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  271 

well  as  on  the  land,  and  that  no  nation  can  gain  and  maintain  mari 
time  supremacy  unless  it  builds  its  own  vessels."  Mr.  Dingley  was 
warmly  congratulated,  and  the  bill  was  abandoned  by  its  promot 
ers. 

February  2nd  was  set  apart  by  the  house  for  the  consideration 
of  resolutions  in  relation  to  the  death  of  Vice  President  Hendricks. 
Mr.  Dingley  was  invited  to  speak  on  this  occasion.  His  remarks 
were  brief  but  thoughtful  and  tender.  l  On  the  afternoon  of 
February  21  (Sunday)  he  addressed  a  large  temperance  meeting  in 
Washington. 

The  fight  against  Mr.  Dingley's  bill  to  abolish  compulsory  pilot 
age  in  the  coast-wise  trade  was  sharp  and  persistent.  Members  of 
the  various  pilot  associations  were  given  hearings  before  the  ship 
ping  committee ;  but  the  committee  voted  to  report  the  bill.  The 
report  1  accompanying  this  bill  was  written  by  Mr.  Dingley.  The 
New  York  pilots  attempted  to  secure  the  support  of  the  labor  or 
ganizations,  but  when  it  was  found  that  the  pilot  organization  was 
a  monopoly,  the  labor  organizations  refused  to  be  used  for  any 
such  purpose.  April  15,  when  the  house  had  under  consideration 
the  river  and  harbor  appropriation  bill,  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  at  some 
length  1  in  favor  of  removing  the  unnecessary  pilotage  fees  from 
American  coast-wise  vessels.  The  friends  of  the  measure  however, 
decided  not  to  take  it  up  for  action  until  an  opportunity  could  be 
had  to  organize  the  shipping  interests. 

On  the  1 6  of  February  Chairman  Morrison  of  the  ways  and 
means  committee  introduced  his  tariff  bill.  Mr.  Dingley  called  at 
tention  to  the  fact  that  "the  bill  professes  to  be  a  very  moderate 
one,  but  it  cuts  Maine's  industries  and  products  fearfully.  Alto 
gether  the  thrusting  of  this  new  tariff  revision  before  the  country 
will  be  likely  to  further  delay  the  revival  of  business,  as  few  will 
care  to  make  investments  in  industries  threatened  with  increased 
foreign  competition  by  a  reduction  of  duties."  Concerning  the 
tariff  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "There  will  be  a  tariff  bill,  and  I  under 
stand  that  Morrison  and  Hewitt  are  interested  in  its  preparation. 
It  will  be  a  queer  sort  of  combination,  for  they  propose  to  make  it 
up  with  a  lot  of  things  designed  to  please  someone  on  the  Demo 
cratic  side  and  to  embarrass  our  side  by  tacking  on  some  changes 
in  the  law  we  favor.  It  will  be  a  political  bill,  designed  to  unite  the 
Democrats  and  afford  them  a  chance  to  make  the  country  solid  for 
revenue  reform.  They  do  not  care  much  whether  it  becomes  a  law 
or  not  if  they  can  only  get  it  through  the  house.  They  are  really 

1 — See  Appendix. 


272  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

in  earnest  because  Mills  of  Texas  has  resigned  his  place  on  the  ship 
ping  committee  in  order  to  devote  all  his  time  to  the  tariff." 

April  12,  Chairman  Morrison  reported  his  bill  "to  reduce  tariff 
revenue."  Mr.  Dingley  said  it  was  the  most  unjust  tariff  measure 
ever  presented  by  congress.  It  was  framed  not  with  any  view  of 
dealing  equally  and  fairly  with  the  industries  of  the  country,  but 
simply  with  a  view  of  winning  the  votes  of  the  Democratic  mem 
bers  of  the  house.  The  industries  of  states  represented  by  Republi 
cans  were  mercilessly  slaughtered,  while  even  the  raw  products  of 
the  states  represented  by  Democrats  were  left  untouched. 

The  fate  of  this  second  Democratic  tariff  hung  in  the  balance. 
Chairman  Morrison  summoned  all  his  forces  and  on  the  iyth  of 
June  moved  that  the  house  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  the  bill. 
The  motion  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  140  to  157.  Every  Republican 
and  every  Randall  Democrat  voted  against  the  motion;  and  the 
announcement  of  the  result  was  greeted  with  applause  on  the  Re 
publican  side.  Mr.  Morrison,  with  unconcealed  discomfiture,  an 
nounced  that  he  would  renew  the  motion  on  the  following  Tuesday. 
Mr.  McKinley  promptly  replied:  "Mr.  Speaker,  I  desire  to  give 
notice  that  we  will  try  to  be  here  next  Tuesday."  Mr.  Morrison 
and  the  free  trade  wing  of  the  Democracy  were  enraged,  and  in 
secret  conference  denounced  Mr.  Randall  and  his  thirty-five  fol 
lowers. 

When  the  next  Tuesday  arrived,  Mr.  Morrison  did  not  renew 
his  motion,  as  promised,  to  take  up  the  tariff  bill.  In  place  of  this 
he  proposed  an  amendment  to  the  rules  providing  when  any  bill  to 
increase  pensions  or  to  grant  new  pensions  is  before  the  house,  "it 
shall  be  in  order  to  provide  by  taxation  or  otherwise  for  the  pay 
ment  thereof;  but  no  such  amendment  shall  be  in  order  unless  the 
net  revenue  provided  for  shall  be  thereby  set  apart  for  the  sole  pur 
pose  of  paying  such  increased  pensions."  This  was  simply  a  left- 
handed  way  of  getting  the  tariff  bill  before  the  house  and  of  rebuk 
ing  the  Republicans  for  what  Mr.  Morrison  called  "reckless  and 
extravagant  appropriations  for  pensions."  President  Cleveland 
had  already  vetoed  scores  of  private  pension  bills,  and  the  Demo 
cratic  leaders  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  executive  in  his  warfare 
upon  the  old  soldiers.  Mr.  Reed  made  a  sharp  fifteen  minute 
speech  in  which  lie  arraigned  the  Democrats.  "They  rush  for 
ward,"  he  said,  "with  enormous  anxiety  to  pay  pensions  and  saddle 
them  with  tariff  discussion !  Good  Heavens !  What  legislation  on 
earth  in  the  way  of  appropriations  could  stand  a  tariff  discussion  ? 
Why,  this  house,  by  a  majority  of  17,  in  a  Democratic  house  of  40 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  273 

majority,  has  expressed  its  disgust  with  the  subject  to  such  an  ex 
tent  that  although  the  bill  was  still-born,  nevertheless  they  abso 
lutely  refused  the  oratorical  ceremony  of  burial."  An  interesting 
feature  of  this  episode  was  the  sharp  discussion  between  Mr.  Morri 
son  and  Mr.  Randall  in  which  the  latter  asked  the  former  if  he 
thought  Mr.  Cleveland  would  have  been  elected  if  the  national  con 
vention  had  declared  for  free  raw  wool.  Mr.  Morrison  replied  by 
charging  Mr.  Randall  with  betraying  the  principles  of  his  party. 
Mr.  Reed's  motion  to  lay  the  proposed  amendment  on  the  table 
was  defeated  by  only  13  votes,  and  the  house  adjourned  amid  con 
fusion  without  settling  the  controversy.  The  battle  was  renewed 
on  the  following  day ;  and  after  much  filibustering,  the  proposition 
of  the  Democrats  was  defeated. 

Thus  Mr.  Morrison  again  failed  in  the  matter  of  tariff  legis 
lation,  and  on  the  2Qth  of  June,  Mr.  Randall  tried  his  hand.  He  in 
troduced  a  bill  purely  for  political  purposes,  as  it  was  necessary  for 
the  protection  Democrats  after  defeating  the  Morrison  bill,  "to  get 
to  the  country,"  with  something.  But  nothing  was  ever  heard  of 
the  bill  and  all  tariff  legislation  this  session  failed. 

The  Democratic  party  was  at  this  time,  ten  years  before  the 
first  "battle  of  the  standards,"  committed  to  the  free  coinage  of  sil 
ver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i.  The  national  Democratic  platform  of 
1884  had  declared  for  the  "gold  and  silver  coinage  of  the  constitu 
tion,"  and  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  house  felt  compelled  to 
give  concrete  expression  to  this  declaration.  Therefore  a  bill  was 
reported  to  the  house  from  the  committee  on  coinage,  weights  and 
measures,  permitting  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  dol 
lars,  412  1-2  grains  each,  and  repealing  so  much  of  the  act  of  Febru 
ary  28th,  1878,  "as  provides  for  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  to  be 
coined  monthly  into  silver  dollars."  This  was  known  as  the  Bland 
bill ;  and  after  a  rather  desultory  debate,  the  bill  was  defeated  by  37 
majority.  Thirty  Republicans  and  ninety-six  Democrats  voted  for 
it,  and  ninety-two  Republicans  and  seventy-one  Democrats  voted 
against  it.  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "It  seems  strange  that  a  proposition 
to  allow  any  holder  of  silver  bullion  to  take  412  1-2  grains,  nine- 
tenths  fine,  worth  79  cents  in  the  market,  to  a  government  mint, 
and  receive  a  silver  dollar,  should  receive  so  large  a  support.  It 
seems  so  plain  that  so  long  as  we  coin  silver  bullion  at  a  profit  of 
21  cents  on  a  dollar,  that  profit  should  go  to  the  people,  instead 
of  to  the  owners  of  silver  mines,  that  the  silver  mania 
must  have  turned  the  heads  of  many  men.  So  far  as  can  be  dis- 


274  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

covered  from  the  debate,  every  member  of  congress  is  in  favor  of 
retaining  both  silver  and  gold  in  our  coinage,  and  also  in  favor  of 
doing  all  we  can  to  restore  silver  to  its  old  value  and  thus  make  free 
coinage  practicable.  All  agree  that  an  agreement  among  leading 
commercial  nations  for  the  use  of  silver  in  legal  tender  coinage  will 
bring  this  about,  but  as  to  what  course  to  take  to  bring  this  about, 
members  differ.  The  great  authorities  who  have  written  on  bimet- 
alism  and  who  favor  the  use  of  both  metals,  agree  that  the  best 
way  is  to  temporarily  suspend  our  coinage  in  order  to  bring  a  pres 
sure  to  bear  upon  other  governments  which  rest  easy  so  long  as  we 
take  care  of  the  surplus  silver.  The  decision  however,  is  to  go 
along  as  we  are  going  until  actual  calamity  necessitates  action." 

One  of  the  important  bills  of  the  session  provided  for  "creating 
boards  of  arbitration  for  the  speedy  settlement  of  controversies 
and  differences  between  common  carriers  and  their  employers." 
Mr.  Dingley  supported  the  bill 1  on  the  ground  that  it  formulated  a 
statutory  method  of  providing  boards  of  arbitration  and  because  of 
the  moral  effect  which  the  enactment  of  such  a  law  would  have. 

A  slight  incident  happened  in  the  house  July  2,  that  illustrates 
Mr.  Dingley's  watchful  care  over  public  expenditure  and  his 
earnest  desire  to  maintain  a  moral  standard  in  every  department 
When  the  general  deficiency  bill  was  under  consideration,  a  clause 
was  reached  appropriating  $363  for  a  deficiency  in  the  expense  of 
the  government  visitors  to  the  naval  academy  at  Annapolis.  Mr. 
Dingley  offered  an  amendment  providing  "that  no  part  of  this  sum 
or  any  other  appropriation  by  congress  for  expenses  of  the  board 
of  visitors  shall  be  used  to  pay  for  intoxicating  liquors."  Mr. 
Adams  of  New  York  looked  at  Mr.  Dingley  curiously  and  said: 
"You  do  not  seriously  press  that  amendment,  do  you?" 

"I  do  press  it  seriously,"  replied  Mr.  Dingley. 

"I  am  surprised,"  said  Mr.  Adams. 

"Are  you  opposed  to  the  amendment?"  inquired  Mr.  Dingley. 

"Oh,  certainly,"  replied  Mr.  Adams,  with  hesitation.  "I  shall 
vote  against  it." 

Mr.  Findlay  of  Maryland  said :  "If  the  bill  is  a  fair  and  moderate 
one,  we  have  no  right  to  refuse  payment  simply  because  the  officer 
who  ordered  the  expenditure  may  have  traveled  outside  of  the  rules 
of  propriety." 

"I  will  ask  the  gentleman,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  "whether  any  of 
ficer  of  the  government  is  warranted  in  purchasing  liquors  to  be 
paid  for  by  the  taxpayers  ?" 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  275 

"I  can  only  answer  that  question,"  replied  Mr.  Findlay,  "by  say 
ing  that  I  suppose  there  has  been  a  uniform  custom  to  order  such 
things ;  and  whether  the  custom  be  good  or  bad,  the  men  who  fur 
nished  the  articles  upon  the  order  of  an  officer  of  the  government 
had  a  perfect  right  to  do  so  and  are  entitled  to  payment." 

'The  custom  had  better  be  broken  up  now,"  said  Mr.  Dingley. 

"Then  break  it  up  some  other  way,"  retorted  Mr.  Findlay. 

"The  officer  may  be  personally  responsible,"  said  Mr.  Dingley; 
"but  this  is  not  an  indebtedness  which  should  be  borne  by  the  tax 
payers."  The  amendment  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  79  to  47. 

Mr.  Dingley's  close  application  to  public  business  sapped  his 
vitality  and  brought  on  an  illness  early  in  May  that  alarmed  his 
lamily  and  friends.  On  the  I2th  of  the  month  while  going  to  the 
house,  he  was  overcome  with  an  attack  of  vertigo  or  heart  weak 
ness  that  caused  him  to  totter  and  fall  on  the  sidewalk  near  the  cor 
ner  of  1 4th  street  and  New  York  avenue.  He  was  assisted  to  a 
neighboring  drug  store  where  restoratives  quickly  brought  him  to 
consciousness.  Mr.  Reed,  his  colleague,  happened  to  appear  on 
the  scene,  and  was  told  of  Mr.  Dingley's  illness.  He  quickly  went 
1o  Mr.  Dingley's  side,  and  shortly  afterwards  assisted  him  to  his 
room  in  the  Hamilton  house.  The  tender  hands  of  a  loving  wife 
and  daughter  soon  restored  the  sick  man  to  his  accustomed  health; 
but  it  was  five  days  before  he  again  ventured  to  the  house  to  par 
ticipate  in  public  business.  The  work  involved  in  the  conference 
over  the  shipping  bill,  still  further  drew  upon  his  strength ;  and  on 
the  8th  of  June  in  company  with  his  wife  and  daughter,  he  started 
for  his  home  in  Maine  for  a  few  days  of  needed  rest.  Shortly  be 
fore  he  left  Washington  he  received  information  that  he  had  been 
unanimously  renominated  for  congress  by  the  Republicans  of  the 
second  congressional  district.  The  convention  was  held  at  Auburn, 
Hon.  J.  P.  Swasey  presided,  and  presented  Mr.  Dingley's  name. 
In  referring  to  the  only  candidate  before  the  convention,  Mr. 
Swasey  said:  "He  has  filled  with  honor  the  gubernatorial  chair; 
he  has  industriously  and  efficiently  represented  this  district  in  con 
gress.  His  fidelity  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  while  a  convention  is 
in  session  to  nominate  his  successor  he  is  attending  to  his  duties  in 
Washington."  The  resolutions  said  that :  "In  the  person  of  Hon 
orable  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  we  recognize  an  active  and  faithful  ex 
ponent  of  those  principles  upon  which  the  success  of  our  govern 
ment  has  depended,  and  that  his  untiring  efforts  in  behalf  of  the 
business  and  commercial  interests  of  not  only  his  district  and  state 


276  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

but  of  the  whole  country,  entitle  him  to  the  support  of  all  voters  of 
this  district." 

Throughout  this  session  of  congress,  a  storm  was  gathering 
about  the  head  of  President  Cleveland  because  of  his  wholesale 
vetoing  of  pension  bills.  On  the  21  st  of  June  he  sent  15  messages 
to  congress,  vetoing  as  many  special  pension  bills  which  had  passed 
both  branches  of  congress.  July  6th  he  sent  to  the  house  mes 
sages  announcing  his  disapproval  of  twenty  bills  of  a  similar  char 
acter;  and  three  days  following,  the  storm  broke  in  the  house 
with  terrific  fury.  President  Cleveland  was  severely  arraigned  for 
his  course.  Mr.  Brumm  of  Pennsylvania  characterized  him  as  "the 
great  obliterator  of  segregated  ribs  and  the  great  representative 
of  absolute  power."  After  a  heated  debate  lasting  until  nearly  mid 
night,  the  veto  messages  were  referred  to  the  committee  on  invalid 
pensions. 

One  of  the  Democratic  campaign  statements  made  before  the 
presidential  election  of  1884,  was  that  the  high  war  tariff  had  ac 
cumulated  a  large  surplus  in  the  treasury,  thus  depriving  the  people 
of  needed  money.  With  a  view  of  appearing  to  carry  out  its 
pledge,  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  house,  through  the  chair 
man  of  the  ways  and  means  committee,  presented  a  resolution  pro 
viding,  "that  whenever  the  surplus  or  balance  in  the  treasury, 
including  the  amount  held  for  redemption  of  the  United  States 
notes,  shall  exceed  the  sum  of  one  hundred  million  dollars,  it  shall 
be,  and  is  hereby  made,  the  duty  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to 
apply  such  excess,  in  sums  net  less  than  ten  millions  per  month, 
during  the  existence  of  any  such  surplus  or  excess,  to  the  payment 
of  the  interest-bearing  indebtedness  of  the  United  States  payable  at 
the  option  of  the  government."  Mr.  Morrison  brought  up  the 
resolution  in  the  house  July  I3th,  and  made  a  lengthy  speech  in 
explanation  of  its  provisions.  He  made  his  resolution  plausible  by 
declaring  that  "the  application  of  one  hundred  million  which  now 
lie  unused  and  unproductive,  to  that  part  of  our  debt  which  is 
payable  whenever  we  are  able  and  willing  to  pay  it,  would  put  that 
much  more  money  to  its  legitimate  uses.  It  would  tend  to  make 
money  cheaper,  increase  the  means  of  exchange,  and  help  in  the 
transaction  of  business.  A  hundred  million  of  money  is  the  capital 
which  employs  a  hundred  thousand  men  in  productive  industries; 
together  they  make  two  thousand  million  dollars  worth  of  pro 
ducts,  and  add  seventy  millions  to  the  annual  wealth  of  the  country. 
It  would  save  us  from  three  million  dollars  of  annual  interest  and 
annual  taxes  which  we  are  now  paying.  More  than  that,  it  will  take 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  277 

away  something  of  the  temptation  which  leads  us  here  in  congress 
to  vote  large  appropriations  and  make  improvident  expenditures  in 
which  we  pretend  to  justify  ourselves  because  there  is  too  much 
money  in  the  treasury."  The  debate  covered  the  whole  range  of 
federal  finance,  and  party  politics.  On  the  next  day,  Mr.  McKinley 
of  Ohio,  and  Messrs.  Reed  and  Dingley  of  Maine  made  notable 
speeches  exposing  the  true  inwardness  of  the  resolution.  They 
called  it  "a  mere  political  game."  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "This  is  the 
first  attempt  in  the  history  of  this  government  to  determine  by  leg 
islative  resolution  what  should  be  the  working  balance  of  the  treas 
ury,"  and  added:  "Today  by  virtue  of  the  gold  redemption  fund, 
which  has  been  maintained  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  for 
more  than  seven  years,  every  greenback  dollar  is  as  good  as  gold. 
But  with  this  resolution  a  law,  this  redemption  fund  will  begin  to 
disappear."  l 

This  was  really  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Democratic  lead 
ers  of  the  house  to  force  the  payment  of  the  national  debt  in  silver, 
and  to  force  the  government  in  its  financial  transactions,  to  a  silver 
basis ;  but  the  resolution  was  agreed  to  by  a  vote  of  207  to  67.  Mr. 
Dingley  voted  "no."  The  resolution  was  amended  in  the  senate  so 
as  to  provide  for  a  working  balance  of  twenty  millions,  in  addition 
to  the  greenback  redemption  fund,  and  also  so  as  to  authorize  the 
president  to  suspend  the  operations  in  case  of  expediency.  In  this 
form  it  was  adopted  by  both  houses. 

During  the  discussion  of  the  fortifications  appropriation  bill, 
July  17,  Mr.  Dingley  took  occasion  to  remark  that  "economy  is  al 
ways  essential  but  a  wise  economy  is  not  parsimony.  Adequate 
appropriations  for  any  object  of  public  concern  is  economy  and  not 
profligacy  of  expenditures;  and  the  withholding  of  necessary  ap 
propriations  is  waste  and  may  result  in  injury  to  the  public  inter 
ests.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  witholding  of  appropriations  to  put 
the  nation  in  a  state  of  defense  in  case  of  war,  which  is  sure  to  come 
to  all  nations,  is  anything  but  statesmanship.  The  great  majority 
of  the  people  are  willing  to  support  the  proper  employment  of  the 
public  money  in  furthering  whatever  will  advance  the  prosperity 
and  strength  of  the  nation."  He  then  proceeded  to  show  that  the 
Democratic  claim  of  economy  was  not  well  founded,  "for  there  has 
been  almost  no  reduction  of  expenditures  for  ordinary  purposes  or 
in  directions  under  the  control  of  the  administration."  This  speech  1 
was  in  reply  to  Mr.  Springer  of  Illinois,  who  claimed  that  "the 

1— See  Appendix. 


278  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Democrats  had  expended  sixteen  million  dollars  in  the  last  fiscal 
year  less  than  the  Republicans  did  the  previous  year." 

Mr.  Dingley  on  the  third  of  August  was  excused  from  attending 
the  sessions  of  the  house  during  the  remainder  of  the  session,  and 
left  Washington  for  his  summer  home  on  the  coast  of  Maine.  Two 
days  later  the  first  session  of  the  forty-ninth  congress  adjourned. 
This  was  the  first  session  of  a  congress  under  a  Democratic  admin 
istration  for  twenty-five  years,  and  the  country  watched  its  course 
with  interest,  if  not  with  hope.  The  record  brought  universal  dis 
appointment.  The  session  was  more  important  in  what  it  omitted 
to  do  than  in  what  it  actually  did.  The  Democratic  majority 
seemed  to  have  no  definite  policy,  hence  the  business  of  the  session 
drifted.  Mr.  Dingley  played  a  very  important  and  influential  part. 
Mr.  Morrison  asked  Mr.  Dingley  how  it  was  he  had  his  own  way  in 
every  committee  meeting.  "It  seems  to  me  you  pretty  much  run 
things,"  he  said. 

"  Oh,  I  guess  not.    I  merely  give  my  advice,"  replied  Mr.  Ding- 
ley. 

His  influence  was  great  because  of  his  tact  and  knowledge  of 
human  nature.  He  always  kept  out  of  unnecessary  quarrels. 

Mr.  Dingley  secured  one  week  of  rest  before  he  plunged  into 
the  state  campaign.  The  Republicans  of  Maine  had  nominated 
Joseph  R.  Bodwell  for  governor,  and  adopted  resolutions  endors 
ing  the  protective  tariff  and  the  course  of  the  members  of  congress 
from  Maine.  He  began  his  speaking  August  1 1  at  his  home  in 
Lewiston.  The  next  day  he  spoke  at  Damariscotta  with  Senator 
Hale.  Then  followed  many  speeches  at  different  points  in  the 
state.  Several  temperance  addresses  were  intersperced,  so  that  the 
month  of  August  and  the  first  two  weeks  of  September  found  his 
time  fully  occupied.  He  always  dreaded  a  stumping  tour,  and  re 
turned  from  this  one  in  a  state  of  physical  collapse.  His  speeches 
however,  were  models,  not  in  their  oratory,  jbut  in  their  candor  and 
conviction. 

The  state  election  was  September  13,  and  the  Republicans  were 
victorious  by  13,000  plurality.  All  four  Republican  candidates  for 
congress  were  elected  by  large  majorities.  Mr.  Dingley's  plurality 
was  6,000  and  his  majority  3,000.  The  legislature  was  overwhelm 
ingly  Republican,  insuring  the  re-election  of  Senator  Hale.  Mr. 
Dingley  said :  "If  the  result  in  Maine  is  an  indication  of  the  pop 
ular  feeling  in  the  country,  as  it  usually  is,  than  it  is  clear  that  the 
Republican  party  has  not  been  in  a  better  condition  since  1874  than 


GROVER  CLEVELAND.     W.  L.  WILSON. 
J.  D.  RICHARDSON.     J.  C.  S.  BLACKBURN. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  279 

now.  The  trial  of  Democratic  rule  in  the  country  has  evidently 
not  been  reassuring." 

The  Prohibitory  party  vote  in  this  election  was  much  smaller 
than  anticipated,  being  only  3,607  votes.  Mr.  Dingley  was  a  con 
sistent  Prohibitionist,  and  yet  the  third  party  Prohibitionists  in  his 
congressional  district,  nominated  a  candidate  for  congress  against 
him.  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "the  result  of  the  Maine  election  for 
the  third  time  emphasizes  the  fact  that  there  is  no  dislodging  prohi 
bition  from  the  people  of  Maine ;  that  there  is  no  party  so  loyal  to 
legal  suasion  as  the  Republican ;  that  the  Prohibitionists  of  Maine 
cannot  consent  to  sacrifice  prohibition  for  the  sake  of  founding  a 
new  party  on  one  issue  whose  interests  are  well  cared  for  by  the 
party  through  which  the  slaves  has  been  freed  and  through  which 
has  been  won  the  great  moral  and  legal  reforms  of  the  last  quarter 
of  a  century." 

The  November  elections  reduced  but  did  not  overcome  the 
Democratic  majority  in  the  national  house  of  representatives.  Sad 
havoc  was  made  among  the  leading  Democrats.  Mr.  Morrison, 
chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  was  defeated ;  J.  Ran 
dolph  Tucker,  chairman  of  the  committee  on  judiciary,  saw  the 
storm  coming  and  declined  a  renomination.  Mr.  Hurd,  the  free 
trade  leader  was  overwhelmingly  defeated.  The  only  Democrat  of 
ability  and  leadership  qualities  (aside  from  Speaker  Carlisle  who  es 
caped  defeat  by  only  a  narrow  margin)  who  weathered  the  storm 
was  Mr.  Randall,  whose  tariff  views  made  him  in  bad  odor  in  the 
Democratic  ranks.  The  continued  decline  of  the  Democratic  ma 
jority  was  significant.  President  Cleveland's  administration  had 
not  met  with  popular  favor. 

Mr.  Dingley  secured  much  needed  rest  in  the  month  of  Novem 
ber.  He  devoted  his  time  to  editorial  writing  and  attention  to  pri 
vate  business.  During  the  month  he  made  only  one  address  and 
that  at  Bath  on  "American  Shipping"  on  the  evening  of  Novem 
ber  20th.  On  the  third  of  December,  he  left  his  home  for  Wash 
ington,  tarrying  in  Boston  on  the  following  day  to  deliver  an  ad 
dress  l  on  "The  Fisheries  Question"  before  the  Middlesex  club. 
On. this  occasion  he  was  given  a  royal  reception  as  one  of  New  Eng 
land's  most  distinguished  sons. 

The  second  session  of  the  forty-ninth  congress  assembled  at 
noon  December  6th.  The  president's  message  contained  no  new 
practical  suggestions.  His  position  on  the  fisheries  question  was 
criticised.  He  dodged  the  vital  question  of  the  commercial  privi- 

1— See  Appendix. 


280  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

leges  of  American  vessels  in  Canadian  ports  and  addressed  himself 
to  the  fishery  rights  of  American  vessels  in  Canadian  waters.  Mr, 
Dingley  said  "that  the  president  ought  to  have  interviewed  some 
of  the  hardy  fishermen  of  Maine  before  trying  to  make  ancient  his 
tory  a  modern  issue." 

Mr.  Morrison  was  determined  to  again  force  consideration  of 
the  tariff  bill  at  once  and  to  prevent  the  passage  or  consideration 
of  Mr.  Hewitt's  administrative  part  of  it,  as  a  separate  measure. 
The  protective  tariff  Democrats,  led  by  Mr.  Randall,  held  a  con 
ference,  and  voted  to  oppose  the  Morrison  bill.  Mr.  Dingley  said 
that  "the  bill  should  not  be  taken  up.  Mr.  Morrison  drew  his  bill, 
and  then  went  around  the  house  bargaining  and  amending  it  so  as 
to  get  as  many  Democrats  as  possible  to  support  it.  Such  a 
patched-up  measure  does  not  deserve  consideration.  It  is  much 
better  to  wait  until  the  next  session.  The  surplus  has  not  piled  up 
yet  so.  as  to  be  anything  dreadful."  On  the  igth  of  December  the 
house  by  a  vote  of  154  to  140  refused  to  consider  the  bill.  All  but 
five  Republicans  voted  "no,"  and  26  Democrats  voted  "yes."  The 
announcement  of  the  second  defeat  of  the  bill  awoke  great  applause 
on  the  Republican  side.  This  ended  all  chance  of  tariff  legislation 
at  this  session.  Mr.  Morrison  was  angry  over  his  defeat  and  made 
many  threats.  The  hopeless  division  in  the  Democratic  ranks  was 
again  manifest. 

Soon  after  the  assembling  of  congress,  President  Cleveland  sent 
to  the  senate  the  correspondence  between  the  state  department 
and  Minister  Phelps  of  London,  regarding  the  fisheries  trouble. 
The  correspondence  stated  that  demands  had  been  made  upon 
Great  Britain  for  remuneration  for  losses  incurred  by  American 
fishermen  not  only  from  seizures  of  their  vessels  and  damages  re 
sulting  therefrom,  but  also  for  the  denial  of  commercial  rights 
which  rightfully  belonged  to  them.  It  also  recommended  the  es 
tablishment  of  a  commission  to  collect  proof  of  such  losses  in 
curred.  "These  letters,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  "show  that  our  side  has 
been  very  ably  presented.  Mr.  Bayard's  statement  of  the  issue  is 
good,  but  not  equal  to  Mr.  Phelps'  presentation  which  I  regard  as 
absolutely  perfect  in  terms  and  spirit.  The  complaint  can  be  justly 
made  that  the  department  here  did  not  act  with  due  promptness 
and  spirit ;  but  nothing  can  be  said  against  the  manner  in  which  Mr. 
Phelps  attended  to  the  matter  when  it  was  laid  before  him.  But  he 
was  not  given  the  case  until  four  months  after  the  hostile  proclama 
tion  by  the  Canadian  minister  of  marine.  Too  much  time  was 
wasted  over  the  British  legation  in  Washington.  I  wanted  our 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  281 

government  to  act  in  March  immediately  upon  receipt  of  the  Cana 
dian  proclamation,  and  perhaps  if  the  case  had  been  turned  over  to 
Mr.  Phelps  then,  a  settlement  could  have  been  arranged  before  the 
Dominion  had  committed  itself  so  far  as  to  seize  our  vessels.  The 
president,  I  regret  to  say,  does  not  show  in  his  annual  message  that 
he  has  any  appreciation  of  the  dispute.  When  he  refers  to  it  as  re 
lating  to  'fishery  rights'  and  the  'territorial  waters'  and  'in  shore 
fisheries,'  he  falls  into  the  extremely  unfortunate  error  that  our  op 
ponents  have  all  along  sought  to  advance.  The  correspondence 
has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  fish,  but  is  wisely  confined  to  our 
commercial  rights  in  Canadian  ports.  We  do  not  want  to  fish 
within  the  three  mile  limit,  and  of  all  the  seizures  that  have  been 
made,  only  one,  I  believe,  was  on  the  pretext  that  this  regulation 
had  been  violated.  If  this  vessel  really  disregarded  the  limit,  no  de 
fence  will  be  made  by  our  people  or  our  government." 

Late  in  January  a  bill  passed  the  senate  authorizing  and  direct 
ing  the  president  not  only  to  exclude  Canadian  fishing  vessels  from 
our  ports,  but  also  to  deny  admission  into  this  country  of  Canadian 
fish,  in  case  the  Canadians  continued  to  deny  commercial  privileges 
in  their  ports  to  our  fishing  vessels.  It  even  went  further  and  in 
such  event  authorized  exclusion  of  all  Canadian  vessels  and  Cana 
dian  produce  if  the  president  should  consider  it  proper  to  do  so, 
although  the  purpose  was  to  only  exclude  Canadian  fishing  vessels 
and  Canadian  fish.  January  26th,  this  bill  was  referred  to  the  house 
committee  on  foreign  affairs,  and  later  a  substitute  was  reported. 
The  substitute  went  further  than  the  senate  bill,  by  authorizing  the 
president  to  stop  communication  by  rail  with  Canada.  The  house 
bill  also  described  "vessels  owned  wholly  or  partially  by  British  sub 
jects"  as  subjects  for  exclusion,  overlooking  the  fact  that  the 
ownership  of  the  vessel  does  not  determine  her  nationality.  Mr. 
Dingley*was  opposed  to  this  substitute  bill,  l  and  addressed  the 
house  at  some  length,  reviewing  the  whole  situation  and  pointing 
out  his  objections.  The  bill  was  finally  passed  but  not  until  after 
Mr.  Dingley's  amendment  had  been  accepted  providing  "that  any 
foreign  vessel  found  fishing  within  the  three  mile  limit  of  the  coast 
of  the  United  States  shall  be  liable  to  seizure  and  forfeiture,  and 
any  persons  employed  thereon  liable  to  a  fine  of  fifty  dollars  for 
each  offense."  This  amendment  was  a  portion  of  Mr.  Dingley's  bill 
introduced  in  the  house  February  7  and  reported  unanimously 
February  1 1  by  the  committee  on  shipping. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


282  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  committee  on  shipping,  February  n,  voted  unanimously  to 
report  three  bills  introduced  by  Mr.  Dingley — one  relating  to  ships' 
papers,  a  second  relating  to  the  abolition  of  ship  fees,  and  a  third 
relating  to  vessel  fisheries  of  the  United  States.  These  bills  were 
reported  to  the  house  the  following  day.  None  were  reached,  how 
ever,  during  the  session. 

Congress  adjourned  from  December  22nd  to  January  4th  for 
the  holidays;  and  two  days  before  adjournment  Mr.  Dingley  intro 
duced  a  resolution  instructing  the  committee  on  naval  affairs  to  in 
quire  into  the  expediency  of  authorizing  the  secretary  of  the  navy 
in  the  construction  of  vessels  for  the  navy  hereafter,  to  invite  pro 
posals  for  the  building  of  a  part  of  such  vessels  on  such  special 
terms  as  will  best  secure  the  end  sought,  by  responsible  citizens  or 
companies  who  will  undertake  to  establish  new  iron  and  steel  ship} 
building  establishments  at  desirable  points  on  our  Atlantic,  Pacific 
and  Gulf  coasts,  and  to  provide  for  these  establishments  such  suit 
able  plants  as  will  make  them  available  for  the  building  of  iron  and 
steel  vessels  for  the  navy  as  well  as  the  merchant  marine.  The 
Washington  Post  the  following  day  said  editorially:  "Come,  Mr. 
Dingley;  don't  play  the  veiled  prophet  of  Khorassen  or  the  silent 
sphynx  of  Sagadahoc.  Tell  us  what  you  mean  by  your  mysterious 
resolution  about  the  navy." 

Mr.  Dingley  left  Washington  for  Maine  December  2ist.  Here 
he  spent  the  holiday  recess  in  the  bosom  of  his  family.  With  his  de 
voted  wife  and  his  five  children  he  partook  of  a  Christmas  reunion 
dinner.  "It  was  a  happy  season,"  he  recorded  in  his  diary.  And 
.  how  dear  to  him  was  his  family !  He  returned  to  Washington  with 
his  wife  and  daughter  January  ist,  1887.  On  the  evening  of  Janu 
ary  1 8  he  spoke  at  the  shipping  league  dinner  and  also  at  the  Dart 
mouth  alumni  dinner. 

The  afternoon  of  February  22nd  was  assigned  for  consideration 
of  resolutions  relative  to  Austin  F.  Pike,  a  senator  from  New 
Hampshire,  who  died  on  the  8th  of  October  previous  to  the  as 
sembling  of  congress.  On  this  occasion  Mr.  Dingley  delivered  a 
brief  but  impressive  eulogy.  1 

The  appropriation  bills  were  rushed  through  the  house ;  and  at 
noon  on  the  4th  of  March,  the  49th  congress  expired.  Mr.  Dingley 
left  for  his  home  the  day  before  congress  adjourned.  On  the  loth  of 
the  month  he  accepted  an  invitation  to  address  a  merchants'  club 
dinner  in  Boston,  on  the  fisheries  question.  His  address  1  was  re 
ceived  with  great  favor ;  and  he  was  extended  unusual  courtesies  as 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  283 

the  ablest  representative  in  congress  of  New  England's  great  fish 
ing  industry.  March  15  he  visited  Mr.  Elaine  at  the  latter's  resi 
dence  in  Augusta  and  took  tea  with  him. 

Mr.  Dingley  devoted  a  large  share  of  his  time  during  this  spring 
and  summer,  writing  editorials  for  the  Lewiston  Journal  and  watch 
ing  with  deep  interest  its  remarkable  growth.  In  the  Journal  of 
April  7  appeared  a  long  article  from  his  pen,  giving  his  personal 
recollections  of  the  progress  of  his  paper  since  1854  when  he  first! 
took  up  the  editorial  pen.  He  recalled  the  month  of  September, 
1857,  when  he  became  "not  only  sole  proprietor  and  editor,  but  also 
foreman,  book-keeper  and  reporter,  and  worked  from  12  to  14 
hours  every  day." 

The  grand  lodge  of  Good  Templars  held  its  session  in  Lewis- 
ton,  late  in  April,  and  Mr.  Dingley  made  an  address.  He  said  that 
it  was  twenty-one  years  since  he  was  elected  grand  chief  of  the 
order  in  Maine,  and  no  position  that  he  had  occupied  since,  had 
given  him  more  genuine  satisfaction  than  that.  He  spoke  of  the 
prominence  that  Maine  held  in  the  Temperance  interests  of  the 
world,  and  said  that  a  drunkard  in  Europe,  on  the  continent  or  in 
England,  was  the  same  as  in  this  country.  He  spoke  of  the  recep 
tions  tendered  him  at  one  time  in  Europe  as  a  representative  of  the 
temperance  work  of  the  state  of  Maine,  congratulated  the  order  on 
its  position  in  Maine  and  its  name  and  renown  abroad,  and  ended 
with  a  prophecy,  "that  the  grog  shops  must  go."  Mr.  Dingley  was 
elected  a  delegate  to  the  national  grand  lodge  which  met  at  Sara 
toga,  May  15.  Here  he  made  an  address  of  some  length.  On  the 
23rd  of  June  he  attended  commencement  exercises  at  Bowdoin  col 
lege  and  made  a  short  address  at  the  commencement  dinner. 

The  temperance  forces  of  Maine  held  a  grand  Fourth  of  July 
celebration  at  Canton.  Neal  Dow,  Sidney  Perham,  Governor  Bod- 
well  and  Mr.  Dingley  made  addresses.  Mr.  Dingley  was  intro 
duced  as  "one  of  the  men  who  has  done  valient  service  with  pen  and 
voice  for  the  cause  of  prohibition  and  temperance."  Mr.  Dingley 
was  received  with  applause,  and  spoke  of  the  importance  of  mak 
ing  faithful  use  of  those  moral  and  educational  agencies  which  form 
temperance  habits  in  the  young,  maintaining  a  healthy  temperance 
sentiment,  and  securing  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of  good 
laws. 

Mr.  Dingley's  life  at  his  summer  home  on  the  coast  of  Maine 
was  all  his  fond   heart    desired.    Surrounded  bv  his  children  and 

*  • 

grandchildren,  so  dear  to  him,  he  surrendered  mind  and  body  to 
rest  and  recreation.    From  the  broad  piazza  of  his  cottage,  swept 


284  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

by  the  cool  sea  breezes,  he  viewed  the  beauties  of  an  ideal  summer 
home  and  watched  with  dfcep  interest  the  doings  of  an  ideal  sum 
mer  colony.  Twice  a  day  he  walked  leisurely  to  the  little  postoffice 
near  the  steamer  landing  to  get  the  mail.  After  meals  he  regularly 
put  on  his  soft  felt  hat,  buttoned  his  coat  about  his  chest  and  walked 
briskly  to  the  shore.  Evenings  always  found  him  playing  some 
game  in  the  family  circle  or  reading  a  newspaper.  He  invariably 
joined  in  the  laughter  and  jokes.  His  gentle  nature  was  a  benedic 
tion  to  his  household ;  and  in  the  twilight,  his  great  heart  and  brain 
were  lulled  to  rest  by  the  sound  of  his  beloved  daughter's  voice — a 
voice  that  was  sweet  and  tender.  Sunday  evenings  he  invariably  at 
tended  praise  service  at  the  little  chapel,  offering  some  simple  tes 
timony  of  his  love  of  Christ.  To  this  island  community  he  was 
something  more  than  human;  and  all  showed  him  a  respect  and 
honor  that  was  beautiful.  The  purity  of  his  life,  the  sincerity  of  his 
nature,  and  the  generosity  of  his  soul,  made  his  life  here  well  nigh 
perfect.  Thus  passed  the  summer. 

During  September,  October  and  November  Mr.  Dingley  de 
voted  much  time  to  editorial  work.  The  columns  of  the  Lewiston 
Journal  fairly  bristled  with  his  strong  and  pointed  articles  on  im 
portant  public  matters.  In  commenting  on  Speaker  Carlisle's  pro 
posed  plan  for  the  reduction  of  the  revenue  Mr.  Dingley  wrote: 
"He  proposes  to  abolish  the  internal  tax  on  tobacco,  amounting  to 
about  twenty-eight  million  dollars  annually — a  reduction  which 
would  have  been  made  at  the  last  session  of  congress  if  the  speaker 
had  not  refused  to  allow  it  to  come  before  the  house.  He  does  not 
now  propose  to  allow  a  bill  for  the  abolition  of  the  tobacco  tax  to 
come  before  the  house  simply,  but  coupled  with  a  measure  to  re 
duce  the  duties  on  imports."  Mr.  Dingley  pointed  out  that  Mr. 
Carlisle's  plan  of  admitting  "food  products"  and  "raw  materials" 
free,  simply  meant  "the  giving  up  to  Canadians  the  benefit  of  our 
market." 

Late  in  October  Sir  Charles  Tupper  was  appointed  Canada's 
representative  on  the  British  membership  of  the  fisheries  commisT 
sion  which  was  soon  to  meet  in  Washington.  The  other  British 
members  were  Minister  West,  and  Mr.  Chamberlain.  The 
American  members  were  Messrs.  Bayard,  Putnam  and  Angell. 
Mr.  Dingley  wrote:  "The  fishermen  of  this  country  will 
be  entirely  content  with  the  commission.  What  they  have 
feared  has  been  that  the  commission  would  go  outside  of  the  dis 
puted  question  relating  to  the  fisheries,  that  is,  the  line  of  the  three 
mile  limit,  and  the  rights  of  American  fishing  vessels  in  Canadian 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  285 

ports,  and  negotiate  as  to  the  free  admission  of  Canadian  fish,  etc., 
in  our  ports.  We  have  entire  confidence  that  Messrs.  Putnam  and 
Angell,  who  are  associated  with  Secretary  Bayard,  will  not  advise 
any  departure  from  questions  relating  to  the  three  mile  limit  and 
the  rights  of  fishing  vessels." 

On  October  2ist  Mr.  Dingley  addressed  the  New  England 
branch  of  the  national  shipping  and  industrial  league  in  Boston.  l 
The  Portland  Argus,  in  commenting  on  this,  said  that  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  confessed  "the  tariff  had  done  more  to  drive  our  ships  from  the 
ocean  than  any  other  cause."  Mr.  Dingley  wrote  in  reply :  "After 
Congressman  Dingley  has  argued  repeatedly  in  and  out  of  congress 
that  the  changes  from  the  tariff  of  1846  and  1857  to  the  tariffs  of 
1861,  1872  and  1883  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  decline  of  our 
shipping  in  the  foreign  trade,  and  after  he  presented  that  argument 
at  the  shipping  convention  in  Boston,  with  such  success  that  even 
Judge  Woodbury,  Colonel  Spofford  and  other  prominent  Demo 
crats  admitted  that  it  was  beyond  successful  dispute,  it  is  certainly 
surprising  to  have  the  Argus  now  assert  that  Congressman  Ding- 
ley  confesses  what  he  has  already  denied." 

The  result  of  the  November  elections  was  on  the  whole  favor 
able  to  the  Republicans  and  full  of  encouragement  to  Republican 
hopes  for  the  future.  Mr.  Dingley  observed  that:  "Every  state 
that  was  Republican  two  years  ago  still  maintains  its  proud  posi 
tion."  November  10  he  attended  a  meeting  of  the  Republican  state 
committee  at  Augusta  and  made  a  short  address.  At  this  meeting 
nothing  was  said  about  Maine's  presidential  candidate  in  1888,  be 
yond  a  passing  allusion  to  the  general  expectation  of  the  Republi 
cans  of  the  country  that  Mr.  Elaine  was  desired  as  their  standard 
bearer,  and  that  the  decision  practically  rested  with  him  as  to 
whether  he  would  head  the  ticket. 

On  the  20th  of  November  Mr.  Dingley  left  for  Washington, 
reaching  there  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  opening  session  of  the 
house. 

1— See  Appendix. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
1887-1889. 

The  first  session  of  the  fiftieth  congress  assembled  on  the  eve  of 
an  important  presidential  election.  The  events  of  the  succeeding 
six  months  were  to  shape  the  policies  of  the  contending  parties,  and 
to  bring  before  the  people  the  great  issues  of  the  campaign.  There 
were  168  Democrats,  153  Republicans  and  4  Independents  in  the 
house,  and  the  whole  country  awaited  with  deep  interest  the  de 
bates  and  votes  on  the  tariff,  and  the  proceedings  on  other  import 
ant  matters.  President  Cleveland's  message  called  attention  to 
what  he  called  "a  congested  national  treasury  and  a  depleted  mone 
tary  condition  in  the  business  of  the  country,"  and  added  that  "our 
present  tariff  laws — vicious,  inequitable  and  illogical  source  of  taxa 
tion,  ought  to  be  at  once  revised  and  amended."  The  president 
however  said  that  "it  is  not  proposed  to  entirely  relieve  the  country 
of  taxation.  It  must  be  extensively  continued  as  the  source  of  the 
government's  income ;  and  in  a  readjustment  of  our  tariff  the  inter 
ests  of  American  labor  engaged  in  manufacture  should  be  carefully 
considered,  as  well  as  the  preservation  of  our  manufacturers.  It 
may  be  called  protection,  or  by  any  other  name,  but  relief  from  the 
hardships  and  dangers  of  our  present  tariff  laws,  should  be  devised 
with  a  special  precaution  against  imperiling  the  existence  of  our 
manufacturing  interests."  This  declaration  did  not  suit  the  free 
traders ;  but  the  slight  disapprobation  was  appeased  by  his  appeal 
for  "free  raw  materials" — a  popular  and  catchy  phrase.  The  presi 
dent  gained  no  little  distinction  by  the  use  of  epigrams  which  were 
subsequently  freely  quoted  in  the  campaign.  The  most  familiar 
phrase  was  his  declaration  that  a  dwelling  upon  the  theories  of  pro- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  287 

tection  and  free  trade  savored  too  much  of  "bandying  epithets;  it 
is  a  condition  which  confronts  us — not  a  theory."  x  Thus  the  coun 
try  was  notified  that  an  assault  would  be  made  on  the  protective 
tariff;  and  this  mas  made  still  more  emphatic  by  the  re-election  of 
Speaker  Carlisle,  a  radical  free  trader.  Mr.  Reed  of  Maine  was  the 
Republican  candidate  for  speaker.  Congress  met  on  the  5th  of 
December  and  the  battle  began. 

Mr.  Elaine  was  traveling  in  Europe  at  this  time,  searching  for 
health  and  recreation ;  and  when  in  Paris  read  the  message  of  Presi 
dent  Cleveland.  He  immediately  gave  out  a  brilliant  interview  in 
which  he  exposed  the  fallacies  of  the  president's  message  and  gave 
his  own  plans  for  reducing  the  revenue.  This  interview  attracted 
even  more  attention  that  the  president's  message,  and  caused  a 
shout  of  joy  to  go  up  all  over  the  country.  Mr.  Elaine  probably  did 
not  intend  it  as  such,  but  it  straightway  made  him  a  formidable  can 
didate  for  president. 

President  Cleveland  and  his  free  trade  associates  used  the  fact 
that  all  parties  desired  to  reduce  the  revenue  about  seventy  million 
dollars  annually,  to  force  a  reduction  of  duties  on  articles  which 
could  be  produced  in  this  country  to  the  extent  of  our  wants.  Mr. 
Dingley  said  that  "the  only  way  to  reduce  the  revenues,  so  far  as  im 
ports  of  articles  similar  to  those  which  we  can  produce  in  this  coun 
try  are  concerned,  is  either  to  make  the  duty  high  enough  so  as  to 
very  nearly  hold  our  markets  for  our  own  industries  and  labor,  or 
else  to  put  these  articles  on  the  free  list  or  at  rates  approaching 
nothing.  The  former  method  would  build  up  our  industries,  the 
latter  method  would  destroy  them." 

In  the  fiftieth  congress  were — Joseph  Wheeler,  Hilary  A.  Her 
bert  and  William  C.  Gates  of  Alabama ;  Joseph  McKenna  and  W. 
W.  Morrow  of  California;  Charles  A.  Russell  of  Connecticut; 
Charles  F.  Crisp  and  James  H.  Blount  of  Georgia ;  William  E. 
Mason,  A.  J.  Hopkins,  Robert  R.  Hitt,  Lewis  E.  Payson,  William 
M.  Springer  and  Joseph  G.  Cannon  of  Illinois ;  William  S.  Holman, 
William  D.  Bynum,  George  W.  Steele  and  Benjamin  F.  Shrively  of 
Indiana ;  David  B.  Henderson  and  James  B.  Weaver  of  Iowa ;  John 
G.  Carlisle,  William  C.  P.  Breckenridge  and  J.  B.  McCreary  of  Ken 
tucky;  Thomas  B.  Reed,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Seth  L.  Milliken  and 
Charles  A.  Boutelle  of  Maine ;  John  D.  Long,  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 

1— President  Cleveland  was  famous  for  employing  strange  and  epigrammat- 
Ical  phrases  and  unusual  words  in  his  messages.  In  his  famous  message  of 
March  1,  1886,  relative  to  his  power  to  suspend  certain  officials  during  the  re 
cess  of  the  senate,  he  said:  "And  so  it  happens  that  after  an  existence  of  nearly 
twenty  years  of  almost  innocuous  desuetude,  these  laws  are  brought  forth."  The 
words  "innocuous  desuetude"  were  quoted  freely  in  the  campaign. 


288  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

and  Charles  H.  Allen  of  Massachusetts ;  J.  C.  Burrows,  James 
O'Donnell,  Mark  S.  Brewer  and  Byron  M.  Cutcheon  of  Michigan; 
John  M.  Allen  and  T.  C.  Catchings  of  Mississippi ;  Richard  P.  Bland 
of  Missouri ;  William  Walter  Phelps  of  New  Jersey ;  S.  S.  Cox,  A.  J. 
Cummings  and  William  B.  Cockran  of  New  York ;  Benjamin  But- 
terworth,  James  E.  Campbell,  Charles  H.  Grosvenor,  and  William 
McKinley  Jr.,  of  Ohio ;  S.  J.  Randall,  Henry  J.  Bingham,  John  Dal- 
zell  and  William  L.  Scott  of  Pennsylvania ;  James  D.  Richardson  of 
Tennessee ;  Roger  Q.  Mills  and  J.  D.  Sayers  of  Texas ;  William  L. 
Wilson  of  West  Virginia — all  distinguished  as  public  men  and  sub 
sequently  occupying  high  positions  of  trust. 

The  house  met  at  noon  on  the  5th  of  December.  When  the 
drawing  of  seats  was  reached  Mr.  Dingley  asked  unanimous  con 
sent  that  Mr.  Cox  be  allowed  to  select  his  seat  in  advance,  owing  to 
his  long  service.  The  request  was  granted  unanimously.  On  the 
same  day  Mr.  Dingley  offered  amendments  to  the  rules  creating  a 
standing  "committee  on  merchant  marine  and  fisheries."  This  new 
committee  was  created,  and  has  been  of  inestimable  benefit  to  the 
shipping  interests  of  the  country.  On  the  2ist  of  December,  Mr. 
Dingley  returned  to  his  home  in  Maine,  and  on  the  following  day 
congress  adjourned  for  the  holidays. 

About  the  middle  of  December  it  was  announced  that  the  fish 
eries  commission  had  been  unable  to  agree;  and  an  adjournment 
was  had  until  January  4th,  1888.  This  failure  to  agree  was  on  ac 
count  of  the  uncompromising  attitude  of  Canada.  The  Washing 
ton  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Journal  interviewed  Mr.  Dingley 
at  some  length  on  this  matter.  The  latter  said :  "It  should  be  re 
membered  that  the  refusal  of  Canada  to  allow  American  fishing  ves 
sels  to  enter  her  harbors  for  the  ordinary  commercial  purposes 
which  every  other  civilized  nation  freely  accords  to  the  vessels  of 
foreign  countries,  has  been  for  the  purpose  of  driving  the  United 
States  to  admit  Canadian  fish  and  other  products  into  the  markets 
of  this  country,  free  of  duty.  Our  commissioners  say,  first  that  our 
fishermen  do  not  desire  to  fish  in  Canadian  waters,  although  they 
do  ask  to  have  the  three  mile  limit  clearly  defined;  second,  that 
commercial  privileges  in  Canadian  ports  for  our  fishing  vessels  are 
not  to  be  bought,  but  are  due  us  in  turn  for  the  same  privileges  to 
Canadian  vessels  of  all  kinds  in  our  ports,  and  are  freely  conceded 
by  all  commercial  nations  since  maritime  reciprocity  became  the 
rule  of  civilization ;  and  third,  that  the  question  of  reciprocal  trade 
relations  with  Canada  is  a  distinct  one  from  the  fisheries  question, 
and  ought  not  to  be  complicated  with  them.  When  the  fishery 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  289 

complications  are  settled,  we  shall  be  in  a  better  frame  of  mind  to 
approach  the  reciprocal  trade  question."  Mr.  Dingley  called  at 
tention  to  the  fact  that  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  had 
adopted  maritime  reciprocity  since  the  treaty  of  1818,  and  the  re 
nunciation  of  that  treaty  does  not  affect  the  rights  of  American  ves 
sels  to  enter  Canadian  ports  to  ship  fish  in  bond.  He  added :  "The 
Canadian  representative  argued  very  much  as  Shylock  did  in  re 
gard  to  his  pound  of  flesh,  and  I  told  him  so.  And  I  added  'if  you 
claim  that  you  must  have  your  pound  of  flesh,  according  to  what 
you  insist  is  the  bond,  you  cannot  complain  if  the  United  States  in 
sists  that  you  cannot  take  any  blood  with  it.  Or  in  other  words  you 
can  not  find  fault  if  we  go  back  also  to  the  condition  of  things  in 
1818  and  refuse  to  allow  Canadian  fishing  vessels  to  enter  our  ports, 
and  refuse  to  allow  you  to  land  goods  in  our  ports  to  be  shipped  in 
bond  to  Canada.'  The  Canadian  representative  took  exceptions  to 
this,  and  protested  that  it  would  be  unjustifiable  retaliation.  He 
urged  that  so  long  as  Canada  had  near-by  ports  as  a  base  of  sup 
plies  for  the  best  fishing  grounds  in  the  world,  she  was  entitled  to 
hold  this  advantage  for  her  vessels,  to  which  I  replied  that  these 
fishing  grounds  belonged  to  the  world,  and  Canada  had  no  more 
right  to  attempt  to  usurp  them  by  denying  vessels  of  the  United 
States  the  use  of  her  ports,  for  the  landing  and  shipment  of  fish  in 
bond  to  this  country  and  purchase  of  supplies,  than  the  United 
States  had  to  attempt  to  increase  the  markets  for  her  own  products 
in  Canada  by  denying  to  Canadians  the  privilege  of  using  our  ports 
to  land  goods,  for  shipment  in  bond  to  Canada." 

On  the  28th  of  December  Mr.  Dingley  left  his  home  for  Wash 
ington,  remaining  in  Boston  long  enough  to  make  an  address  that 
evening  at  the  Merchants'  association  banquet  on  the  fisheries 
question.  l 

Mr.  Dingley's  prominence  in  the  fisheries  controversy  prompted 
many  friends  of  the  fishing  industry  to  urge  Speaker  Carlisle  to 
place  him  on  the  committee  on  foreign  affairs,  anticipating  foreign 
complications  over  the  question ;  but  the  speaker  could  not  or  did 
not  heed  the  request  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  given  his  former  com 
mittee  places — "merchant  marine  and  fisheries"  and  "banking  and 
currency." 

Immediately  upon  the  reassembling  of  the  house  Mr.  Dingley 
introduced  petitions  of  the  grand  lodge  of  Good  Templars  of  Maine 
for  a  commission  of  inquiry  into  the  liquor  traffic,  and  for  an 

1 — See  Appendix. 


290  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

amendment  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  prohibiting  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor.  He  also  introduced 
several  bills  of  importance  relating  to  shipping  and  currency  mat 
ters.  June  3rd  he  visited  the  treasury  department  and  laid  before 
Secretary  Fairchild  some  facts  relative  to  the  effect  of  the  order  for 
the  reduction  in  the  force  in  the  custom  service.  He  showed  that 
the  strict  enforcement  of  the  recent  order  would  result  in  the  clos 
ing  of  many  custom  houses  in  Maine.  The  treasury  authorities, 
therefore,  decided  to  suspend  final  action  in  the  matter  and  send  a 
special  commissioner  to  Maine  to  examine  into  the  situation  and 
report  as  to  the  advisability  of  a  modification  of  the  order. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  now  what  the  Washington  Post  said,  "one  of 
the  best  informed  men  in  public  life  on  the  subject  of  American 
shipping  interests."  The  American  Shipping  league  was  in  session 
in  Washington,  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  requested  to  act  as  a  delegate. 
In  speaking  of  the  work  of  the  league  he  said  that  "the  convention 
will  probably  approve  the  same  line  of  policy  adopted  some  five 
years  ago  by  France  with  wonderful  success — providing  that  every 
American  vessel,  sail  or  steam,  which  trades  witk  foreign  ports, 
shall  be  allowed  thirty  cents  per  ton  for  each  thousand  miles  sailed 
or  steamed  for  a  period  of  twenty  years.  England  subsidizes  only 
mail-carrying  lines ;  but  she  pays  heavily  for  this  service,  and  at  the 
same  time  holds  these  lines  ready  for  a  naval  reserve.  We  are  liable 
at  any  time  in  case  of  a  foreign  war,  in  which  England  is  involved, 
to  see  the  Cunarders  and  other  swift  trans-Atlantic  steamships 
withdrawn  with  scarcely  a  word  of  warning  from  our  ports,  and  our 
foreign  commerce  seriously  crippled  at  a  blow." 

Mr.  Dingley's  attention  early  in  the  session,  was  called  to  al 
leged  discriminations  on  the  Welland  canal  against  vessels  and  car 
goes  bound  for  American  lake  -ports,  in  violation  of  the  treaty  of 
1871.  He  promptly  introduced  a  resolution  calling  upon  the  presi 
dent  for  all  information.  The  resolution  asking  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury  instead  of  the  president  for  the  information,  was  adopted 
by  the  house.  l  -Mr.  Dingley  made  a  brief  speech  pointing  out  the 

1— In  the  New  York  Tribune  of  May  14,  1888,  Joseph  Nlmmo  Jr.,  published  an 
article  on  "The  relations  between  Canada  and  the  United  States,"  in  which  he 
said:  "A  flagrant  and  most  absurd  violation  of  a  treaty  stipulation  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  house  of 
representatives  on  the  fourth  of  January,  1888,  in  the  form  of  a  resolution  sub 
mitted  by  the  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  of  Maine,  a  gentleman  always  vigilant 
of  the  maritime  and  commercial  interests  of  the  United  States.  During  the  last 
three  years,  through  the  device  of  an  'order  in  council,'  a  rebate  of  eighteen 
cents  per  ton  has  been  allowed  out  of  the  total  toll  of  twenty  cents  per  ton  on 
grain  of  all  sorts  passing  through  the  Welland  and  St.  Lawrence  canals,  if 
shipped  to  Montreal.  The  long  and  short  of  this  is  a  premium  of  eighteen  cents 
a  ton  offered  by  the  Canadian  government  in  favor  of  the  diversion  of  American 
commerce  from  American  seaports  and  American  transportation  lines.  An  offi- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  291 

admission  of  the  discriminations  by  the  Canadian  government.  On 
the  25th  of  January  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  sent  to  the  house 
an  extract  from  the  report  of  the  commissioner  of  navigation,  giv 
ing  evidence  of  a  constant  violation  of  treaty  obligations  by  Can 
ada.  The  Dominion  government  denied  the  charge  and  in  dis 
patches  to  the  Boston  Herald,  sarcastically  called  upon  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  to  study  the  2/th  article  of  the  Washington  treaty.  The  latter 
replied:  "I  doubt  not  that  the  president  will  promptly  call  the  at 
tention  of  the  British  government  to  this  infraction  of  treaty  obli 
gation  ;  and  if  the  discrimination  is  continued  at  the  opening  of 
navigation  in  the  spring,  will  inform  congress,  in  order  that  such 
discrimination  against  the  United  States  may  receive  proper  atten 
tion." 

The  fisheries  negotiators  reassembled  in  January  but  main 
tained  a  discreet  silence.  The  sessions  of  the  commission  were  less 
and  less  frequent  until  they  met  only  twice  a  week  with  sessions 
only  an  hour  long.  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "I  have  no  means  of  infor 
mation  as  to  what  is  actually  going  on,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think 
the  English  members  of  the  commission  are  purposely  delaying  its 
deliberations.  The  demand  which  England  has  always  made  for 
Canada  has  been  that,  in  consideration  of  opening  her  ports  to 
American  vessels,  Canada  should  be  able  to  send  her  lumber  and 
fish  into  this  country  free  of  duty.  I  feel  confident  that  the  fisheries 
negotiators  are  simply  delaying  matters  with  a  view  to  ascertaining 
what  congress  intends  to  do  with  the  tariff  bill  which  will  soon  be 
under  discussion.  If  it  is  decided  to  put  lumber  and  fish  on  the  free 
list  neither  Canada  nor  England  will  place  anything  further  in  the 
way  of  a  speedy  settlement  of  existing  difficulties."  On  the  25th  of 
January  Mr.  Dingley  dined  at  the  Arlington  hotel,  as  the  guest  of 
Mr.  Putnam,  one  of  the  American  commissioners.  It  was,  how 
ever,  more  and  more  evident  that  the  commission  would  adjourn 
without  settling  the  matter.  It  had  been  in  session  two  months 
with  nothing  to  show  for  it.  President  Angell  and  Mr.  Putnam 
were  reported  to  be  prejudiced  in  favor  of  the  administration's  pol 
icy  of  granting  free  fish  to  the  Canadians ;  but  their  investigations 
convinced  them  that  such  a  policy  was  neither  called  for  nor  ad 
missible.  They  advised  Secretary  Bayard  that  the  United  States 
ought  not  to  make  any  of  the  concessions  asked  for  by  Canada. 
However,  on  the  I5th  of  February,  the  commissioners  reached  an 

cer  of  the  revenue  department  of  Canada  has  Innocently  confessed  that  'the  ob- 
trofle x  t> P°™mTlon  government  in  promulgating:  this  order  is  to  encourage 
TM«  £«  Lawrence  route  instead  of  allowing-  it  to  go  to  American  ports.' 

This,  however,  as  explained  by  Mr.  Dingley  on  the  floor  of  the  house  of  represen 
tatives,  is  an  open  violation  of  Article  XXVII  of  the  treaty  of  Washington  " 


292  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

agreement  in  the  shape  of  a  treaty  with  sixteen  articles  and  a  pro 
tocol,  which  were  presented  to  the  senate.    The  publication  of  the 
text  of  the  treaty  created  consternation.    It  was  an  abject  surren 
der  of  the  United  States.    Mr.  Dingley  said:    "It  certainly  cannot 
get  the  necessary  two-thirds  vote.     Why,  look  at  it.     To  under 
stand  what  we  have  failed  to  get,  it  will  be  better  to  recall  what  the 
contention  has  been.    The  American  fishermen  from  the  beginning, 
and  the  secretary  of  state  in  his  correspondence  with  Great  Britain 
insisted  upon  three  things,  first,  the  right  to  enter  Canadian  ports 
for  the  purchase  of  bait,  any  kind  of  provisions  and  supplies  that 
might  be  needed  for  fishing;  second,  the  right  to  ship  the  men  and 
to  do  anything  and  everything  that  was  necessary  for  preparing  to 
fish;  third,  the  right  to  trans-ship  fish  when  caught,  and  to  send 
them  in  bond  to  the  United  States.     This  was,  if  anything,  more 
important  than  any  other  claim.    All  of  these  things  the  secretary 
of  state  in  the  correspondence,  insisted  should  be  ours.    As  to  the 
other  things  which  were  sought,  there  is  not  much  difficulty  about 
them.    They  conceded  we  had  the  right  to  enter  their  harbors  for 
repairs  and  shelter,  and  in  certain  exigencies,  on  the  way  home, 
upon  telegraphing  to  Ottawa,  permission  was  given  to  obtain  pro 
visions  to  go  home.     But  they  denied  the  main  things  which  our 
fishermen  insisted  were  theirs  of  right.    With  this  controversy  go 
ing  on,  these  negotiations  opened.    What  is  the  result?    We  can 
go  into  Canadian   ports  for   shelter  and  for  repairs,  and  for  pro 
visions  on  the  way  home.    That  is  to  say,  we  have  exactly  the  same 
rights  or  privileges  that  we  had  before.    These  rights,  to  be  sure, 
are  set  forth  a  little  more  clearly,  but  that  is  all.     Everything  else 
is  to  be  purchased  in  some  way.    The  Canadians  have  conceded  to 
us  just  what  they  were  willing  to  concede  before  the  conference 
met  and  nothing  more.     But  the  real  gist  of  the  treaty  is  in  what 
will  be  called  the  'snapper.'    The  'snapper'  of  the  treaty  is  this :  that 
whenever  we  put  upon  the  free  list  all  kinds  of  prepared  fish,  we 
shall  have  things  for  which  we  have  contended,  the  right  to  trans 
ship  fish  in  bond,  the  right  to  buy  bait,  etc.    But  these  things  must 
be   purchased  by  our  free  list.      Meanwhile  we  are  to  live  by  the 
modus  vivendi.    And  what  is  the  modus  vivendi  ?    That  any  fishing 
vessel  of  the  United  States  that  will  pay  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  ton  for 
license  shall  have  a  right  to  purchase  provisions  and  supplies  and 
bait  and  may  ship  fish  in  bond.     That  is  to  say,  a  three  hundred 
tons  fishing  vessel,  and  that  is  about  the  average  size  of  the  fishing 
vessels,  may  pay  a  license  of  $450  and  obtain  these  rights.    This  is 
the  most  abject  surrender  of  the  main  points  for  which  the  Ameri- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  293 

can  fishermen  have  contended.  How  much  better  off  are  we?  It 
will  be  answered  that  we  can  go  into  Canadian  ports  for  shelter 
and  repairs.  True ;  but  we  can  remain  there  only  twenty-four 
hours.  We  are  certainly  no  better  off  than  we  were  before,  and  we 
have  surrendered  all  of  the  important  points  for  which  we  have 
contended.  I  do  not  make  much  of  the  provision  as  to  the  delimi 
tation  of  the  three  mile  limit.  That  is  secondary.  There  is  no  real 
controversy  over  that  point.  It  has  been  many  years  since  the 
Canadians  have  really  insisted  upon  the  head  line  theory.  None  of 
the  vessels  that  have  been  seized  were  seized  upon  that  ground. 
But,  even  in  this  respect,  we  have  made  a  surrender.  Bays  are  now 
to  be  closed  to  us  which  were  partly  opened  before.  It  does  not 
matter  that  a  bay  is  thirty  miles  wide,  near  the  shore  end ;  if  it  is  ten 
miles  at  the  mouth  is  a  closed  sea  for  us.  I  cannot  for  a  moment, 
think  that  this  treaty  can  be  ratified." 

The  controversy  was  not  over  the  three  mile  limit  or  the  man 
ner  in  which  the  four  privileges  mentioned  by  the  treaty  of  1818 
should  be  exercised,  but  it  was  over  the  question  of  commercial 
privileges  outside  of  these.  The  Canadians  contested  that  we  had 
no  right  to  any  privileges  outside  of  these  four,  and  especially  that 
we  had  no  right  to  buy  provisions  and  supplies  for  a  fishing  voyage, 
to  purchase  bait  and  trans-ship  fish.  The  United  States  commis 
sioners  contended  that  we  had  a  right  to  exercise  these  privileges. 
Our  claims  to  these  privileges  were  pressed  at  the  start,  and  at  last 
surrendered,  with  the  simple  concession  by  Canada  that  an  Ameri 
can  fishing  vessel  on  its  way  home  might  buy  in  a  Canadian  port 
sufficient  provisions  to  last  it  to  the  home  port,  and  that  such  a  ves 
sel  which  had  been  disabled  might  land  and  sell  and  trans-ship  its 
catch  of  fish — concessions  which  a  savage  could  not  refuse.  The 
result  was  not  a  compromise  but  a  surrender.  Fortunately  the 
treaty  was  rejected.  After  a  protracted  debate  in  the  senate  a  vote 
was  taken  August  2ist  on  a  resolution  of  ratification  requiring  a 
two-thirds  vote.  The  resolution  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  27  to  30. 
Every  Republican  senator  present  voted  for  rejection.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said  that  "the  rejected  treaty  surrendered  the  very  privileges 
which  Secretary  Bayard  demanded  as  the  right  of  our  fishing  ves 
sels  in  his  correspondence  with  the  British  government  between 
May  1886  and  July  1887.  It  is  surprising  that  a  single  senator  was 
found  to  vote  to  ratify  such  a  surrender." 

President  Cleveland  was  so  disconcerted  by  the  rejection  of  the 
treaty  that  he  straightway  sent  a  message  to  congress  asking  for  an 
amendment  to  the  so-called  retaliatory  act  of  1887,  so  as  to  give 


294  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

him  the  power  to  stop  all  transit  of  bonded  Canadian  goods 
through  our  territory  (which  would  have  involved  a  similar  denial 
of  transit  for  American  goods  through  Canadian  territory)  in  case 
Canada  continued  to  deny  commercial  privileges  to  our  fishing  ves 
sels  in  her  ports.  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  this  message  was  "a  most 
remarkable  document  considering  that  the  president  has  refused 
for  a  year  and  a  half  the  ample  power  given  him  by  the  act  of  1887, 
and  especially  considering  his  efforts  for  six  months  past  to  force 
the  ratification  of  a  treaty  admitting  that  these  vessels  have  no 
commercial  rights  in  Canadian  ports  and  providing  that  we  can 
obtain  them  only  by  free  fish  or  the  purchase  of  a  license.  It  is  im 
possible  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the  president's  object  is  not 
to  secure  the  rights  of  our  fishermen,  but  to  divert  attention  from 
the  treaty  which  surrendered  these  rights."  This  message  received 
a  storm  of  indignant  protests  and  contributed  to  the  large  Repub 
lican  majority  in  Maine. 

On  the  2/th  of  February  the  congressional  temperance  society 
celebrated  its  55th  anniversary.  Mr.  Dingley,  who  had  been  elected 
president  the  year  before,  presided  and  made  an  address.  He 
spoke  of  the  encouraging  outlook  for  temperance,  not  only  in 
Maine  but  all  over  the  country. 

Mr.  Dingley's  bill  authorizing  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to 
issue  fractional  silver  certificates  of  the  denominations  of  twenty- 
five,  fifteen  and  ten  cents,  passed  the  house  March  19  under  a  sus 
pension  of  the  rules.  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  briefly  in  explanation  of 
the  bill.  Its  passage  by  a  large  majority  was  somewhat  of  a  sur 
prise,  because  it  was  opposed  by  the  quiet  influence  of  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury  who  did  not  want  the  trouble  of  the  new  issue,  and 
by  such  Democratic  leaders  as  Randall,  Cox,  Bacon  and  Bland, 
who  spoke  against  it.  The  brunt  of  the  fight  for  the  bill  was  borne 
by  Mr.  Dingley,  aided  by  Mr.  Phelps  of  New  Jersey  and  Mr.  Dar- 
gan  of  South  Carolina.  The  argument  presented  by  Mr.  Dingley 
was  that  "there  is  a  large  and  increasing  demand  for  a  currency  of 
fractional  parts  of  a  dollar  for  transmission  through  the  mail.  Seed 
men,  publishers,  farmers,  etc.,  find  it  necessary  to  largely  use  the 
mails  and  this  form  of  currency  will  be  a  great  convenience  to 
them." 

The  bill  to  exempt  coastwise  sailing  vessels,  when  piloted  by 
their  own  master  licensed  as  a  pilot,  or  when  towed  by  a  steam  ves 
sel  in  charge  of  a  United  States  pilot,  from  the  obligation  to  pay 
state  pilots  whose  services  are  not  employed,  was  reported  ad 
versely  from  the  committee  on  marine  and  fisheries.  The  minority 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  295 

report  prepared  by  Mr.  Dingley  declared  that  "congress  thirty-six 
years  ago,  exempted  costwise  vessels,  piloted  by  their  own  licensed 
master  or  mate  from  the  obligation  to  pay  state  pilots  not  used. 
Twenty-eight  states  have  also  exempted  coastwise  sailing  vessels 
from  paying  fees  to  state  pilots  not  used,  and  this  bill  would  sim 
ply  place  American  sailing  vessels  on  the  same  basis  as  steam  ves 
sels."  But  the  lobby  of  the  pilotage  association  defeated  the  bill 
this  session  precisely  as  it  did  in  the  last  session. 

Mr.  Dingley's  keen  sense  of  fairness  and  justice  was  again  mani 
fested  when  on  the  21  st  of  March  a  bill  came  before  the  house  pro 
viding  for  the  payment  of  a  full  days'  wages  for  each  eight  hours  of 
work  performed  by  laborers  employed  by  the  government  since 
June  25,  1868,  the  day  when  congress  enacted  the  eight  hour  law. 
In  supporting  this  bill  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "whenever  any 
laborer,  workman  or  mechanic  employed  by  or  on  behalf  of  the 
government  has  not  been  paid  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the 
eight  hour  law,  he  should  be.  It  has  been  the  proud  boast  of  our 
government  that  it  has  observed  in  letter  and  spirit  all  its  engage 
ments  to  those  who  took  our  bonds  and  other  obligations  in  the 
dark  hour  of  the  civil  war.  We  should  deal  with  equal  fidelity  to 
wards  the  laborers,  workmen  and  mechanics  employed  by  or  on 
behalf  of  the  government." 

The  most  memorable  fight  of  the  session  occurred  early  in 
April.  It  was  over  the  direct  tax  refunding  bill.  It  will  be  re 
membered  that  soon  after  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion  in  1861, 
congress  levied  a  direct  tax  of  twenty  million  dollars  to  carry  on 
the  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  union.  The  loyal  states  all  as 
sumed  the  amount  assessed  against  them  and  paid  their  share  of 
the  tax  in  full — less  the  fifteen  per  cent  allowed  any  state  for  as 
suming  and  collecting  it.  The  returned  rebel  states  were  not  called 
upon  to  pay  their  proportion  of  the  tax.  When  the  bill,  which  had 
already  passed  the  senate,  reached  the  house  the  Democrats  op 
posed  it,  taking  the  ground  that  if  there  was  to  be  any  refunding, 
+he  cotton  tax  imposed  during  the  war  ought  also  to  be  refunded. 
The  friends  of  the  bill  replied  that  what  was  just  twenty-five  years 
ago  is  just  now;  and  that  the  fact  that  the  disloyal  states  obtained 
a  practical  rebate  of  their  proportion  of  the  tax  over  twenty-five 
years  ago  by  not  paying  it,  only  strengthened  the  claim  of  the  loyal 
states  who  paid  the  tax  to  have  their  rebate  now.  The  Democrats 
resorted  to  filibustering  for  nine  days ;  and  on  the  I2th  of  April,  the 
deadlock  was  broken  by  the  adjournment  of  the  house,  the  Demo 
crats  voting  solidly  for  adjournment. 


296  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

A  resolution  authorizing  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  apply 
the  surplus  money  in  the  treasury  to  the  purchase  or  redemption 
of  United  States  bonds  caused  considerable  debate  in  the  house. 
In  supporting  the  resolution  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "this  is  simply 
a  declaratory  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the  provision  incor 
porated  in  the  appropriation  act  of  1881  to  which  it  refers,  was  in 
tended  to  be  and  is  a  permanent  and  continuing  authority  to  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury  to  use  up  the  surplus  funds  in  the  treasury 
for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  the  public  debt."  He  favored  the 
resolution  because  "under  existing  circumstances  the  business  of 
this  country  demands  that  there  shall  be  such  action  taken  as  would 
lead  to  the  use  of  that  provision  in  the  act  of  1881  in  employing  the 
hundred  millions  of  surplus  that  is  today  in  the  treasury  in  reduc 
ing  the  public  debt,  and  to  set  afloat  for  the  use  of  the  business  in 
terests  of  the  country  that  hundred  millions  which  the  condition 
of  business  so  much  demands.  *  *  *  We  all  know,  as  a  mat 
ter  of  fact,  that  for  six  months,  yes  for  eight  months,  past,  there 
has  been  accumulating  in  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  money 
which  the  business  interests  of  the  country  demands  and  needs  for 
circulation,  and  which,  in  my  judgment,  months  ago  the  president 
ought  to  have  used  in  purchasing  the  debt  of  the  country  and  thus 
releasing  that  money  to  the  use  of  the  business  public."  The  presi 
dent  had  doubts  respecting  his  power  under  the  act  of  1881,  but 
Mr.  Dingley  thought  there  was  no  necessity  for  such  doubt.  The 
resolution  was  passed  by  more  than  a  two-thirds  vote. 

The  Democratic  majority  in  the  house  felt  compelled  to  make 
an  effort  to  enact  a  "tariff  reform"  bill;  therefore,  on  the  2nd  of 
April,  Chairman  Mills  reported  from  the  ways  and  means  commit 
tee  a  bill  "to  reduce  taxation  and  simplify  the  laws  in  relation  to  the 
collection  of  the  revenue."  Mr.  McKinley  of  Ohio,  the  leader  of 
the  minority  on  the  committee,  submitted  the  views  of  the  Republi 
cans.  This  bill  was  President  Cleveland's  platform,  modified 
slightly  by  the  demands  of  the  southern  members,  especially  from 
Louisiana,  who  wanted  a  higher  duty  on  sugar.  The  bill  as  re 
ported  to  the  house,  placed  wool,  manufactured  lumber,  lime,  wood 
and  chemical  pulps,  potatoes  and  other  farm  products  on  the  free 
list,  and  reduced  the  duty  on  all  woolen  and  cotton  goods  and 
other  manufactured  products.  The  bill  was  a  severe  blow  to 
northern  farmers,  and  northern  interests  in  general ;  and  the  publi 
cation  of  its  provisions  caused  wide-spread  alarm.  Debate  on  the 
bill  began  April  17.  Chairman  Mills  opened  it  with  a  lengthy 
speech  in  support  of  the  measure.  He  was  enthusiastically  ap- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  297 

plauded  by  his  Democratic  sympathizers.  Mr.  Kelley  of  Pennsyl 
vania  followed  in  reply,  and  was  likewise  applauded  by  his  Repub 
lican  followers.  The  tariff  debate  was  resumed  April  24,  when  Mr. 
McMillin  of  Tennessee  made  an  elaborate  speech  in  favor  of  the 
bill.  He  declared  that  protection  had  destroyed  American  ship 
ping,  whereupon  Mr.  Dingley  challenged  the  statement  and  re 
minded  Mr.  McMillin  and  the  house  that  American  commerce  de 
clined  between  1855  and  1861,  prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  protec 
tion.  Then  turning  to  Mr.  Dingley,  the  gentleman  from  Tennes 
see  said:  "Do  you  favor  that  policy  which  permits  the  United 
States  to  seize  and  confiscate  the  ship  bought  by  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  in  a  foreign  port,  if  it 
comes  into  our  own  ports,  but  at  the  same  time  pro 
tects  him  if  he  goes  somewhere  else,  and  sails  under  the 
flag  of  some  other  country?"  Applause  from  the  Democrats  fol 
lowed  this  query.  Mr.  Dingley  promptly  replied:  "I  favor  the 
policy  of  confining  American  registered  vessels  to  vessels  built  in 
this  country — a  policy  which  was  inaugurated  by  Washington,  and 
has  continued  in  operation  from  that  day  until  the  present."  This 
retort  was  greeted  with  loud  applause  from  the  Republicans.  Mr. 
McMillin  then  tried  to  force  Mr.  Dingley  into  admitting  that  the 
tariff  had  made  materials  entering  into  the  construction  of  ships 
higher  than  before  the  war.  But  Mr.  Dingley  refused  to  be  forced 
into  such  a  corner,  and  demanded  the  right  to  answer  such  a  ques 
tion  so  as  to  bring  out  the  real  facts.  He  parried  Mr.  McMillin 
successfully  amid  the  laughter  and  applause  of  the  house.  On  the 
3rd  of  May  he  spoke  at  great  length  on  the  tariff  bill 1  following  Mr. 
Wilson  of  West  Virginia.  This  speech  was  considered  one  of  the 
ablest  delivered  during  this  entire  debate  in  favor  of  protection.  It 
exhausted  the  entire  subject,  exposed  the  fallacies  of  the  free 
traders,  proved  the  falseness  of  the  claim  that  a  tariff  is  a  tax  to  the 
extent  of  the  duty;  and  showed  that  the  true  test  of  price  is  labor. 
He  discussed  "free  raw  materials,"  the  "foreign  market  delusion" 
and  the  "value  of  our  home  markets."  He  pointed  out  that  "there 
is  no  basis  for  the  oft-repeated  assertion  that  the  protective  tariffs 
of  the  United  States  since  1861  have  restricted  the  export  trade 
of  the  United  States.  By  common  consent  the  United  States  is 
pointed  to  everywhere  as  the  most  marvelous  growth  recorded  in 
history."  The  foreign  carrying  trade,  the  value  of  protection  to 
farmers,  and  the  object  lessons  in  free  trade,  were  topics  elabor- 

1 — See  Appendix 


298  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ated  in  this  able  speech.  He  concluded  with  this  eloquent  sen 
tence  :  "It  ought  to  be  sufficient  to  deter  us  from  hazardous  ex 
periments,  which  look  attractive  in  the  figures  of  rhetoric,  that 
under  the  protective  policy  which  has  prevailed  for  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  the  United  States  has  grown  so  wonderfully  in 
population,  agriculture,  manufacture,  and  all  the  elements  which 
have  to  do  with  material  prosperity,  that  even  the  most  distin 
guished  and  most  highly  honored  statesman  of  Great  Britain — the 
peerless  Gladstone — has  spoken  of  her  in  debate  in  parliament  as 
the  most  marvelous  and  prosperous  nation  in  Christendom."  This 
speech  was  received  with  prolonged  applause — in  fact  Mr.  Dingley 
received  an  ovation.  It  was  pronounced  the  greatest  tariff  speech 
of  the  session,  and  was  used  by  the  Republican  national  committee 
as  a  campaign  document,  and  was  circulated  in  every  state  in  the 
union.  It  added  to  his  already  splendid  reputation  as  a  tariff  ex 
pert.  It  made  him,  next  to  his  colleague,  Mr.  Reed,  the  foremost 
Republican  in  the  house.  Already  he  was  marked  as  a  coming 
leader. 

On  the  24th  of  May  when  the  postoffice  appropriation  bill  was 
under  consideration,  Mr.  Dingley  called  the  attention  of  the  house 
to  the  small  compensation  paid  American  steamships  for  carrying 
the  mails.  In  reply  to  Mr.  Blount  of  Georgia,  Mr.  Dingley  said: 
"I  say  to  my  friend  from  Georgia,  that  unless  this  government  shall 
do  at  least  as  much  for  the  American  steamship  lines  as  Great 
Britain,  as  Germany,  as  France,  as  Italy,  and  as  other  foreign  gov 
ernments  are  doing  for  theirs,  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when 
the  American  steamship  lines  shall  have  been  driven  from  the 
ocean."  In  this  same  debate  Mr.  Dockery  of  Missouri,  said  that 
"it  is  conceded  by  both  sides  of  the  house  that  the  gentleman  from 
Maine  is  particularly  well  informed  on  all  matters  relating  to  our 
merchant  marine,  and  is  usually  extremely  fair  in  debate." 

In  the  meantime,  debate  on  the  Mills  tariff  bill  dragged  wearily 
along.  As  the  first  paragraphs  of  this  bill  placed  imported  Cana 
dian  manufactured  lumber  on  the  free  list,  the  bill  received  a  most 
vigorous  onslaught  from  the  members  from  Maine.  Mr.  Dingley's 
attacks  on  the  bill  were  persistent  and  unanswerable.  May  3ist 
and  June  ist  he  replied  specifically  l  to  Mr.  Outhwaite  of  Ohio,  in 
which  he  pointed  out  the  consequences  of  putting  lumber  on  the 
free  list.  He  called  the  attention  of  the  house  to  the  careless  way 
in  which  the  census  figures  were  used  in  debate.  Thus  again  the 
Democratic  members  of  the  house  learned  to  have  a  wholesome  re- 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  299 

spect  for  Mr.  Dingley's  familiarity  wiih  statistics.  On  the  6th  of 
Tune  he  offered  an  amendment  to  the  lumber  schedule  which 
opened  up  the  fisheries  question.  The  amendment  provided  "that 
all  said  articles  shall  be  subject  to  the  same  duty  as  now  provided 
by  law  when  imported  from  any  country  which  denies  in  its  ports, 
to  fishing  or  other  vessels  of  the  United  States  authorized  to  touch 
and  trade  at  foreign  ports,  the  same  commercial  privileges,  includ 
ing  the  right  to  buy  provisions,  bait  and  supplies,  and  to  trans-ship 
any  portion  of  cargo,  as  are  granted  to  similar  vessels  of  such  coun 
try  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States."  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  at  some 
length  on  this  amendment.  1  He  presented  an  argument  on  the 
protection  of  American  fishermen  that  has  been  pronounced  the 
ablest  ever  offered  on  that  question.  This  speech  showed  the  un 
patriotic  and  inconsistent  course  of  Secretary  Bayard  and  con 
tained  proof  of  the  betrayal  of  American  interests.  He  closed  with 
this  splendid  peroration :  "But  it  is  said  with  a  sneer  that  this  gov 
ernment  does  not  propose  to  go  to  war  for  a  few  New  England 
fishermen.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  heroic  deeds  of  the  fishermen  of  the 
United  States,  the  fishermen  of  New  England  if  you  please,  as  re 
corded  in  the  history  of  the  republic,  ought  to  awaken  in  the  halls 
of  congress  as  well  as  in  every  patriotic  breast,  a  determination  to 
stand  by  their  interests.  It  was  the  fishermen  of  New  England  who 
in  large  part  officered  and  manned  the  armed  vessels  which  sailed 
under  John  Paul  Jones  and  bore  so  gallant  and  conspicuous  a  part 
in  our  war  for  independence.  It  was  the  fishermen  of  New  Eng 
land  who  contributed  a  generous  quota  to  the  gallant  crews  of  the 
naval  vessels  which  won  such  conspicuous  laurels  in  the  war  of 
1812.  It  was  from  the  fishermen  of  New  England  that  the  nation 
drew  liberally  to  man  our  blockading  fleet  in  the  late  civil  war. 
Surely  such  men  as  these  are  deserving  not  only  of  the  protection 
but  of  the  gratitude  of  the  republic." 

The  effect  of  Mr.  Dingley's  amendment  was  to  bring  out  the 
fact  that  the  Democratic  leaders  were  anxious  to  put  imported  fish 
on  the  free  list.  The  Democratic  members  of  the  ways  and  means 
committee  conferred  hastily  on  the  floor  and  put  forward  Mr. 
Breckinridge  of  Kentucky,  to  offer  an  amendment  providing  that 
"all  kinds  of  Canadian  fish  be  put  on  the  free  list  when  Canada 
should  extend  commercial  privileges  to  American  shipping  ves 
sels."  A  lively  debate  followed  in  which  the  conduct  of  the  Cana 
dians  in  denying  to  American  fishing  vessels  privileges  freely  ac 
corded  to  similar  Canadian  vessels  in  our  ports,  was  shown  up  in  its 

1 — See  Appendix. 


300  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

true  color.  A  division  was  had,  and  every  Democrat  except  Ran 
dall  and  two  others  voted  for  the  free  fish  amendment.  This  prac 
tically  destroyed  Mr.  Dingley's  amendment,  so  the  Republicans 
voted  solidly  against  the  whole  proposition.  But  Mr.  Dingley  ac 
complished  what  he  desired  by  calling  public  attention  to  the  facts, 
first,  that  Canada  was  denying  rights  and  privileges  already  be 
longing  to  our  fishermen  in  order  to  compel  this  government  to 
permit  the  free  admission  of  Canadian  fish;  second,  that  the  ad 
ministration  was  trying  to  accomplish  this  very  thing,  through  the 
treaty  at  this  time  before  the  senate.  In  the  language  of  Mr.  But- 
terworth  of  Ohio,  Mr.  Dingley  proposed  simply  to  say  to  the  Cana 
dians  :  "If  you  want  to  bring  into  the  United  States  your  lumber 
free  of  duty,  you  shall  at  least  bestow  upon  the  fishermen  of  this 
country  the  right  to  go  into  your  harbors,  the  right  they  have 
hitherto  enjoyed,  at  least  in  practical  experience,  for  more  than  half 
a  century.  We  will  not  concede  that  we  have  been  wrong  in  in 
sisting  upon  this  right,  and  pay  you  for  the  privilege  of  enjoying 
that  which  is  already  our  own,  though  you  interfere  temporarily 
with  its  enjoyment  by  our  fishermen." 

June  ii  was  the  thirty-first  anniversary  of  Mr.  Dingley's  mar 
riage  and  on  that  day  he  recorded  in  his  diary  these  simple  but 
touching  words :  "What  a  happy  thirty-one  years !"  Five  days 
later  he  was  at  his  home  in  Lewiston,  surrounded  once  more  by  his 
entire  family.  "A  very  pleasant  reunion,"  he  wrote. 

While  at  home  he  followed  eagerly  the  proceedings  of  the  Re 
publican  national  convention  at  Chicago.  Notwithstanding  the 
publication  of  a  second  letter  from  Mr.  Blaine,  unqualifiedly  with 
drawing  his  name  from  the  list  of  presidential  candidates,  his  name 
was  freely  used  prior  to  the  convention.  Mr.  Elaine's  letter  was  to 
Whitelaw  Reid,  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  and  was  dated 
Paris,  May  17.  Mr.  Blaine  referred  to  "a  single  phrase  of  my  let 
ter  of  January  25th  from  Florence"  which  "has  been  treated  by 
many  of  my  most  valued  friends  as  not  absolutely  conclusive  in 
ultimate  and  possible  contingencies."  He  added:  "If  I  should 
now,  by  speech  or  by  silence,  by  commission  or  omission,  permit 
my  name  in  any  event  to  come  before  the  convention,  I  should  in 
cur  the  reproach  of  being  uncandid  with  those  who  have  been  can 
did  with  me.  I  speak,  therefore,  because  I  am  not  willing  to  re 
main  in  a  doubtful  attitude."  This  almost  pathetic  letter  was  made 
the  more  so  by  this  sentence :  "The  misrepresentations  of  malice 
have  no  weight,  but  the  just  displeasure  of  friends  I  could  not 
patiently  endure." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  301 

Fourteen  candidates  received  votes  on  the  first  ballot.  Mr. 
Elaine  received  33  votes.  On  the  fourth  and  fifth  ballots,  Mr.  Har 
rison  of  Indiana  developed  great  strength.  Mr.  Elaine  still  had  48 
votes,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  Mr.  Bontelle  of  Maine  read 
two  dispatches  from  Mr.  Elaine  asking  his  friends  to  "respect  his 
Paris  letter,"  and  adding :  "I  think  I  have  a  right  to  ask  my  friends 
to  respect  my  wishes."  Benjamin  Harrison  was  nominated  on  the 
8th  ballot,  and  Levi  P.  Morton  was  nominated  for  vice  president. 
Mr.  Dingley  had  said  early  in  February  relative  to  Mr.  Elaine's 
declination  to  run  for  president :  "His  decision  will  not  be  changed 
no  matter  what  is  done  in  the  convention.  He  has  carefully  re 
viewed  the  situation,  and  having  taken  this  step  through  motives 
of  patriotism,  will  adhere  to  it." 

Mr.  Dingley  was  in  his  seat  again  in  the  house  of  representa 
tives  June  26,  and  in  the  succeeding  session  took  part  in  the  debate 
on  the  tariff  bill.  He  spoke  of  the  injustice  of  placing  manufac 
tured  bricks  on  the  free  list,  and  allowing  bituminous  coal  to  re 
main  on  the  dutiable  list,  since  "more  than  one  third  of  the  cost  of 
bricks  is  in  the  coal  used  to  burn  them."  He  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  Democratic  platform  recently  adopted  had  declared 
that  "it  did  not  propose  to  place  a  single  article  produced  by  the 
labor  of  this  country  in  such  a  condition  that  it  would  not  protect 
the  difference  in  the  cost  of  labor  as  between  the  production  of  the 
same  article  here  and  in  foreign  countries;  and  yet,"  he  added, 
"here  is  a  proposition  to  put  manufactured  brick  upon  the  free  list 
where  the  labor  cost  of  every  thousand  brick  manufactured  is  at 
least  a  dollar  more  per  thousand  than  it  costs  in  the  adjoining  Brit  • 
ish  provinces."  June  29,  he  fought  for  a  duty  of  fifteen  cents  per 
cask  on  lime.  The  bill  as  reported,  provided  for  a  duty  of  ten  cents 
per  cask.  Mr.  Dingley's  main  point  in  his  speech  was  that  "it 
ought  to  be  evident  to  the  committee  that  unless  the  duty  on  im 
ported  Canadian  lime  is  made  sufficient  to  cover  the  difference  in 
the  cost  of  labor  employed  in  Canada  and  in  the  United  States,  the 
lime  manufacturing  industries  in  this  country  will  be  gradually 
driven  to  the  wall  by  Canadian  competition,  or  our  labor  will  be 
compelled  to  accept  Canadian  wages." 

June  3Oth,  Mr.  Dingley  cleverly  exposed  the  insincerity  of  the 
Democrats  who  pretended  to  be  waging  war  against  trusts.  In  the 
course  of  the  discussion  of  the  Mills  bill  the  item  regulating  the 
tariff  on  bi-chromate  of  potash  and  bi-chromate  of  soda  was 
reached.  The  Mills  bill  reduced  the  duty  from  3  cents  to  2  1-2 
cents  per  pound.  The  two  bi-chromates  were  used  extensively  in 


302  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

the  dying  of  woolen  and  cotton  goods.  The  chromate  mines  which 
produced  the  ore  from  which  the  potash  and  soda  were  manufac 
tured,  were  controlled  by  a  trust — "an  absolute  monopoly" — Mr. 
Dingley  said.  He  moved  to  strike  out  21-2  cents  and  insert  I 
cent.  So  strong  was  Mr.  Dingley's  argument  and  so  convincing  his 
figures  that  on  a  viva  voca  vote  his  motion  was  carried.  As  soon  as 
it  had  been  declared  carried,  there  was  a  scurrying  among  the 
Democrats;  tellers  were  demanded  and  Mr.  Dingley's  motion  de 
feated  by  a  narrow  margin. 

July  3rd  he  spoke  several  times  during  the  tariff  discussion.  He 
challenged  the  production  of  any  statistics  to  show  that  wages  were 
no  higher  in  this  country  than  abroad.  "I  am  assured,  Mr.  Chair 
man,"  he  said,  "that  wherever  comparisons  are  made  in  any  indus 
try  in  this  country,  it  will  be  found  that  labor  receives,  for  effective 
results  accomplished,  at  least  50  per  cent  more  that  the  same  labor 
receives  in  Great  Britain ;  and  when  protective  duties  are  removed 
from  all  our  industries,  we  must  either  give  them  up  or  reduce  the 
wages  of  our  labor  to  the  foreign  standard."  The  debate  on  this  day 
was  most  interesting.  Mr.  Rogers  of  Arkansas,  and  Mr.  Scott  of 
Pennsylvania,  assaulted  the  protective  tariff  and  ridiculed  the  posi 
tion  of  the  Republicans.  Mr.  Dingley  replied  to  these  gentlemen 
it  some  length,  1  pointing  out  that  a  tariff  on  goods  produced  in 
this  country  to  the  extent  of  our  wants  is  not  a  tax  which  increases 
the  burdens  on  the  consumer;  and  calling  further  attention  to  the 
fact  that  "the  Mills  bill  comes  in  to  discourage  domestic  industry 
and  to  encourage  importations." 

The  weather  in  Washington  during  this  protracted  debate  was 
excessively  warm,  and  the  physical  strain  upon  members  of  con 
gress  was  great.  The  two  days  occupied  by  the  house  in  the  dis 
cussion  of  the  sugar  schedule  in  the  Mills  bill,  served  to  place  in  a 
striking  light  the  sectional  and  unjustifiable  attitude  of  the  majority 
party  on  the  tariff.  Mr.  Dingley  moved  to  amend  the  bill  by  cut 
ting  down  the  duty  on  sugar  one  half.  He  said  the  prevailing 
specific  duty  on  raw  sugar  was  the  enormous  figure  of  82  per  cent, 
and  the  Mills  bill  proposed  to  keep  it  at  the  high  and  unjustifiable 
figure  of  68  per  cent.  His  proposition  was  to  reduce  the  duty  to  41 
per  cent,  which  would  be  the  same  protection  given  to  other  indus 
tries  considered  from  the  protection  point,  and  at  the  same  time  a 
reduction  of  a  tax  on  an  article  of  food  used  in  every  family — "as 
so  little  sugar  is  made  in  this  country  that  home  competition  does 
not  fix  the  price,  but  every  cent  of  duty  is  added  to  the  price."  Mr. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  303 

Dingley's  speech  •*•  in  support  of  his  amendment  surprised  and  wor 
ried  the  majority  who  saw  its  purport  but  who  rallied  enough  votes 
to  defeat  it.  July  10  Mr.  Dingley  moved  to  amend  the  tariff  bill 
so  as  to  make  the  duties  on  cotton  goods  specific  instead  of  ad 
valorem.  The  amendment  was  however  defeated.  When  the  wool 
schedule  was  reached  he  entered  his  protest  against  the  free  admis 
sion  of  wool.  In  a  speech  l  of  great  force  he  pointed  out  the  incon 
sistency  of  the  Democratic  contention  that  free  wool  would  raise 
the  price  of  wool  to  the  farmers  and  lower  the  price  to  consumers. 
July  1 6  he  offered  an  amendment  permitting  the  free  admission  in 
bond  of  materials  used  in  the  construction  of  iron  vessels  for  for 
eign  trade.  His  speech  x  was  effective,  but  the  amendment  was  re 
jected. 

Mr.  Springer  of  Illinois,  made  an  elaborate  speech  in  favor  of 
the  tariff  bill.  As  it  finally  appeared  in  the  record,  it  bristled  with 
figures,  tables,  statistics  and  applause.  Mr.  Dingley  replied  to  Mr. 
Springer  without  special  preparation.  The  debate  l  which  followed 
between  Messrs.  Springer  and  Dingley  was  lively  in  the  extreme. 
Several  Democrats  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  member  from  Illinois, 
but  Mr.  Dingley  conquered  them  all.  This  contest  gave  the  latter 
a  rare  opportunity  to  display  his  ability  and  power  in  debate,  and 
his  wide  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the  tariff  question. 

Saturday,  July  2ist,  the  Mills  tariff  bill  passed  the  house  amid 
great  applause  on  the  Democratic  side.  The  Republicans  con 
tented  themselves  by  replying:  "Wait  until  November."  Mr. 
Dingley's  summing  up  l  of  the  Mills  bill  was  used  liberally  in  the 
next  election  as  a  campaign  document. 

July  13,  when  the  postoffice  appropriation  bill  was  under  consid 
eration  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  1  at  some  length  in  favor  of  fair  mail 
compensation  to  American  steamships  carrying  the  mail  to  for 
eign  countries. 

The  excitement  attending  the  tariff  debate  was  over  and  Mr. 
Dingley  sought  rest.  He  still  remained  in  Washington  but  at 
tended  the  sessions  of  the  house  only  a  short  time  each  day.  He 
spoke  but  twice  and  then  briefly,  the  remainder  of  the  session.  On 
the  3rd  of  August  he  spoke  1  on  the  French  spoilation  claims  and 
on  the  i8th  of  August  he  spoke  1  briefly  in  reply  to  Mr.  Bynum  of 
Indiana,  who  in  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the  Chinese  treaty  bill 
said  it  was  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to  open  the  doors  of 
the  country  to  import  cheap  labor  and  to  close  them  to  cheap  food 
and  clothing.  This  charge  Mr.  Dingley  indignantly  denied. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


304  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Mr.  Dingley  was  renominated  for  congress  April  27  by  accla 
mation.  Cheers  were  given  for  the  nominee  and  the  resolutions 
declared  that  "the  convention  cordially  commends  to  the  voters 
of  this  district  the  nomination  of  Honorable  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
and  with  pride  points  to  his  past  faithful  and  distinguished  services 
in  office  and  pledge  to  him  our  earnest  support."  The  campaign 
in  Maine  was  already  under  way,  and  on  the  22nd  of  August  Mr. 
Dingley  returned  to  Maine  for  a  few  days  rest  at  his  island  home. 

Mr.  Elaine  returned  from  his  foreign  trip  August  17.  He  was 
received  with  enthusiastic  and  loving  regard  by  thousands  of  his 
fellow  citizens  in  New  York  City;  while  his  journey  from  the  me 
tropolis  to  his  home  in  Augusta,  Maine,  was  a  series  of  ovations. 
Every  city  and  town  in  Maine  sent  an  urgent  request  to  the  Re 
publican  state  committee  for  Mr.  Elaine ;  and  the  first  great  meet 
ing  he  addressed  was  at  Lewiston  on  the  evening  of  August  25th. 
Mr.  Dingley  was  the  first  speaker  at  this  mass  meeting  and  re 
ceived  an  enthusiastic  welcome,  the  large  audience  breaking  into 
applause  that  was  taken  up  again  and  again. 

Mr.  Dingley  labored  until  election  day  on  the  stump  and  in  the 
editorial  chair.  He  discussed  the  tariff  and  the  fisheries  question 
with  marked  ability.  His  influence  was  felt  not  only  in  Maine  but 
all  over  the  east.  The  position  of  the  Democratic  party  on  the 
tariff  was  assailed  vigorously.  His  familiarity  with  the  subject 
gave  great  weight  to  his  utterances.  His  statements  were  un 
challenged,  his  logic  was  unanswerable.  It  was  a  hard  fought  bat 
tie  in  every  county  of  the  state ;  and  when  the  votes  were  counted, 
it  was  found  that  the  Republicans  had  carried  the  state  by  nearly 
19,000  plurality.  Mr.  Dingley's  majority  over  all  other  candidates 
in  the  second  district  was  4,000.  It  was  a  crushing  defeat  for  free 
trade.  Mr.  Dingley  said  of  this  important  election:  "The  result 
shows  that  the  Democratic  leaders  were  greatly  mistaken  in  their 
estimate  of  the  effect  of  the  Mills  bill  and  the  fishery  treaty  on  the 
voters  of  Maine.  The  tariff  and  the  fishery  question  have  been 
thoroughly  discussed  by  both  Republican  and  Democratic  speakers 
and  papers,  and  the  voters  of  Maine  clearly  appreciated  the  ques 
tions  at  issue.  When  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  Maine  is  a  type  of 
other  northern  states,  and  that  the  tendencies  of  public  opinion  are 
usually  the  same  here  as  elsewhere,  the  significance  of  the  election 
cannot  be  misunderstood.  The  result  in  Maine  shows  that  the  peo 
ple  of  the  north  are  rising  against  the  Democratic  policy  as  in 
dicated  by  the  Mills  bill,  the  fishery  treaty  and  other  acts  of  com 
mission  and  omission  by  the  majority  of  the  house." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  305 

Congress  was  still  in  session  and  Mr.  Dingley  resumed  his  seat 
in  the  house  September  14.  Three  days  later  he  introduced  a  reso 
lution  calling  on  the  president  for  information  as  to  whether  the 
rights  of  American  fishermen  had  been  violated  by  the  Canadian 
authorities  during  the  past  year,  and  if  so,  whether  he  had  retali 
ated  as  he  had  authority  to  do  under  the  act  of  March  3rd,  1877. 
Mr.  Dingley  said :  "I  shall  be  curious  to  see  President  Cleveland's 
answer."  The  resolution  practically  said  to  President  Cleveland: 
"Inasmuch  as  you  have  informed  the  house  that  you  want  more 
power  to  secure  the  rights  of  our  fishermen  in  Canadian  ports,  now 
denied,  and  inasmuch  as  you  say  that  your  treaty  of  last  February 
would  have  secured  all  these  rights  if  it  had  been  ratified;  please 
inform  the  house  first,  whether  Canada  denies  any  of  the  rights  se 
cured  by  your  treaty  (which  she  does  not) ;  secondly,  whether  you 
now  hold  that  our  fishing  vessels  are  entitled  to  enter  the  Cana 
dian  ports  to  buy  bait,  etc.,  and  land  fish,  and  if  so  whether  Canada 
has  denied  these  rights,  and  whether  you  have  taken  any  steps  to 
enforce  existing  laws  that  give  you  ample  authority  to  withdraw 
from  Canada,  which  she  denies  to  us ;  and  if  you  have  not  enforced 
these  laws  whether  because  you  think  we  are  not»entitled  to  such 
privileges  or  for  any  other  reason,  why  do  you  ask  congress  to  give 
you  more  power?" 

The  result  of  the  election  in  Maine  was  an  object  lesson  to  the 
Democratic  party.  It  was  also  a  severe  blow  to  the  doctrine  of 
free  trade  as  exemplified  in  the  Mills  bill.  But  in  order  to  bring 
out  in  still  clearer  contrast  the  position  of  the  Republican  party  on 
the  tariff,  the  Republican  majority  in  the  senate  reported  a  bill 
early  in  October.  This  bill  like  the  Mills  bill,  proposed  to  revise 
the  tariff  and  reduce  the  revenue ;  but  it  preserved  the  protection 
principles.  It  was,  Mr.  Dingley  said,  "designed  to  restrict  the  im 
portation  of  articles  which  can  be  produced  here  to  the  extent  of 
our  wants,  and  to  hold  our  own  markets  for  our  own  industries  and 
our  own  labor  by  removing  as  far  as  possible  the  competition  of  the 
products  of  the  cheaper  labor  of  Europe,  and  thus  taking  away  a 
factor  which  would  compel  us  to  give  up  making  such  articles,  or 
else  to  reduce  our  wages  to  the  British  standard."  The  house  and 
senate  tariff  bills  thus  brought  the  issue  between  free  trade  and  pro 
tection  squarely  before  the  people. 

On  the  29th  of  September  Mr.  Dingley  in  company  with  Sena 
tor  Hawley  of  Connecticut  addressed  an  immense  Republican  rally 
at  the  Academy  of  Music,  Philadelphia.  The  Press  said  that  the 
meeting  was  never  but  once  equaled,  and  added  that  "cheers  long 


306  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

and  loud  fairly  shook  the  immense  Academy  when  Mr.  Dingley  was 
introduced.  It  was  an  ovation  seldom  accorded  to  any  man."  He 
accepted  the  greeting  as  a  recognition  of  the  importance  of  the 
great  victory  which  had  recently  been  achieved  by  the  Republicans 
of  Maine.  He  said  it  foreshadowed  the  election  of  the  Republican 
national  ticket.  His  discussion  of  the  tariff  was  pronounced  able 
and  exhaustive.  On  the  7th  of  October  he  started  for  Wood 
stock,  Virginia,  where  he  was  to  make  a  political  address.  He 
stopped  that  night  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  early  in  the  morning 
rode  through  Shenandoah  Valley,  made  historic  by  Sheridan's  bat 
tle,  and  reached  Woodstock  early  on  the  morning  of  October  8th. 
He  stopped  with  Senator  Riddleberger,  the  famous  Virginian ;  and 
that  afternoon  addressed  a  large  audience,  three-fourths  former 
confederates.  Mr.  Dingley  wrote  thus  of  his  experiences:  "The 
meeting  was  announced  to  commence  at  one  in  the  afternoon,  and 
I  was  to  make  the  opening  and  principal  speech  to  be  followed  by 
local  speakers.  When  on  my  way  to  the  place  of  meeting  I  was  in 
formed  that  Col.  O'Ferrall,  the  Democratic  canditate  for  congress 
and  several  leading  county  Democrats  were  on  hand  and  proposed 
to  hold  a  Democratic  meeting  in  opposition  to  the  Republican 
meeting  unless  they  were  allowed  half  the  time  set  apart  for  speak 
ing  at  the  Republican  meeting.  This  struck  me  as  rather  an  impu 
dent  proceeding.  I  was  informed  however,  that  this  was  the  course 
pursued  throughout  the  state;  and  that  in  many  cases  to  avoid 
trouble  the  Republicans  had  allowed  the  Democratic  speakers  to 
come  into  their  meetings  and  occupy  half  the  time  (although  the 
Democrats  never  reciprocated)  and  that  on  several  occasions  where 
a  division  of  the  time  had  been  refused  by  Republican  speakers  the 
meetings  had  been  disturbed  and  even  broken  up  by  rowdies.  The 
Republican  committtee  this  day  declined  the  proposition  of  the 
Democrats.  The  Republican  meeting  at  once  commenced.  The 
audience  was  unusually  large  for  such  a  community,  mostly  con 
federates. 

"I  have  addressed  many  northern  audiences  but  I  never  found 
one  which  appeared  to  listen  more  intelligently  and  more  sympa 
thetically.  The  applause  was  frequent  and  on  several  occasions 
came  very  near  the  yell  which  makes  the  southerner. 

"The  Democrats  organized  another  meeting  so  near  that  the 
voices  of  the  speakers  and  the  shouts  of  the  audience  could  be 
heard.  The  speakers  principally  defended  the  confederate  cause 
and  derided  the  idea  of  a  Yankee  coming  down  to  Virginia  to  speak 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  307 

of  political  duties."  Mr.  Dingley  returned  to  Washington  by  way 
of  Strasburg  and  Manassas. 

October  9  when  the  deficiency  appropriation  bill  was  being 
considered  in  the  house  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  on  public  expenditures. 
He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  1884  the  Democrats  charged 
that  the  Republican  party  and  the  Republican  administration  had 
largely  and  unnecessarily  increased  the  appropriations  and  the 
number  of  officials.  He  pointed  out  that  these  charges  were  utterly 
without  foundation.  The  points  made  in  the  brief  debate  were  un 
answerable. 

October  10  he  visited  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg  and  in  the 
evening  addressed  a  political  meeting. 

The  first  session  of  the  fiftieth  congress  closed  October  21.  It 
was  ten  and  a  half  months  long,  the  longest  in  the  history  of  thej 
country.  The  only  session  that  ever  approached  it  in  length  was 
in  1850,  the  year  of  the  great  slavery  debate  resulting  in  the  so-< 
called  compromise  measure,  when  congress  did  not  adjourn  until 
September  30.  Yet  notwithstanding  the  unprecedented  length  of 
the  session,  very  little  of  special  public  importance  was  accom 
plished.  The  whole  session  in  the  house  was  given  up  to  the  tariff 
fight  which  was  precipitated  by  President  Cleveland  in  his  free 
trade  message.  The  session  was  memorable,  however,  for  the  cru 
sade  inaugurated  by  President  Cleveland  and  the  Democratic  ma 
jority  against  the  system  of  protection  of  American  industries  and 
labor  under  which  the  country  had  prospered  for  twenty-seven 
years.  The  Mills  bill  passed  the  house  and  went  to  the  senate 
where  the  Republican  majority  formulated  a  substitute  which  re 
duced  the  revenue  but  preserved  the  system  of  protection. 

In  reviewing  Mr.  Dingley' s  work  in  this  session  of  congress,  it 
is  not  too  much  to  say  that  he  was  the  best  informed  member  of  the 
house  on  the  tariff.  His  colleagues  conceded  this.  He  was  modest 
and  unassuming;  generous  and  forbearing;  fair  and  candid  in  de 
bate  ;  just  to  all.  He  added  to  his  already  wide  reputation  as  an  in 
dustrious  and  conscientious  member  of  congress. 

October  16,  five  days  before  congress  adjourned,  Mr.  Dingley 
started  for  his  home  in  Maine,  making  a  brief  stop  at  New  York, 
New  Haven,  Conn.,  and  Pawtucket,  R.  I.  At  the  latter  place  he 
addressed  a  political  meeting.  October  19  he  was  once  more  at  his 
home  fireside — a  spot  so  precious  to  him. 

But  his  rest  was  not  of  long  duration,  for  five  days  after  he 
reached  home  he  plunged  inot  the  national  campaign.  He  ad 
dressed  political  meetings  nearly  every  day  and  wrote  editorials 


308  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

for  the  Lewiston  Journal.  October  29  he  spoke  at  a  banquet  given 
by  the  Portland  club. 

Interest  in  the  presidential  election  was  intense.  Mr.  Dingley 
sat  up  all  night  Tuesday,  November  6,  and  personally  supervised 
the  election  returns  for  the  Journal.  At  two  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing  it  was  quite  clear  that  Harrison  and  Morton  had  been  elected ; 
and  at  four  o'clock  an  extra  edition  of  the  Journal  was  published 
announcing  the  glad  news  to  the  people  in  Mr.  Dingley's  home. 
He  wrote  of  the  result :  "It  is  admitted  by  the  most  observing* 
Democrats  that  the  president's  message  and  the  Mills  bill  have 
turned  into  a  Republican  triumph  what  in  all  probability  would 
have  been  a  Democratic  victory  if  they  had  not  capitulated  to  the 
southern  free  traders.  All  honor  to  the  Republican  hosts  who  have 
fought  so  splendid  and  successful  a  battle  in  the  face  of  so  great 
obstacles.  For  every  electoral  vote  the  Republicans  have  given 
Harrison  and  Morton  they  had  to  fight  in  an  open  field ;  while  the 
Democracy  have  had  147  southern  electoral  votes  assured  to  them 
from  the  start.  Altogether  it  has  been  the  severest  contest  in 
which  the  Republicans  have  ever  engaged  and  the  grand  victory 
does  all  the  more  honor  to  the  Republicans  who  have  taken  hold  of 
the  work  so  zealously  and  faithfully." 

The  Republicans  in  this  election  secured  control  of  the  national 
house  of  representatives,  and  retained  control  of  the  senate.  The 
real  significance  of  the  election  was  the  rejection  of  the  revenue 
policy  as  'embodied  in  the  Mills  bill  which  passed  the  house  of  rep 
resentatives.  The  country  emphatically  declared  for  a  protective 
policy;  and  it  was  a  matter  of  speculation  what  the  Democratic 
leaders  would  do  in  the  approaching  short  session  of  congress.  Mr. 
Dingley  outlined  the  probable  Republican  policy  as  follows :  First, 
tariff  revision  along  protective  lines ;  second,  admission  of  Dakota, 
Washington  and  Montana;  third;  liberal  pension  laws;  fourth,  im 
provement  of  public  school  system ;  fifth,  restoration  of  our  mer 
chant  marine;  sixth,  a  new  navy;  seventh,  a  sound  financial  policy; 
eighth,  a  new  American  spirit  in  our  foreign  policy.  "In  short," 
he  wrote,  "under  Republican  auspices  we  expect  to  see  the  narrow 
and  un-American  Bourbanism  buried,  and  the  broad  progressive 
and  truly  American  spirit  which  controls  the  Republican  party 
come  in  and  take  its  place,  building  up  a  new  and  progressive  south, 
which  will  frown  down  the  cruel  methods  that  have  there  kept 
Bourbonism  in  the  saddle,  developing  the  spirit  of  enterprise  and 
starting  the  wheels  of  business  in  all  parts  of  the  country." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  309 

From  election  day  to  December  i,  Mr.  Dingley  divided  his 
time  between  editorial  work,  political  addresses  and  rest  in  his  fam 
ily  circle.  On  the  2/th  of  November  he  attended  a  banquet  in  Port 
land  in  honor  of  Governor-elect  Burleigh.  In  his  address  he  spoke 
of  the  prediction  he  had  made  at  the  last  meeting  of  the  club  prior 
to  the  election,  and  although  his  prophecy  was  based  largely  on  the 
statements  of  others,  and  was  almost  too  sanguine  for  his  own  be 
lief,  yet  it  had  more  than  come  true ;  New  York  and  Indiana  had 
been  carried  and  West  Virginia  had  been  most  thoroughly  shaken 
up.  The  victory  was  achieved  under  the  most  discouraging  aus 
pices,  and  it  could  not  have  been  achieved  had  not  the  cause  been 
so  grand,  so  glorious,  and  had  not  every  Republican  from  one  end 
of  the  country  to  the  other  come  up  and  done  his  duty.  "Nothing 
afforded  me,"  he  continued,  "greater  satisfaction  than  to  notice  af 
ter  the  victory  that  when  our  friends  in  Philadelphia  proposed  to 
give  the  chairman  of  the  Republican  national  committee  a  recep 
tion,  he  modestly  declined  saying  that  it  was  not  a  victory  of  the 
national  committee  or  of  any  leaders  but  it  was  a  victory  of  every 
member  of  the  Republican  party.  I  believe,  my  friends,  that  this  is 
a  victory  not  simply  for  today,  not  simply  for  four  years,  but  that  it 
is  a  victory  which  if  wisely  used,  will  be  followed  by  a  succession  of 
Republican  triumphs  in  the  years  before  us."  Later  on  he  said: 
"And  if  my  friend  and  collegue  at  my  right  (Mr.  Reed)  shall  be  as 
I  believe  he  is  to  be,  speaker  of  the  next  house  of  representatives, 
I  believe  that  he  and  his  Republican  associates  will  apply  them 
selves  as  my  friend  Capt.  Boutelle  has  said,  to  some  remedy  for  this 
southern  evil." 

His  honored  father  was  seventy-nine  years  old  November  15 
and  the  day  was  celebrated  by  a  family  gathering.  Thanksgiving 
day  this  year  was  not  filled  with  the  joys  of  former  years;  for  only 
one  of  Mr.  Dingley's  children  was  at  home.  Saturday  following 
Thanksgiving  day  he  started  alone  for  Washington,  reaching  there 
Sunday  morning.  Once  more  he  sat  before  the  open  fire  in  his 
Washington  home,  the  Hamilton  house.  That  first  Sunday  eve 
ning  was  very  lonesome  for  this  gentle  and  generous  man  whose 
joy  and  happiness  was  never  complete  when  dear  ones  were  absent. 
Public  business  never  crowded  from  his  mind  thoughts  of  wife  and 
children. 

The  second  and  last  session  of  the  fiftieth  congress  met  Decem 
ber  3rd  and  the  members  listened  to  the  reading  of  President  Cleve 
land's  message.  Of  this  message  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "Mr.  Cleve 
land  goes  down  with  his  flag  flying.  His  message  is  a  declaration 


3io  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

that  he  has  nothing  to  take  back.  He  glories  in  the  sentiment  he 
has  previously  expressed.  This  is  all  very  well.  Everybody  re 
spects  a  man  who  sticks  to  his  sincerely  entertained  opinions.  But 
the  president  goes  farther  and  gives  expression  to  certain  bitter 
and  inflammatory  sentiments."  This  message  was  an  appeal  for 
"the  relief  of  those  of  our  countrymen  who  suffer  under  present 
conditions,"  and  contained  this  dark  observation :  "When  to  the 
selfishness  of  the  benficiaries  of  unjust  discrimination  is  added  the 
discontent  of  those  who  suffer,  we  shall  realize  that  the  benefits  of 
our  government  are  endangered.  Communism  is  a  hateful  thing 
and  a  menace  to  peace  and  organized  government,  but  the  com 
munism  of  combined  wealth  and  capital,  the  outgrowth  of  over 
weening  cupidity  and  selfishness  which  insidiously  undermines  the 
justice  of  free  institutions,  is  not  less  dangerous  than  the  com 
munism  of  oppressed  poverty  which,  exasperated  by  injustice  and 
discontent,  attacks  with  wild  disorder  the  citadel  of  rule." 

Mr.  Dingley  signalized  the  opening  of  the  session  by  attempting 
to  secure  the  passage  of  a  bill  for  the  erection  of  a  monument  to 
Gen.  Henry  Knox  at  Thomaston ;  but  the  Democrats  filibustered, 
broke  a  quorum  and  defeated  the  bill.  December  7  he  spoke  briefly 
in  favor  of  a  bill  granting  a  charter  to  the  Maritime  Canal  com 
pany  of  Nicaragua.  l  He  urged  upon  the  house  the  importance  of 
constructing  the  canal,  "not  simply  that  we  may  have  a  short  route 
for  trade  with  the  east  and  with  the  western  coast  of  South  Africa, 
but  because  such  a  canal  gives  to  our  vessels  in  the  coastwise  trade 
an  important  advantage."  He  appealed  to  the  house  not  to  kill  the 
bill  by  attaching  unnecessary  amendments.  The  conference  report 
on  this  bill  was  adopted  by  the  house  February  6  by  a  vote  of  178 
to  60.  Mr.  Dingley  again  spoke  1  in  favor  of  granting  the  charter. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  accompanied  during  the  first  few  weeks  of  this 
session  by  his  only  daughter  who  was  attending  school  in  Washing 
ton.  He  loved  devotedly  this  "sole  daughter  of  his  home,"  and  re 
corded  at  this  time  in  his  diary  many  beautiful  and  touching  senti 
ments  of  her  whom  he  tenderly  adored.  December  16  was  his 
daughter's  birthday  and  he  recorded  in  his  diary :  "It  hardly  seems 
possible  that  this  young  lady  nearly  as  tall  as  I  am  is  our  little 
daughter  who  so  short  a  time  ago  was  a  baby  springing  towards  me 
as  I  entered  the  house.  She  is  a  great  joy  to  us."  December  20  he 
attended  the  marriage  of  his  second  son  and  the  following  day  was 
once  more  at  home  with  his  devoted  wife.  Christmas  day  was  un 
usually  happy  to  this  indulgent  father  who  found  no  sacrifice  too 
great  for  those  most  dear  to  him. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  311 

The  second  week  of  the  new  year  found  him  again  in  Washing 
ton  with  his  wife  and  daughter  occupying  his  familiar  and  home 
like  rooms  in  the  Hamilton  house. 

Little  business  was  done  by  the  house  during  January ;  and  on 
the  last  day  of  the  month  Mr.  Dingley  accepted  an  invitation  to  ad 
dress  the  Boston  chamber  of  commerce  on  "American  Shipping  in 
Foreign  Trade." 

An  incident  occurred  in  the  house  February  6  showing  Mr. 
Dingley's  close  observation  of  events  and  his  shrewdness  in  making 
a  point  for  his  side  of  the  case.  He  sent  to  the  clerk's  desk  a  reso 
lution  from  the  committee  on  merchant  marine  and  fisheries  asking 
the  secretary  of  the  treasury  "to  inform  the  house  what  orders  were 
given  to  the  commander  of  the  United  States  revenue  cutter  Rich 
ard  Rush,  in  reference  to  the  protection  of  the  seal  fisheries  in 
Behring  Sea  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1888."  He  asked  unani 
mous  consent  to  insert  "in  lieu  of,  debate"  some  of  the  evidence 
taken  by  the  committee.  Mr.  Breckinridge  of  Kentucky  objected; 
whereupon  Mr.  Dingley  had  read  to  the  house  the  evidence  of 
Capt.  Sheppard  of  the  revenue  cutter  Richard  Rush  showing  that 
he  had  secret  orders  directing  him  not  to  seize  illegal  sealers  in 
Behring  Sea.  This  created  a  sensation  in  the  house  to  the  discom 
fiture  of  the  Democrats  who  felt  that  this  was  another  evidence  of 
the  incapacity  of  the  state  department. 

February  I5th,  Mr.  Dingley's  fifty-seventh  birthday,  he  wrote 
in  his  diary:  "It  hardly  seems  possible  I  can  be  so  old.  I  feel  as 
young  as  I  ever  did." 

This  session  of  congress  was  notable  from  the  fact  that  it  en 
acted  the  laws  whereby  four  new  states — North  Dakota,  South 
Dakota,  Washington  and  Montana  were  admitted  into  the  union. 

February  i8th  a  bill  to  provide  for  the  better  protection  of  the 
fur  seal  and  salmon  fisheries  of  Alaska  came  up  for  consideration  in 
the  house  and  Mr.  Dingley  in  a  speech  l  criticised  the  state  depart 
ment  for  neglecting  to  protect  the  Alaska  seal  fisheries. 

The  remainder  of  the  last  session  of  the  fiftieth  congress  was  un 
eventful.  The  senate  tariff  bill  died  in  the  house ;  the  Democratic 
factions  were  divided  on  the  minor  revenue  bills,  and  the  Demo 
cratic  congress  adjourned  with  no  reform  tariff  legislation  to  its 
credit.  Mr.  Dingley,  troubled  with  a  serious  bronchial  affection, 
was  considerably  indisposed  and  was  obliged  to  refrain  from  taking 
part  in  public  business.  Sunday  night,  February  24th,  the  coldest 
of  the  year,  he  presided  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Congrega- 

1— See  Appendix. 


312  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

tional  Temperance  society  at  the  Garfield  memorial  church.  At  the 
close  of  the  meeting  he  was  elected  president. 

Public  interest  was  now  absorbed  in  the  incoming  Republican 
administration.  President  Harrison  arrived  in  Washington  Febru 
ary  26  and  at  once  began  the  serious  and  important  work  of  com  - 
pleting  his  cabinet.  Mr.  Elaine  had  already  been  invited  to  accept 
the  portfolio  of  state  and  had  accepted.  Mr.  Dingley  indignantly 
denied  a  story  that  Mr.  Reed  was  opposed  to  Mr.  Elaine  as  secre 
tary  of  state  and  that  Mr.  Elaine  was  opposed  to  Mr.  Reed  as 
speaker.  "Mr.  Elaine  and  Mr.  Reed,"  he  said  in  an  interview,  "are 
friends  and  the  attempt  to  represent  them  as  antagonistic  to  each 
other  is  silly  and  groundless.  There  is  no  foundation  for  the  story 
that  Mr.  Elaine  has  not  been  tendered  the  position  of  secretary  of 
state.  The  first  gentleman  to  whom  a  place  in  the  cabinet  was 
tendered,  was  Secretary  Elaine ;  and  the  tender  was  made  to  him  in 
most  flattering  terms,  as  soon  as  Gen.  Harrison  was  chosen  by  the 
electors." 

The  storm  of  March  4  disappointed  thousands  who  attended  the 
inauguration  of  President  Harrison.  Mr.  Dingley  ventured  to  the 
capitol  to  witness  the  closing  scenes  of  the  fiftieth  congress  and  the 
inauguration  ceremonies;  but  returned  immediately  to  his  rooms. 
The  following  day  President  Harrison's  cabinet  was  confirmed  and 
the  Republican  administration  was  launchet 

For  a  month  Mr.  Dingley  was  overwhelmed  with  office  seekers. 
He  called  on  the  members  of  the  new  cabinet ;  presented  to  Secre 
tary  Windom  the  name  of  T.  R.  Simonton  for  commissioner  of  nav 
igation  ;  conferred  with  the  secretary  relative  to  the  protection  of 
seals ;  and  on  the  first  day  of  April  started  for  his  home  in  Maine, 
stopping  on  his  way  at  New  York  and  New  Haven.  Seven  days 
later  he  recorded  in  his  diary :  "It  seems  good  to  get  home  again." 
April  15  he  spoke  at  Lynn,  Massachusetts,  in  favor  of  a  constitu 
tional  prohibitory  amendment;  and  on  the  two  following  days 
spoke  at  Lowell  and  Fall  River. 

The  proposed  prohibitory  amendment  to  the  constitution  of 
Massachusetts  was  defeated.  Mr.  Dingley  observed  that  "the 
moral  effect  will  be  to  strengthen  the  demands  of  the  liquor  interest 
for  looser  legislation  and  looser  enforcement  of  existing  laws.  But 
this  interest  should  remember  that  'the  mills  of  God  grind  slowly 
yet  they  grind  exceeding  small.'  The  citizens  of  the  union  who  are 
getting  their  eyes  open  to  the  fearful  dangers  of  the  dram-shop,  are 
daily  increasing  in  numbers,  and  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  313 

policy  of  every  state  towards  it  will  be  one  of  extermination  rather 
than  protection." 

April  and  May  were  months  of  comparative  rest  for  Mr.  Ding- 
ley.  The  only  official  cares  he  had  were  over  postoffices — and 
every  member  of  congress  knows  that  these  cares  are  not  light. 
The  last  of  May  he  visited  his  son  in  Michigan  returning  early  in 
June.  The  nth  of  this  month  was  the  thirty-second  anniversary  of 
his  marriage  to  his  devoted  wife.  "Thirty-two  happy  years !"  were 
the  tender  words  he  recorded  in  his  diary.  June  13  he  attended  the 
I5oth  anniversary  of  the  incorporation  of  the  city  of  Brunswick, 
and  made  an  address  at  the  dinner.  On  the  27th  of  the  month  he 
delivered  an  address  at  the  Bates  college  commencement  dinner. 

The  month  of  July  brought  to  him  many  anxious  days.  His 
beloved  daughter  was  taken  dangerously  ill  and  for  many  days 
hovered  between  life  and  death.  With  his  devoted  wife  he  watched 
day  and  night  anxiously  at  the  bedside  of  his  only  daughter  and 
silently  prayed  for  her  recovery.  No  language  can  describe,  no  pen 
can  picture,  the  silent  and  tearless  grief  of  this  devoted  father 
watching  for  the  faintest  signs  of  hope.  Those  prayers  were 
answered  and  his  daughter  was  restored  to  health  and  strength. 

The  latter  part  of  August  President  Harrison  made  a  trip 
through  Maine  stopping  at  the  principal  cities.  Mr.  Dingley  joined 
the  presidential  party  at  Bath  where  a  reception  was  given.  In  an. 
interview  given  the  Boston  Herald  he  predicted  an  extra  session  of 
congress  and  declared  the  existing  circumstances  demanded  such 
extra  session.  "The  narrowness  of  the  Republican  majority,"  he 
said,  "the  importance  of  the  subjects  to  be  considered  and  the  evi 
dent  disposition  of  the  Democratic  leaders  to  open  the  campaign 
now  for  the  next  presidential  election,  and  to  contest  every  Repub 
lican  measure  inch  by  inch,  will  inevitably  make  the  approaching 
session  of  congress  unusually  important  and  exciting." 

The  22nd  of  August,  1889,  was  the  zooth  anniversary  of  the  in 
corporation  of  the  village  of  Durham,  Maine,  Mr.  Dingley's  birth 
place.  The  story  of  the  founding  of  this  place,  the  history  of  Mr. 
Dingley's  ancestors  and  the  birth  of  the  town's  most  distinguished 
son  is  told  elsewhere.  The  centennial  day  was  ushered  in  by  a 
salute  of  thirteen  guns  in  honor  of  the  original  states.  Five  thous 
and  people  were  assembled  in  the  big  tent  when  Mr.  Dingley,  ac 
companied  by  his  venerable  father,  reached  the  scene  of  festivities. 
What  sweet  memories  must  have  come  to  both  father  and  son  as 
they  rounded  the  bend  of  the  river  and  beheld  once  more  the  re 
minders  of  their  joys  and  sorrows,  their  struggles  and  triumphs ! 


314 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 


The  house  where  the  distinguished  son  was  born  recalled  the  dear 
face  of  his  sainted  mother ;  the  faces  of  old  settlers,  still  alive ;  car 
ried  him  back  to  the  days  of  childhood  and  youth ;  and  as  he  faced 
the  large  and  sympathetic  audience  his  heart  was  filled  with 
joy  and  thanksgiving.  His  address  l  was  tender  and  eloquent — full 
of  sweet  memories  of  the  past  and  large  hopes  for  the  future. 

September  23rd  he  received  news  of  the  birth  of  his  first  grand 
child,  "which,"  he  wrote  in  his  diary,  "caused  something  of  a  sensa 
tion  in  our  family."  He  started  for  Washington  by  way  of  the  west 
saw  his  first  grandchild,  attended  and  spoke  at  a  banquet  of  the 
Sons  of  Maine  at  Chicago  and  reached  Washington  November  28, 
prepared  for  the  arduous  duties  of  another  session  of  congress 

1 — See  Appendix. 


XVII. 

-1891. 


The  fifty-first  congress  assembled  with  a  Republican  majority  in 
both  branches.  The  membership  of  the  house  was  very  much  the 
same  as  in  the  fiftieth  congress.  Most  of  the  veterans  including 
Herbert,  Gates,  and  Wheeler  of  Alabama;  Crisp  and  Blount  of 
Georgia ;  Hopkins,  Hitt,  Springer  and  Cannon  of  Illinois ;  Holman, 
of  Indiana ;  Gear,  Henderson,  Lacey  and  Dolliver  of  Iowa ;  Car 
lisle  of  Kentucky ;  Reed,  Dingley,  Milliken  and  Boutelle  of  Maine ; 
Lodge  of  Massachusetts;  O'Donnell  and  Burrows  of  Michigan; 
Butterworth,  Grosvenor  and  Taylor  of  Ohio ;  Kelley,  Bingham  and 
Dalzell  of  Pennsylvania ;  McMillin  and  Richardson  of  Tennesee ; 
Mills  and  Sayers  of  Texas ;  and  Wilson  of  West  Virginia,  had  been 
returned. 

At  noon  November  3Oth  the  Republican  caucus  met  and  nomi 
nated  Mr.  Reed  for  Speaker  on  the  second  ballot.  The  other  can 
didates  were  McKinley,  Cannon,  Henderson  and  Burrows.  Mr. 
Dingley  was  very  active  in  Mr.  Reed's  behalf,  and  the  result  caused 
the  Maine  men  to  rejoice. 

Congress  assembled  at  noon  December  2nd  and  at  once  elected 
Mr.  Reed  speaker.  The  vote  was — Reed  166,  Carlisle  154,  Cum- 
mings  i.'  The  result  was  greeted  with  applause.  Speaker  Reed's 
brief  address  to  the  house  was  characteristic  and  somewhat 
prophetic  of  his  course  during  his  career  as  presiding  officer.  He 
said  :  "Under  our  system  of  government  as  it  has  developed,  the  re 
sponsibilities  and  duties  of  this  office  are  both  political  and  parlia 
mentary.  So  far  as  the  duties  are  political,  I  sincerely  hope  they 
may  be  performed  with  a  proper  sense  of  what  is  due  to  the  people 


316  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  this  whole  country.  So  far  as  they  are  parliamentary,  I  hope 
with  equal  sincerity  that  they  may  be  performed  with  a  proper 
sense  of  what  is  due  to  both  sides  of  this  chamber." 

The  president's  message  was  received  with  great  favor.  He 
recommended  a  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  along  the  lines  of  protec 
tion.  He  also  said:  "Earnest  attention  should  be  given  by  con 
gress  to  a  consideration  of  the  question  how  far  the  restraint  of 
combinations  of  capital  commonly  known  as  trusts  is  a  matter  of 
federal  jurisdiction.  When  organized  as  they  often  are  to  crush  out 
all  healthy  competition  and  to  monopolize  the  production  and  sale 
of  any  article  of  commerce  and  general  necessities,  they  are  danger 
ous  conspiracies  against  the  public  good,  and  should  be  made  the 
subject  of  prohibitory  and  even  penal  legislation." 

Speaker  Reed  was  more  prompt  in  appointing  important  com 
mittees  than  was  his  predecessor,  Mr.  Carlisle.  December  10,  he 
appointed  the  committees  on  election,  ways  and  means,  appropria 
tion,  manufactures  and  mileage.  The  Republican  membership  of 
the  most  important  of  these  committees  (ways  and  means)  was  as 
follows:  Messrs.  McKinley,  Burrows,  Bayne,  Dingley,  McKenna. 
Payne,  La  Follette,  Gear.  The  Republican  membership  of  the 
ways  and  means  committee  in  the  fiftieth  congress  was — Kelley, 
Brown  of  Indiana,  Reed,  McKinley  and  Burrows.  Mr.  Kelley  was 
too  old  to  serve  and  asked  to  be  relieved.  Mr.  Brown  of  Indiana 
preferred  a  chairmanship  and  Mr.  Reed  was  speaker.  Conse 
quently  in  accordance  with  precedent  Mr.  McKinley  of  Ohio  was 
made  chairman.  It  was  through  this  chairmanship  that  the  name 
of  McKinley  first  became  a  household  word.  It  was  the  tariff  bill 
subsequently  framed  by  this  committee  that  materially  assisted  in 
making  Mr.  McKinley  president  of  the  United  States. 

The  new  members  of  this  important  committee  were — Messrs. 
Bayne,  Dingley,  McKenna,  Payne,  LaFollette  and  Gear.  Mr. 
Dingley's  appointment  to  this  committee  was  a  fitting  recognition 
of  his  services  in  the  fiftieth  congress.  He  was  also  retained  on  the 
committee  on  merchant  marine  and  fisheries. 

The  committee  on  ways  and  means  decided  on  prompt  action  in 
regard  to  tariff  legislation;  and  on  the  I3th  of  December  organized 
by  the  election  of  Mr.  McKinley  as  chairman.  The  chairman  ap 
pointed  sub-committees,  Mr.  Dingley  being  placed  on  the  sub-com 
mittees  "On  the  public  debt"  and  "On  relief  bills  and  claims."  The 
committee  met  daily  and  arranged  for  hearings  during  the  holiday 
recess.  Thus  was  begun  the  long  and  laborious  work  of  framing 
the  McKinley  tariff  bill.  The  administrative  bill  "to  simplify  the 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY.     CHAS.  H.  GROSVENOR. 
J.  B.  HENDERSON.    J.  G.  CANNON. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  317 

laws  in  relation  to  the  collection  of  the  revenues"  was  prepared 
early  by  the  committee,  and  on  the  25th  of  January  passed  the 
house. 

The  Democratic  minority  in  the  house  had  already  decided  upon 
a  course  of  obstruction.  They  did  not  intend  to  do  any  business  or 
to  permit  the  Republicans  to  do  any.  Accordingly  when,  on  the 
2Qth  of  January  the  contested  election  case  of  Smith  vs.  Jackson 
was  called  up,  the  Democrats  declined  to  vote  on  the  question  of 
consideration.  Mr.  Crisp  raised  the  point  of  "no  quorum,"  where 
upon  the  speaker  "directed  the  clerk  to  record  the  following  mem 
bers  present  and  refusing  to  vote."  This  was  the  signal  of  a  burst 
of  applause  from  the  Republicans  and  jeers  from  the  Democrats. 
The  clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  names  of  the  Democrats  whom  the 
speaker  had  noted  as  being  present  and  not  voting.  When  the 
name  of  Mr.  Breckinridge  was  reached  that  gentleman  stepped 
into  the  aisle  and  in  a  loud  voice  said :  "I  deny  the  power  of  the 
speaker  and  denounce  it  as  revolutionary."  Cheer  after  cheer  went 
up  from  the  Democratic  side  and  it  was  several  minutes  before  or 
der  could  be  restored.  The  clerk  proceeded  with  the  names,  several 
members  protesting  vigorously.  Mr.  McCreary  of  Kentucky 
shouted :  "I  deny  your  right,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  count  me  as  present, 
and  I  desire  to  read  from  the  parliamentary  law  on  that  subject." 
The  speaker  calmly  replied :  "The  chair  is  making  a  statement  of 
fact  that  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  is  present.  Does  he  deny 
it?"  This  characteristic  and  pointed  reply  provoked  long  laughter 
and  applause  on  the  Republican  side. 

When  order  was  finally  restored  the  speaker  made  a  statement; 
declaring  that  there  was  a  provision  in  the  constitution  which  de 
clared  that  the  house  might  establish  rules  for  compelling  the  at 
tendance  of  members.  "If  members  can  be  present,"  he  said,  "and 
refuse  to  exercise  their  function,  to  wit,  not  be  counted  as  a 
quorum,  that  provision  would  seem  to  be  entirely  nugatory.  Inas 
much  as  the  constitution  only  provides  for  their  attendance,  that  at 
tendance  is  enough.  If  more  were  needed,  the  constitution  would 
have  provided  for  more."  The  speaker  insisted  that  all  members 
present  be  counted.  The  house  adjourned  that  evening  in  a  high 
state  of  excitement,  both  sides  preparing  to  renew  the  battle  on  the 
next  day.  Hardly  had  the  chaplain  finished  his  prayer  and  the  clerk 
the  reading  of  the  journal,  when  the  fight  began.  The  Democrats 
refused  to  vote  on  the  question  of  approving  the  journal  of  the  day 
previous.  The  speaker  said :  "The  roll  call  discloses  the  fact  that 
1 60  members  have  voted  in  the  affirmative,  and  one  in  the  negative, 


3i8  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

which,  in  addition  to  the  gentlemen  present  and  declining  to  voie, 
constitutes  a  quorum."    The  applause  on  the  Republican  side  was 
deafening.     Mr.  Springer  appealed  from  the  decision  of  the  chair, 
but  the  speaker  declined  to  entertain  the  appeal.    The  house  was  in 
an  uproar,  cheers,  laughter  and  hisses  following  in  quick  succession. 
Mr.  Springer  insisted  upon  his  right  to  be  heard  on  the  point  of  or 
der  that  no  quorum  had  voted,  but  the  speaker  refused  to  recog 
nize  him.    "The  gentleman  from  Illinois  will  take  his  seat,"  shouted 
the  speaker.    "The  gentleman  from  Illinois  will  take  his  seat  or  not 
as  he  chooses,"  roared  Mr.  Springer.    "There  are  no  rules  under 
which  I  can  be  called  to  take  my  seat,  and  I  can  stand  up  here  if  I 
desire."    Thus  the  battle  waged  all  that  afternoon.    The  house  re 
fused  to  adjourn,  and  the  roll  call  was  begun  on  the  motion  of  Mr. 
McKinley  to  lay  the  appeal  from  the  speaker's  decision  upon  the 
table.    The  speaker  followed  the  roll  call  and  noted  the  names  of 
Democrats  who  declined  to  vote.    When  the  vote  was  completed, 
the  speaker  took  the  roll  from  the  clerk  and  directed  him  to  call  the 
names  of  Democrats  present  not  voting.    Mr.  Flower,  whose  name 
was  in  the  list,  said  that  he  was  very  much  obliged  to  the  speaker 
for  recognizing  him  as  being  present.     The   speaker  quickly  re 
torted  :    "The  chair  is  very  glad  to  be  able  to  recognize  the  gentle 
man  from  New  York  as  present  vocally."    The  announcement  that 
the  motion  was  agreed  to  and  that  a  quorum  was  present,  was  fol 
lowed  by  a  tumult  and  uproar.     In  the  midst  of  it,  the  speaker1 
recognized  Mr.  McKinley  and  the  house  adjourned.    The  same  ob 
struction  tactics  were  continued  by  the  Democrats  on  the  following 
day,   various   epithets   being  applied  to  the  speaker.     Mr.  Bynum 
spoke  excitedly  of  "the  outrageous  and   damnable  ruling   of  the 
chair."    He  said  he  did  not  propose  "to  be  silenced  or  gagged  on 
this  floor."  Amid  the  hubbub  the  speaker  stood  calm  and  collected 
Mr.  Bynum  denounced  the  speaker  as  a  tryant  who  attempted  to 
vamp  up  some  feeble  show  to  sustain  his  rulings.    "But,"  cried  the 
member  from  Indiana  grandiloquently,  "in  the  language  of  the  im 
mortal  Emmet,  we  propose  to  dispute  every  inch  of  ground,  burn 
every  blade  of  grass,  and  the  last  entrenchment  of  liberty  shall  be 
our  graves."     Partial   order  was   restored   and  the  speaker  said 
calmly :    "The  house  will  not  allow  itself  to  be  deceived  by  epithets. 
No  man  can  describe  the  action  and  judgment  of  this  chair  in  lan 
guage  which  will  endure  unless  that  description  be  true?    Whenever 
it  becomes  apparent  that  the  ordinary  and  proper  parliamentary 
motions  are  being  used  solely  for  purposes  of  delay  and  obstruc 
tion  ;  when  members  break  in  an  unprecedented  way  over  the  rules 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  319 

in  regard  to  the  reading  of  the  journal;  when  a  gentleman  steps 
down  to  the  front,  amid  the  applause  of  his  associates  on  the  floor 
and  announces  that  it  is  his  intention  to  make  opposition  in  every 
direction,  it  then  becomes  apparent  to  the  house  and  to  the  coun 
try  what  the  purpose  is.  It  is  then  the  duty  of  the  occupant  of 
•the  speaker's  chair  to  take,  under  parliamentary  law,  the  proper 
course  with  regard  to  such  matters."  The  speaker  counted  a 
quorum  on  the  question  of  laying  on  the  table  the  appeal  from  the 
decision  of  the  chair ;  refused  to  entertain  a  dilatory  motion  to  ad- 
journ;  and  debate  on  the  contested  election  case  began.  The  ob 
struction  tactics  were  renewed  Saturday  and  twice  the  speaker 
counted  a  quorum.  But  the  Democrats  wearied  of  the  con 
test  and  the  business  of  the  house  proceeded.  Speaker 
Reed  triumphed  and  established  the  fact  that  mem 
bers  of  the  house  could  not  be  present  for  the  purpose 
of  making  dilatory  motions  and  at  the  same  time  be  absent  to 
prevent  a  quorum.  An  important  step  was  thus  taken  in  parlia 
mentary  procedure,  and  to  Speaker  Reed  the  whole  country  owes 
a  debt  of  gratitude.  The  last  act  in  this  exciting  drama  was  on  the 
3rd  of  February  when  Smith  of  West  Virginia  was  seated  by  one 
more  than  a  quorum. 

The  new  rules  which  were  adopted  by  the  house  February  i4th, 
made  out  of  order,  all  manifestly  dilatory  motions;  made  100  mem 
bers  instead  of  a  majority,  a  quorum  of  the  committee  of  the  whole ; 
and  permitted  the  counting  of  members  present  and  refusing  to 
vote  in  order  to  determine  whether  a  quorum  was  present.  This 
was  the  practical  result  of  the  heated  controversy  in  the  house. 

February  and  March  were  busy  months  for  the  Republican 
members  of  the  ways  and  means  committee.  Sessions  were  held 
daily  and  frequently  far  into  the  night.  Every  industry  in  the  land 
that  desired  it,  was  given  a  hearing;  and  the  history  of  those  hear 
ings  upon  which  was  built  the  McKinley  tariff,  reveals  Mr.  Ding 
ley's  remarkable  grasp  of  the  details  of  the  tariff  and  the  great  busi 
ness  interests  of  the  country.  Framing  a  tariff  bill  is  tedious  work  ; 
and  Mr.  Dingley's  Republican  associates  on  this  committee  unite 
in  saying  that  his  knowledge  of  public  business  was  invaluable  in 
the  preliminary  deliberations  over  the  bill.  For  two  months  he  was 
absorbed  in  the  details  of  this  measure.  When  in  his  rooms  in  the 
Hamilton  house  he  paced  the  floor  hours  at  a  time  wholly  oblivious 
of  his  surroundings.  He  mentally  framed  schedules,  debated  im 
portant  points,  argued  questions  and  met  objections.  With  brow 
knit  as  if  in  deep  thought ;  with  pencil  and  pad  on  his  knees,  he 


320  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

drew  forth  eloquence  from  tables  of  statistics.  Callers  at  his  rooms 
anxious  to  talk  tariff,  were  always  received  respectfully  and  courte 
ously,  and  listened  to  patiently.  He  was  deemed  a  leading  spirit 
in,  and  a  close  student  of,  tariff  matters.  His  devoted  wife  watched 
him  anxiously,  ministering  to  him  as  only  a  fond  wife  can  minister, 
During  these  busy  weeks  she  kept  up  his  diary  for  him,  and  one' 
day  wrote :  "For  a  wonder  Nelson  is  folding  his  hands." 

March  3ist  the  McKinley  tariff  was  completed  by  the  Republi 
can  members  of  the  committee  and  reported  to  the  full  committee 
Mr.  Dingley  said :  "The  sugar  duty  has  been  largely  reduced  and 
so  arranged  as  to  break  the  trust.  This  will  be  welcome  news  to 
the  people.  The  duties  on  farm  products  have  been  greatly  in 
creased.  The  duty  on  wool  and  woolen  goods  has  been  increased. 
The  Republican  members  of  the  committee  believe  that  the  bill  has 
been  so  prepared  that  they  can  say  to  the  country  that  they  have 
carried  out  the  long  felt  want  for  a  high  rate  on  the  luxuries  and  a 
low  rate  on  the  necessities  of  life."  The  day  before  the  bill  was  re 
ported  to  the  house,  it  was  decided  by  the  Republican  members  of 
the  ways  and  means  committee  to  put  sugar  and  hides  on  the  free 
list.  Tuesday,  April  I5th,  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  was  launched  in 
the  house.  Chairman  McKinley  presented  the  detailed  report  of 
the  Republicans  and  Mr.  Carlisle  the  report  of  the  minority. 

The  bill  met  with  warm  approval  in  its  general  features  from 
the  great  body  of  Republicans  and  protectionists  in  the  country. 
To  be  sure  the  California  men,  affected  by  the  fact  that  Californians 
were  the  owners  of  the  sugar  plantations  on  the  Sandwich  islands 
and  heretofore  had  the  munificent  advantage  of  importing  these 
sugars  free  of  duty  under  the  reciprocity  treaty  with  that  country, 
while  all  other  sugar  paid  a  duty  of  from  two  to  three  cents  per 
pound,  protested  against  the  proposition  of  the  committee  to  place 
sugar  and  molasses  on  the  free  list,  and  the  carpet  manufacturers 
protested  against  certain  restrictive  clauses  in  the  bill  affecting  car 
pet  wools;  but  otherwise  the  well  nigh  unanimous  verdict  of  the 
Republicans  and  protectionists  of  the  country  was  that  the  com 
mittee  had  succeeded  admirably  well  in  harmonizing  the  thousand 
divergent  interests  affected  by  tariff  legislation.  The  most  import 
ant  change  in  the  proposed  tariff  was  the  transfer  of  molasses  and 
sugar  then  paying  a  duty  of  over  70  per  cent,  to  the  free  list  as  to 
all  raw  and  yellow  refined  sugars,  and  the  placing  of  a  small  duty  on 
white  refined  sugar.  This  meant  a  reduction  in  the  cost  of  sugar 
to  every  family.  The  proposition  to  pay  a  bounty  of  two 
cents  per  pound  for  fifteen  years  to  encourage  sugar  production  in 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  321 

this  country,  received  approval  as  the  most  economical  and  effec 
tive  method  of  solving  the  problem  as  to  whether  sugar  could  be 
produced  in  this  country  substantially  to  the  extent  of  our  wants, 
The  increase  of  duties  on  those  farm  products  which  have  been  so 
largely  imported  as  to  take  the  place  of  articles  which  our  farmers 
could  readily  produce  to  the  extent  of  our  wants,  was  the  notice 
able  feature  of  the  bill.  At  the  last  moment  hides  were  placed  on 
the  free  list  because  it  was  ascertained  that  this  country  at  that 
time  imported  mainly  only  such  hides  and  skins  as  were  needed  to 
make  classes  of  leather  for  which  our  hides  were  not  adapted.  In 
all  the  textile,  metal  and  other  schedules  of  manufactured  pro 
ducts,  the  aim  was  to  so  arrange  the  duties  as  to  ^ive  our  markets 
to  our  own  industries.  All  through  the  bill  the  object  was  to 
adopt  rates  "for  the  better  defense  of  American  homes  and  indus 
tries,  and  while  securing  the  needed  revenue,  to  look  to  the  suc 
cessful  prosecution  of  industrial  enterprises  already  started  and  to 
the  opening  of  new  lines  of  production  where  our  conditions  and 
resources  will  admit."  Both  sides  of  the  house  prepared  for  the 
battle  over  the  tariff.  f 

In  the  meantime  Mr.  Dingley  was  as  active  as  ever  in  other 
lines.  On  the  24th  of  February  he  presided  over  the  56th  anni 
versary  of  the  Congregational  Temperance  society  and  made  what 
was  deemed  "a  very  interesting  address." 

A  curious  incident  happened  early  in  March  illustrating  Mr. 
Dingley's  attention  to  his  applicants  for  favors  and  his  persistent 
efforts  in  their  behalf.  He  received  a  letter  from  an  old  lady  in 
Haverhill,  Massachusetts,  who  had  formerly  been  a  constituent  of 
his,  asking  what  had  become  of  a  pension  bill  introduced  in  her  be 
half  seventeen  years  before.  He  took  the  trouble  of  looking  up 
the  matter  personally  and  found  that  the  bill  had  been  passed  and 
signed  by  the  president.  The  matter  was  followed  up ;  and  it  was 
found  that  the  woman  was  entitled  to  $2,500  back  pension  money 
which  she  finally  secured. 

About  this  time  the  United  States  supreme  court  startled  the 
temperance  people  of  the  country  with  a  decision  to  the  effect  that 
the  United  States  has  such  complete  control  over  inter-state  com 
merce  as  to  prohibit  the  seizure  in  original  packages,  of  liquor 
brought  into  one  state  from  another.  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "If  the 
effects  of  the  decision  will  be  to  enable  any  man  in  any  state  to 
have  liquor  brought  in  from  another  state  and  sell  it  in  the  origi 
nal  package  in  defiance  not  only  of  prohibition  but  of  license  laws 
as  well,  I  regard  it  as  a  second  Dred  Scott  decision;  as  an  attempt 


322  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

on  the  part  of  the  majority  of  the  supreme  court  to  impose  upon 
the  people  of  the  states  which  prohibit  or  restrict  the  liquor 
traffic.  The  people  of  the  country  will  not  stand  this ;  and  when  it 
is  apparent  that  the  decision  of  the  court  is  affecting  this  result, 
the  question  will  be  brought  into  congress,  as  the  court  concedes 
that  congress  may  enact  a  law  to  prevent  the  consequences  of 
their  decision." 

Under  the  tariff  of  1883  the  treasury  department  was  com 
pelled  to  admit  foreign  worsted  at  a  lower  duty  than  woolen 
goods.  As  a  matter  of  fact  worsted  goods  are  woolen 
goods,  the  difference  being  entirely  in  the  process  of  combing. 
American  manufacturers  of  worsted  goods  found  themselves  un 
justly  discriminated  against.  The  compensatory  duty  (that  is  the 
duty  intended  to  be  equivalent  to  the  duty  on  the  wool  if  im 
ported)  was  from  ten  to  twenty-four  cents  on  worsted,  and  thirty- 
five  cents  on  woolen  cloth.  Worsted  cloths,  having  in  them  the 
same  amount  of  wool  per  pound,  costing  the  same  and  used  for 
the  same  identical  purpose  for  which  woolen  cloths  were  then  be 
ing  used,  were  coming  into  the  markets  of  the  United  States  and 
paying  a  duty  of  eighteen  and  twenty-four  cents  a  pound,  when 
the  duty  upon  the  wool  of  which  they  were  made  exceeded  thirty- 
five  cents  per  pound,  and  when  woolen  cloth  was  paying  a  com 
pensatory  duty  of  thirty-five  cents  per  pound.  Mr.  Dingley  pre 
pared  a  bill  authorizing  and  directing  the  secretary  of  the  treas 
ury  to  classify  as  woolen  cloths  "all  imports  of  worsted  cloth." 
The  bill  came  up  for  debate  in  the  house  April  29th.  The  Demo 
crats  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Breckinridge  of  Kentucky 
fought  the  bill.  They  first  tried  to  talk  it  to  death,  then  to  kill  it 
by  amendments.  A  free  wool  amendment  was  offered,  but  Mr. 
Dingley  made  a  point  of  order  against  it,  and  the  chairman  (Mr. 
Burrows  of  Michigan)  sustained  the  point  of  order.  The  debate 
was  long  and  sharp,  and  Mr.  Dingley  successfully  maintained  his 
position.  But  when  the  vote  was  taken  on  the  passage  of  the  bill 
the  Democrats  all  refused  to  vote  and  there  was  no  quorum.  The 
fight  was  renewed  the  next  day;  and  the  Democrats,  still  refusing 
to  vote,  Speaker  Reed  counted  seventy-five  Democrats  present 
but  not  voting,  and  declared  a  quorum  present  and  the  bill  passed. 
The  bill  subsequently  passed  the  senate,  was  signed  by  the  presi 
dent  and  became  a  law.  Mr.  Dingley  received  a  large  number  of 
telegrams  from  woolen  manufacturers  congratulating  him  on  his 
successful  fight  for  justice  to  them. 


NELSON  DINGLEYJR.  323 

Debate  on  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  began  May  /th.  Mr.  Mo 
Kinley,  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  opened  the 
discussion.  It  was  an  interesting  day.  The  members  moved  nearer 
the  chairman;  the  galleries  were  crowded;  and  the  whole  country 
listened  to  the  words  of  him  whose  name  was  already  linked  with 
the  presidency.  Mr.  McKinley  said  in  after  years,  that  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  assistance  on  this  memorable  day  was  invaluable.  An  inti 
macy  amounting  to  affection  had  arisen  between  these  two  men; 
and  the  first  to  extend  congratulations  to  the  distinguished  chair 
man  was  Mr.  Dingley.  Mr.  McKinley's  speech  was  a  splendid 
effort,  interrupted  with  frequent  and  loud  applause  from  the  Re 
publican  side.  Mr.  Mills,  representing  the  minority  of  the  ways 
and  means  committee  and  the  Democratic  free  traders,  replied 
in  a  speech  of  great  length  and  no  little  force.  He  closed  with  this 
remarkable  peroration :  "We  will  content  ourselves  by  giving  our 
votes  against  the  bill,  and  when  you  leave  this  house  and  senate 
with  this  enormous  load  of  guilt  upon  your  heads  and  appear  be 
fore  the  great  tribunal  for  trial,  may  the  Lord  have  mercy  on  your 
souls."  General  debate  continued  until  Saturday,  May  loth,  when 
Mr.  Dingley,  who  had  been  previously  selected,  closed  the  debate 
for  the  Republicans,  speaking  for  an  hour  and  a  half.  He  made 
the  most  complete  and  exhaustive  speech  of  the  session.  He  ex 
plained  the  provisions  of  the  bill,  compared  it  with  other  tariff 
bills,  exposed  the  fallacies  of  the  free  traders,  and  paid  special  at 
tention  to  the  wool  and  woolen  schedules.  In  commenting  on  Mr. 
Mills'  argument  for  free  wool,  he  said  that  "inasmuch  as  my  friend 
from  Texas  gave  notice  the  other  day  that  he  proposed  to  meet 
the  friends  of  this  bill  at  Philippi  I  am  very  sure  that  he  will  find 
the  wool-growers  on  hand  whenever  he  reaches  that  field.  He  ex 
ploded  the  "free  raw  material"  theory  and  the  "tariff  is  a  tax" 
theory,  and  enlarged  upon  the  importance  of  preserving  our  own 
markets.  He  closed  with  this  eloquent  defense  of  the  measure,  and 
splendid  tribute  to  the  chairman :  "I  favor  it  because  I  believe, 
as  the  distinguished  gentleman  from  Ohio,  the  chairman  of  the 
ways  and  means  committee,  has  so  eloquently  said,  that  it  is  framed 
in  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  United  States;  because  it  is 
for  the  better  defense  of  American  homes  and  American  industries ; 
because  while  securing  the  needed  revenue,  its  provisions  look 
alike  to  the  occupation  of  our  people,  their  comfort  and  their  wel 
fare." 

This  speech  was  pronounced  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  entire 
debate.  The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tri- 


324  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

bune  said:  "Mr.  Dingley  delivered  one  of  the  most  exhaustive 
speeches  of  the  entire  debate.  There  is  no  better  equipped  man  in 
the  house,  and  his  argument  covered  almost  the  entire  ground. 
His  exposure  of  the  fallacies  of  Mills,  McMillin  and  Flower,  the 
three  Democratic  members  of  the  committee  who  had  spoken, 
was  searching  and  thorough.  He  placed  on  record  an  array  of 
facts  which  may  be  profitably  studied  by  every  man,  Republican 
or  Democrat,  who  is  interested  in  the  tariff  question  and  desires  to 
study  digested  information,  rather  than  crude  theories  or  unsup 
ported  assertions." 

This  tariff  speech  l  of  Mr.  Dingley's  was  issued  as  a  campaign 
document  by  the  Republican  congressional  committee  in  the  suc 
ceeding  congressional  campaign.  It  was  a  most  effective  docu 
ment. 

Consideration  of  the  tariff  bill  by  paragraphs  began  May  12. 
On  the  next  day  the  article  of  "lime"  was  reached.  Mr.  Springer 
of  Illinois  attempted  to  defeat  the  provision  in  the  bill  for  a  duty  of 
six  cents  per  one  hundred  pounds,  charging  that  the  Maine  pro 
ducers  of  lime  were  in  a  trust.  Mr.  Dingley  denied  this  and  argued 
for  the  proposed  duty  on  the  ground  that  manufacturers  of  lime 
in  New  Brunswick,  having  the  advantage  of  cheaper  fuel  and 
labor,  could  manufacture  lime  for  less  money  than  could  the 
American  manufacturers  in  Maine  and  the  other  twenty-one  states 
of  the  union  where  lime  was  manufactured.  "In  Knox  county," 
said  Mr.  Dingley,  "there  were  last  year  made  two  million  barrels 
of  lime,  giving  direct  and  indirect  employment  to  thousands  of 
men.  A  failure  to  provide  sufficient  protection  to  maintain  such 
an  industy  as  this  would  be  a  great  wrong."  Mr.  Dingley  en 
tered  in  his  diary  that  day :  "I  have  scored  a  great  victory." 

The  debate  in  the  house  over  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  was  an  im 
portant  and  memorable  feature  of  this  session  of  congress.  Every 
feature  of  the  tariff  was  discussed  and  American  industry  and  en 
terprise  illuminated  as  never  before.  These  debates  contain  a  vast 
array  of  information  as  to  the  industrial  and  social  condition  of  the 
country  at  that  time.  The  debates  however  were  more  or  less  of  a 
partisan  nature,  interspersed  with  eloquence,  wit,  sharp  thrusts 
and  bad  poetry. 

The  day  upon  which  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  was  passed  in  the 
house  must  always  stand  as  the  climactic  movement  of  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley's  congressional  career.  The  bill,  by  adroit  parliamentary 
generalship,  which  had  prevented  it  from  being  weighed  down 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  325 

with  amendments  not  approved  by  the  committee,  had  been 
brought  under  the  operation  of  the  previous  question.  It  stood 
complete,  ready  to  go  forth  for  good  or  evil.  Upon  Mr.  McKin- 
ley  devolved  the  task  of  smoothing  its  path  and  speeding  it  upon 
its  way.  The  scene  of  which  he  was  at  that  moment  the  central 
figure  is  one  not  easily  to  be  forgotten.  The  occasion,  thoroughly 
advertised,  attracted  to  the  capitol  an  immense  throng.  The  gal 
leries  were  one  mass  of  humanity,  and  the  anticipation  of  the 
vote  had  compelled  the  attendance  of  every  member.  As  usual, 
Mr.  McKinley  spoke  without  notes.  His  voice,  penetrating  but 
not  harsh,  filled  the  chamber  and  was  modulated  with  all  the  art 
of  an  elocutionist.  His  'gestures  were  those  of  a  man  who  might 
have  been  educated  for  the  stage,  graceful  and  appropriate.  His 
well  rounded  figure,  not  above  the  medium  height,  was  enveloped 
in  a  close  fitting  Prince  Albert  coat,  which,  in  the  sedateness  of  its 
cut  was  thoroughly  in  keeping  with  the  serious  and  earnest  tones 
of  the  speaker.  His  face,  paler  than  usual,  was  nevertheless 
lighted  up  by  the  inspiration  of  the  occasion,  and  as  it  was  turned 
upward  toward  the  galleries,  revealed  the  lines  which  reminded 
the  spectator  forcibly  of  the  countenance  of  Napoleon.  l 

Chairman  McKinley's  righthand  man  throughout  this  contest 
of  brains  and  parliamentary  skill  was  Mr.  Dingley;  2  and  when  on 
the  twenty-first  of  May  the  bill  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  164 
to  142  there  was  great  rejoicing  among  the  Republicans  and 
throughout  the  land.  To  Mr.  Dingley,  Chairman  McKinley  and 
the  other  members  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  paid  a  high 
tribute  for  his  patience,  skill,  laborious  study  and  valuable  assis 
tance.  3  Mr.  Dingley  paid  this  tribute  to  Chairman  McKinley: 
"The  passage  of  a  new  tariff  bill  through  the  house  under  the 
leadership  of  William  McKinley  Jr.,  of  Ohio,  has  called  special 
attention  to  this  distinguished  gentleman,  although  he  was 
previously  known  as  an  able  and  eloquent  Republican  leader,  and 
given  him  additional  prominence.  The  successful  piloting  of  such 
a  bill,  involving  several  thousand  items  and  covering  every  diver 
sity  of  industry,  through  a  house  having  only  eighteen  Republi 
can  majority,  is  in  itself  an  evidence  of  great  generalship.  Con 
flicting  interests  must  be  harmonized  and  personal  ambitions  and 
jealousies  in  the  ranks  of  the  majority  party  in  addition  to  the  as- 

1 — H.  L.  West  in  Washington  Post. 

2— In  the  campaign  of  1892,  Mr.  McKinley  said  to  the  author  of  this  biog 
raphy:  "Mr.  Dingley  was  of  invaluable  assistance  to  me  in  the  preparation, 
presentation  and  final  passage  of  the  tariff  bill  of  1890.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  it  was  a  Dingley  bill  rather  than  a  McKinley  bill." 


326  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

saults  of  the  opposition ;  and  no  one  but  a  great  political  leader 
could  have  done  this.  And  such  a  leader — able,  skillful,  and  elo 
quent — Major  McKinley  has  proved  to  be.  He  has  proved  himself 
in  this  conflict  worthy  of  the  highest  praise.  Notwithstanding  the 
Democratic  legislature  has  so  gerrymandered  Major  McKinley's 
district  as  to  make  it  impossible  for  him  to  be  returned  to  the  next 
congress,  yet  a  leader  of  so  great  ability  and  statesmanship  will  be 
recognized  by  the  people  and  kept  in  public  life."  But  Mr. 
Dingley's  extreme  modesty  did  not  deprive  him  of  deserved  con 
gratulations  from  his  fellow  Republicans,  who  were  all  aware  of 
the  important  part  he  took  in  the  struggle. 

New  England  in  general  and  the  Boston  Home  Market  club  in 
particular  appreciated  the  great  services  of  the  Republican  leaders 
and  the  latter  organization  had  on  the  evening  of  May  31,  as  their 
special  guests,  Hon.  Redfield  Proctor,  secretary  of  war;  Hon. 
Thomas  B.  Reed,  speaker  of  the  house ;  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
of  Maine  and  Hon.  Frederick  T.  Greenhalge  of  Massachusetts. 
The  party  left  Washington  the  night  of  May  30.  A  reception  was 
tendered  them  the  afternoon  of  May  31.  Mr.  Dingley  was  one  of 
the  speakers  at  the  banquet  and  made  a  splendid  impression.  1  He 
returned  to  Washington  June  2. 

The  silver  question  was  still  unsettled.  The  act  of  1878  re 
quiring  the  purchase  and  coinage  of  two  million  dollars  worth  of 
silver  per  month,  was  not  satisfactory  to  the  advocates  of  either 
side  of  the  controversy.  To  the  opponents  of  the  free  and  unlim 
ited  coinage  of  silver,  this  compulsory  purchase  of  the  white  metal 
was  simply  piling  up  dollars  in  the  treasury,  that  were  constantly 
depreciating  in  bullion  value.  To  the  advocates  of  free  and  un 
limited  coinage,  this  limited  coinage  was  the  cause  of  the  decline 
in  the  bullion  value  of  silver.  The  silver  question  had  been  agi 
tated  continuously  for  fifteen  years;  and  yet  the  conditions  sur 
rounding  it  made  its  immediate  solution  more  difficult  than  ever. 
The  Republicans  were  not  wholly  united ;  and  a  caucus  of  the  Re 
publican  members  of  the  house  was  held  June  3  to  discuss  the 
matter  and  adopt  some  measure.  The  committee  on  coinage, 
weights  and  measures  had  previously  considered  several  bills  and 
listened  to  the  arguments  of  many  distinguished  men,  especially 
"the  distinguished  secretary  of  the  treasury  Mr.  Windom,  whose 
personal  experience  and  successful  refunding  operations  during  a 
previous  term  of  service  entitled  his  suggestions  to  careful  con 
sideration  and  great  weight."  The  bill  finally  agreed  to  by  the 

1 — See  Appendix. 


H.  C.  LODGE.      R.  R.  HITT. 
J.  C.  BURROWS.     BENTON  McMILLIN. 


NELSON  D1NGLEYJR.  327 

committee,  was  presented  to  the  Republican  caucus.  Mr.  Dingley 
addressed  the  caucus  briefly,  urging  the  adoption  of  this  measure. 
The  bill  was  brought  into  the  house  June  5  and  the  debate  begun. 
The  measure  provided  for  the  purchase  at  the  market  rate  of  silver 
bullion,  of  the  value  of  four  and  one  half  million  dollars  per  month 
(which  was  at  that  time  substantially  the  American  product)  and 
the  issue  in  payment  thereof  of  legal  tender  treasury  notes,  re 
deemable  in  coin  on  demand.  The  bill  was  a  very  liberal  one  in 
the  direction  of  the  increased  use  of  silver  as  money  and  in  the 
increase  of  currency.  It  was  a  measure  to  meet  the  demands  of 
the  advocates  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the 
ratio  of  1 6  to  i,  who  maintained  that  the  decline  in  the  price  of 
silver  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  demand  for  coinage  purposes 
had  fallen  off.  The  bill  proposed  to  provide  a  market  for 
the  entire  American  product;  and  thus  the  demand  theory 
would  be  tested.  Mr.  Conger  of  Iowa  had  the  bill  in  charge,  and 
explained  its  provisions.  The  debate  was  long  and  exhaustive. 
Both  sides  of  the  controversy  were  presented  with  great  ability. 
Mr.  Dingley,  shortly  before  the  bill  was  passed,  on  the  afternoon 
of  June  7,  spoke  l  in  reply  to  the  advocates  of  free  coinage,  mak 
ing  a  clear  and  business-like  presentation  of  the  case.  He  closed 
by  saying  that  "it  is  impossible  in  the  present  status  of  silver  to 
dispose  of  the  silver  question  otherwise  than  tentatively,  and  in 
many  respects  unscientifically.  We  are  simply  waiting  in  the  hope 
that  the  gulf  now  existing  between  silver  bullion  and  gold  will  be 
in  due  time  bridged.  We  hope  and  believe  that  this  bill  by  using 
more  silver  as  money  in  such  a  way  as  to  maintain  the  parity  of 
our  gold  and  silver  coins,  will  aid  in  bridging  this  gulf,  when  free 
coinage  can  safely  come.  But  it  cannot  safely  come  now.  I  ap 
peal  to  gentlemen  who  are  inclined  to  vote  for  free  coinage  now  to 
meet  what  they  think  is  a  popular  clamor,  to  stop  and  careful!}/ 
consider  their  duty  as  representatives  of  the  people.  Rest  assured 
that  in  the  long  run  popular  approval  goes  not  with  votes  which 
respond  to  ill-considered  demands  but  with  votes  in  which  con 
science,  sound  judgment,  and  patriotism,  blend."  A  motion  to  re 
commit  the  bill  with  instructions  to  report  a  bill  providing  for  the 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  1 6  to  i  was  de 
feated  by  a  vote  of  140  to  116.  The  bill  was  finally  passed  by  a 
vote  of  136  to  119.  It  is  doubtful  if  free  coinage  could  have  been 
defeated  in  the  house  if  the  Republican  leaders  had  not  framed  a 
bill  with  enough  concessions  to  secure  the  support  of  wavering 

1 — See  Appendix. 


328  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Republicans  so  as  to  make  it  a  party  measure.  The  Republicans 
put  forward  Messrs.  Cannon,  Dingley  and  McKinley  to  make  the 
closing  arguments  for  the  bill. 

On  the  eleventh  of  June  Mr.  Dingley  with  his  wife  and  daugh 
ter  (the  latter  having  just  graduated  from  a  Washington  semi 
nary)  left  for  their  home  in  Maine.  That  very  day  he  was  renomi- 
nated  for  congress  by  the  Republicans  of  his  district.  Hon.  Chas. 
E.  Littlefield  who  succeeded  Mr.  Dingley  in  the  house,  presided  at 
this  convention.  Hon.  James  S.  Wright  presented  Mr.  Dingley's 
name  and  said  in  his  short  speech  that  the  second  district  was 
proud  of  her  representative  in  congress.  The  nomination  was 
made  by  acclamation.  The  resolutions  recited  the  great  pride  the 
Republicans  of  that  district  took  in  Mr.  Dingley,  and  "his  great 
and  wisely  exercised  influence  in  shaping  legislation  for  the  wel 
fare  of  New  England  workers." 

After  a  few  days  rest  at  his  home  in  Lewiston  and  at  his  sum 
mer  residence,  he  returned  to  Washington  and  again  took  up  his 
public  duties. 

Debate  on  the  silver  bill  was  resumed  in  the  house  when  the 
senate  free  coinage  substitute  for  the  house  bill  came  over  into  the 
house  June  24.  It  was  the  sharpest  fight  of  the  session  and  the 
hottest  day  of  the  month,  the  thermometer  registering  95.  On1 
the  next  day  the  battle  was  resumed;  and  in  the  midst  of  con 
fusion,  applause,  laughter  and  cries  of  "sit  down,"  the  resolution 
to  consider  the  house  bill  with  senate  amendments  was  adopted. 
The  motion  to  concur  in  the  senate  free  coinage  amendment  was 
rejected  by  a  vote  of  152  to  135.  The  announcement  of  the  vote 
was  received  with  great  applause  on  the  Republican  side.  The 
house  asked  for  a  conference  and  the  senate  agreed.  The  speaker 
appointed  Messrs.  Conger,  Walker  and  Bland  as  the  conferees  on 
the  part  of  the  house.  Senators  Sherman  and  John  P.  Jones  were 
the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  senate.  The  conference  commit 
tee  agreed  upon  a  compromise,  and  reported  to  both  houses  Juh 
12.  The  bill  agreed  to  changed  the  amount  of  silver  bullion  to  be 
purchased,  from  four  and  a  half  million  dollars  to  four  and  a  half 
million  ounces,  or  so  much  thereof  as  may  be  offered,  and  the  issue 
in  purchase  thereof  of  legal  tender  treasury  notes,  redeemable  on 
demand  in  gold  or  silver  coin  at  the  discretion  of  the  secretary  of 
the  treasury.  Silver  dollars  were  to  be  coined  at  the  rate  of  two 
million  per  month  until  July  i,  1891,  after  which  time  only  so  many 
silver  dollars  were  to  be  coined  as  were  required  to  redeem  these 
treasury  notes.  Mr.  Dingley  closed  the  debate  for  the  Republi- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  329 

cans.  The  conference  report  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  122  to  90. 
The  senate  had  previously  adopted  the  report  and  the  bill  was 
sent  to  the  president  and  signed.  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "the 
country  is  to  be  congratulated  on  so  fortunate  an  escape  from  the 
great  peril  of  immediate  free  coinage  of  silver,  by  which  first 
owners  of  silver  mines  would  have  been  able  to  dispose  of  their 
silver  to  the  government  and  the  people  for  twenty-eight  per  cent 
more  than  it  is  worth  and  finally  the  currency  would  have  been 
brought  to  a  silver  basis,  and  gold  driven  from  the  country." 

July  8,  the  senate  bill  to  adopt  regulations  for  preventing 
collisions  at  sea  came  into  the  house,  and  Mr.  Dingley  moved  its 
immediate  consideration.  He  explained  that  the  bill  provided  for 
the  adoption  of  regulations  to  prevent  collisions  at  sea,  which 
were  unanimously  adopted  at  a  recent  international  marine  con 
ference.  After  a  sharp  fight  the  bill  was  passed. 

The  "original  package"  decision  of  the  supreme  court  stirred 
the  temperance  men  in  congress  to  action.  The  senate  passed  a 
bill  that  liquors  transported  into  a  state  "shall  upon  arrival  in  such 
state  or  territory  be  subject  to  the  operation  and  effect  of  the  laws 
of  such  state  or  territory."  The  house  committee  on  judicary 
amended  the  bill  slightly,  and  in  this  amended  form  it  came  up  in 
the  house  July  18.  Debate  continued  until  the  afternoon  of  July 
22,  when  the  bill  passed  the  house  and  a  conference  was  asked  for. 
Mr.  Dingley  on  the  I9th  took  part  in  the  discussion,  making  a 
lengthy  and  able  speech  covering  the  whole  question  of  prohibi 
tory  legislation  and  stoutly  defending  the  Maine  law.  The  bill 
agreed  upon  in  conference  was  finally  passed  in  both  houses  and 
sent  to  the  president. 

On  the  2ist  of  July  Mr.  Dingley  left  for  his  summer  home  in 
Maine  to  escape  the  excessive  heat  in  Washington.  He  reached 
Squirrel  Island  the  next  day  and  again  joined  his  happy  family 
circle.  How  completely  he  enjoyed  this  rest !  Ten  days  with  his 
loved  ones  fortified  him  for  further  labors  in  Washington  to  which 
place  he  returned  early  in  August. 

August  12  Mr.  Dingley  secured  the  passage  through  the  house 
of  a  senate  bill  amending  the  shipping  commissioner's  law  pro 
viding  that  when  seamen  are  shipped  by  American  ves 
sels  in  the  coastwise  trade,  a  written  agreement  shall 
be  made,  and  that  both  seamen  and  vessels  shall  be  sub 
ject  to  the  laws  regulating  the  mutual  obligations  of  each  in 
other  cases ;  also  a  senate  bill  requiring  vessels  in  collision  at  sea 
to  stand  by  each  other  in  order  to  prevent  loss  of  life.  September 


330  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

ist  he  left  for  Maine  to  take  part  in  the  state  campaign.  Only  one 
week  remained  before  the  state  election,  and  Mr.  Dingley  made 
the  most  of  it,  speaking  every  night.  The  Republican  victory 
September  8  was  a  great  surprise.  The  Republicans  did  not  ex 
pect  over  twelve  or  fourteen  thousand  plurality,  but  the  returns 
showed  a  Republican  plurality  of  over  18,000.  It  was  evident  the 
people  of  Maine  were  well  satisfied  with  the  work  of  the  Republi 
can  majority  in  congress.  The»splendid  endorsement  given  the 
Republican  members  of  congress  and  especially  Speaker  Reed, 
was  a  most  effective  reply  to  the  assaults  which  had  been  made  on 
the  course  of  the  Republicans  in  congress  in  changing  the  rules, 
revising  the  tariff,  etc.  Mr.  Dingley  was  re-elected  by  over  4,500 
plurality.  Hardly  had  the  votes  been  counted  when  he  hurried 
back  to  Washington  to  resume  his  seat  in  the  house.  He  reached 
there  September  n  and  was  heartily  congratulated  over  the  vic 
tory  in  Maine. 

Mr.  Elaine  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  reciprocity;  and  when 
the  Republican  members  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  were 
framing  the  tariff  bill  in  the  early  months  of  1890  Mr.  Blaine 
made  it  known  publicly  that  he  thought  it  was  a  mistake  to  place 
sugar  on  the  free  list.  He  favored  keeping  sugar  on  the  dutiable 
list  and  using  it  as  a  means  of  securing  favorable  reciprocal  rela 
tions  with  sugar-growing  countries.  Chairman  McKinley  sent  an 
invitation  to  Mr.  Blaine  to  appear  before  the  Republican  members 
of  the  committee.  Mr.  Blaine  accepted  the  invitation  and  the  con 
ference  took  place  in  Chairman  McKinley's  room  in  the  Ebbitt 
house  February  10.  Here  occurred  the  famous  hat  episode  when 
the  secretary  of  state  was  both  eloquent  and  angry,  smashing  his 
new  silk  hat  over  the  table  in  his  earnestness.  But  a  majority  of 
the  Republicans  were  opposed  to  Mr.  Elaine's  proposition.  Then 
followed  the  latter's  public  declaration,  so  widely  copied,  that 
"there  is  not  a  section  or  a  line  in  the  bill  that  will  open  a  market 
for  another  bushel  of  wheat  or  another  barrel  of  pork."  This  bold 
declaration  disconcerted  the  Republican  members  of  the  commit 
tee.  Even  Mr.  Dingley  was  disturbed  but  maintained  his  usual 
calm.  Of  this  statement  of  Secretary  Blaine  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "Of 
course  in  this  respect  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  is  like  all  other  tariff 
bills  ever  enacted  in  this  country — they  have  dealt  simply  with  im 
ports  and  have  not  touched  exports.  It  could  have  been  said  of 
the  tariff  of  1846,  as  well  as  of  the  McKinley  bill,  that  there  was 
not  a  line  in  it  that  would  open  a  foreign  market  for  another  bushel 
of  wheat  or  another  barrel  of  pork.  That  has  not  heretofore  been 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  331 

regarded  as  the  office  of  tariffs,  but  of  reciprocial  treaties ;  and  the 
only  reason  that  Secretary  Elaine  now  suggests  a  topic  which 
usually  is  treated  by  treaties  and  not  by  tariffs,  is  because  it  is  pro 
posed  to  put  sugar  on  the  free  list  in  the  tariff,  and  Secretary 
Blaine  thinks  it  would  be  wiser  to  leave  sugar  on  the  dutiable  list 
as  capital  to  be  used  in  reciprocal  treaties.  Secretary  Elaine's 
suggestion  in  this  particular,  and  his  contention,  that  by  leaving 
sugar  for  the  present  on  the  dutiable  list,  and  making  it  free  only 
to  such  sugar-producing  countries  of  this  continent  as  will  admit 
our  breadstuffs  free  of  duty,  will  undoubtedly  receive  the  consider 
ation  it  deserves.  Much  is  to  be  said  upon  the  question,  and  it  will 
be  decided  with  a  view  to  the  best  interests  to  the  country.  But 
whatever  may  be  done  in  this  particular,  it  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  in  every  other  respect  Mr.  Blaine  is  in  hearty  accord 
with  the  McKinley  bill,  and  resents  with  proper  feeling  the  at 
tempt  of  free  trade  papers  to  turn  his  expressions  as  to  one  item 
into  an  argument  against  the  bill  in  all  other  particulars." 

The  only  point  of  difference  between  Mr.  Blaine  and  the  west 
ern  Republicans  who  insisted  that  sugar  should  be  cheapened  two 
cents  per  pound  by  placing  it  on  the  free  list,  was  to  the  extent 
that  reciprocity  treaties  could  be  made  with  sugar-producing 
countries.  If  satisfactory  treaties  could  be  made  with  countries 
that  produced  sugar  enough  to  supply  our  consumption,  as  Secre 
tary  Blaine  hoped,  then  that  would  be  equivalent  to  placing  sugar 
on  the  free  list,  and  the  western  Republicans  would  have  been  in 
entire  accord  with  Mr.  Elaine's  plans.  But  if  treaties  could  be 
made  only  with  the  two  sugar-producing  South  American  coun 
tries  (which  was  all  that  Secretary  Blaine  claimed  when  he  formu 
lated  his  views  in  February)  then  it  would  not  secure  the  benefit  of 
free  sugar,  but  would  simply  be  a  repetition  of  the  Hawaiian 
treaty  by  which  we  paid  five  millions  annually  in  remitted  duties  on 
sugar  obtaining  in  return  from  the  Sandwich  Islands  a  market  for 
only  four  millions  of  our  products  without  having  our  sugar  any 
cheaper.  "With  the  whole  of  this  controversy,"  said  Mr.  Ding- 
ley,  "narrowed  down  to  this  simple  point,  of  whether  favorable 
reciprocal  treaties  cannot  be  negotiated  with  enough  sugar-pro 
ducing  countries  to  supply  our  consumption,  there  ought  to  be  no 
difficulty  in  reaching  a  satisfactory  conclusion."  And  a  satisfac 
tory  conclusion  was  reached  at  the  famous  Cape  May  conference 
between  President  Harrison  and  Secretary  Blaine,  August  2.  Both 
reciprocity  and  free  sugar  were  retained  the  president  prevail 
ing  upon  his  secretary  of  state  to  withdraw  his  objections  to  free 


332  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

sugar,  and  to  endorse  a  plan  to  secure  reciprocity  by  another 
route.  President  Harrison  displayed  rare  skill  and  diplomacy  by 
thus  amicably  settling  the  controversy.  When  the  senate  passed 
the  tariff  bill  September  10,  it  contained  the  Aldrich  reciprocity 
amendment  that  the  "exemptions  from  duty  on  sugar,  molasses, 
coffee,  tea  and  hides  are  made  with  a  view  to  secure  reciprocal 
trade  with  countries  producing  these  articles,"  and  authorizing  the 
president  to  restore  the  duty  on  these  articles  coming  from  coun 
tries  imposing  duties  on  the  agricultural  products  of  the  United 
States  "reciprocally  unequal  and  unjust." 

Already  the  long  debate,  in  the  senate  over  the  consideration 
of  the  tariff  bill  had  not  only  disturbed  business,  and  increased  im 
portations  in  anticipation  of  higher  duties,  but  also  afforded  many 
opportunities  for  dishonest  speculations.  The  ways  and  means 
committee  of  the  house  which  received  the  tariff  bill  from  the  sen 
ate  September  12,  determined  to  waste  no  time ;  and  three  days 
later  reported  the  bill  back  to  the  house  with  a  recommendation 
to  non-concur  in  the  senate  amendments  and  to  ask  for  a  confer 
ence.  September  15  after  two  hours  debate,  the  bill  was  sent  to 
a  conference.  The  speaker  appointed  as  conferees  on  the  part  of 
the  house,  Messrs.  McKinley,  Burrows,  Bayne,  Dingley,  Mills,  Mc- 
Millin  and  Flower.  The  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  senate  were 
Messrs.  Aldrich,  Sherman,  Allison,  Hiscock,  Carlisle,  Vance  and 
Voorhees.  The  Republican  members  of  the  conference  commit 
tee  met  at  Senator  Allison's  house  on  the  evening  of  the  day  on 
which  they  were  appointed.  The  following  day  the  full  committee 
met  in  the  senate  finance  committee  room  to  commence  consider 
ation  of  the  disagreements  between  the  two  houses  on  this  im 
portant  tariff  bill.  The  whole  business  world  was  watching  this 
conference.  Upon  its  decision  hung  vast  interests.  The  Republi 
cans  decided  to  caucus,  and  sessions  were  held  for  seven  days,  af 
ternoon  and  evening,  including  Sunday.  The  differences  of  the 
Republican  members  were  talked  over;  and  here  Mr.  Dingley's 
rare  skill  and  diplomacy  displayed  itself.  When  the  Republican 
conferees  adjourned  late  on  the  night  of  September  23,  all  differ 
ences  were  settled  but  sugar  and  binding  twine.  Two  days  later 
all  differences  were  adjusted  and  on  the  26th  the  Democratic  con 
ferees  were  called  in  and  the  report  agreed  to.  As  Mr.  Dingley 
predicted,  the  house  sugar  schedule  was  retained,  Mr.  Dingley's 
influence  accomplishing  that  result.  The  labor  of  preparing  and 
revising  the  conference  report  was  enormous  and  Mr.  Dingley's 
mastery  of  detail  was  of  inestimable  value  to  the  conferees.  Every 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  333 

line  of  the  report  was  scrutinized  by  him.  It  was  half  past  five  in 
the  afternoon  when  Chairman  McKinley  reported  the  bill  agreed 
to.  It  was  received  with  cheers  on  the  Republican  side.  The 
house  adjourned  that  night  to  prepare  itself  for  the  final  vote  on 
the  following  day.  Mr.  Dingley  recorded  in  his  diary  just  before 
retiring  to  secure  needed  rest :  "I  am  very  tired  over  the  ten  days 
work."  Debate  on  the  conference  report  began  the  next  day,  and 
continued  until  half  past  five  in  the  afternoon,  Chairman  McKin 
ley  leading  off.  Mr.  Dingley  explained  the  provisions  of  the  bill 
agreed  upon  in  a  ten  minute  speech  1  full  of  facts  and  information. 
He  closed  by  saying :  "It  is  sufficient  to  say  in  conclusion  that  the 
vociferous  condemnation  which  the  bill  has  received  in  Europe,  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  it  will  encourage  the  production  and  manu 
facture  in  this  country  of  more  than  a  hundred  millions  of  goods 
and  products  now  made  and  produced  abroad  and  sent  here  to  take 
the  place  of  home  products  affords  sufficient  evidence  that  the 
measure  is  one  in  the  interest  of  American  industries,  American 
farmers  and  American  labor."  The  conference  report  was  agreed 
to  by  a  vote  of  151  to  81.  All  but  three  Republicans  voted  for  the 
bill.  There  was  great  applause  on  the  Republican  side.  The  sen 
ate  agreed  to  the  conference  report  and  the  bill  passed  the  last  day 
of  September.  The  first  day  of  October  President  Harrison  signed 
the  bill  and  the  McKinley  tariff  law  became  operative.  That  same 
day  congress  adjourned  and  on  the  afternoon  of  October  2nd  Mr. 
Dingley  started  for  home,  reaching  there  the  following  day.  He 
rested  at  home  for  two  weeks  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  i8th 
of  October  spoke  on  "American  Shipping"  before  the  Boston 
Commercial  club.  His  address  l  received  full  and  favorable  atten 
tion.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  spoke  at  Framingham, 
Massachusettts,  returning  to  Boston  late  at  night.  October  21  he 
spoke  at  Waltham,  returning  home  the  next  day.  October  25  he 
addressed  a  political  gathering  at  Haverhill,  Massachusetts,  in 
company  with  Congressmen  Coggswell  and  Long.  The  following 
day  he  spoke  at  the  Young  Men's  Republican  club  in  Providence, 
Rhode  Island,  with  Senator  Aldrich.  On  the  last  day  of  the  month 
he  made  an  address  at  a  Republican  banquet  in  Woonsocket,  and 
at  noon  on  the  first  day  of  November  spoke  at  Faneuil  hall,  Bos 
ton,  going  thence  to  Manchester,  New  Hampshire,  where  he  ad 
dressed  a  Republican  rally  in  the  evening. 

Tuesday,   November  4th,    was    election    day.      The    Demo 
crats  secured  control  of  the  lower  house  of  congress,  which  was 

1— See  Appendix. 


334  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

not  surprising  to  those  who  kept  close  watch  of  events.  The  Mc- 
Kinley  tariff  bill  did  not  become  a  law  until  October,  leaving  barely 
a  month  to  explain  the  measure  to  the  voters  of  the  country.  It 
was  claimed  that  the  law  raised  the  prices  of  everything  consumed 
by  the  people  and  the  Democratic  managers  were  not  slow  in  giv 
ing  object  lessons  to  the  people  in  the  country  districts.  The  Mc- 
Kinley  tariff  bill  and  the  chairman  of  the  committee  that  framed 
it  (William  McKinley),  were  denounced  by  the  Democrats  from 
one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other.  But  this  denunciation  and 
wide  advertising  made  Mr.  McKinley  president  of  the  United 
States.  The  much  abused  and  much  ridiculed  man  who  went  down 
to  defeat  in  this  landslide  of  1890,  seven  years  later  re-entered 
Washington  as  the  occupant  of  the  White  House.  But  this  re 
sult  at  the  polls  was  not  a  popular  condemnation  of  the  McKinley 
tariff.  The  new  tariff  did  not  have  a  chance  to  show  its  good  ef 
fects.  The  Democratic  victory  proved  to  be  a  calamity  to  the 
country,  because  it  opened  up  the  way  for  free  trade  or  low  tariff 
legislation,  and  for  the  agitation  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  and 
the  depreciation  of  the  currency. 

The  remainder  of  the  month  of  November  afforded  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  an  opportunity  to  rest.  November  15,  the  8ist  anniversary  of 
his  father's  birthday,  and  Thanksgiving  day,  were  celebrated  by 
family  reunions.  The  day  following  Thanksgiving  Mr.  Dingley 
and  his  faithful  wife  started  for  Washington,  reaching  there  the 
next  day.  Again  they  took  up  their  work  in  their  cheerful  rooms 
now  so  homelike.  Many  old  friends  and  acquaintances  were  on 
hand  to  greet  them. 

The  second  session  of  the  fifty-first  congress  began  at  noon 
December  i.  President  Harrison's  message  was  listened  to  with 
unusual  interest.  This  message  was  an  able  presentation  of  the 
Republican  position  and1  was  received  with  marked  favor  by  the 
business  interests  of  the  country.  The  president  said :  "There  is 
neither  wisdom  nor  justice  in  the  suggestion  that  the  subject  of 
tariff  revision  shall  be  again  opened  before  this  tariff  has  had  a  fair 
trial."  President  Harrison's  declarations  on  silver  were  cautious. 
He  said  that  "our  very  large  supply  of  gold  will,  if  not  lost  by  im 
pure  legislation  in  the  supposed  interest  of  silver,  give  us  a  position 
of  advantage  in  promoting  a  permanent  and  safe  international 
agreement  for  the  free  use  of  silver."  He  predicted  a  large  in 
crease  in  exports  as  the  result  of  reciprocity  plans  set  on  foot  by 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  335 

this  century  a  more  shameless  prostitution  of  official  responsibility 
to  greed  and  dishonest  finance,  has  not  been  recorded.  It  is  a  stab 
the  McKinley  law.  But  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  next  con 
gress  did  not  heed  this  injunction.  December  passed  with  nothing 
of  importance  done  in  congress.  The  only  incident  of  great  public 
interest  was  the  combination  in  the  senate  between  the  Democrats 
and  eight  Republicans  1  to  sidetrack  the  election  bill  in  favor  of 
the  finance  bill  with  a  free  coinage  amendment.  This  was  signifi 
cant  as  indicating  thus  early  that  the  Democrats  intended  to  make 
the  free  coinage  question  a  leading  issue.  Mr.  Dingley  wrote  at 
this  time:  "Who  cannot  see  the  drift  of  this  silver  mine  policy? 
It  is  the  attempt  of  the  debtor  class  to  pay  off  at  75  cents  on  the 
dollar,  as  well  as  the  attempt  of  the  silver  mine  speculators  to  sell 
out  at  25  per  cent  above  the  market.  Where  such  a  policy  will  land 
us,  where  it  will  impose  suffering  on  the  wage  earners,  those  who 
have  good  memories  need  not  be  told."  He  early  saw  the  ap 
proaching  contest  over  the  silver  question  and  warned  the  people 
of  his  state  of  the  dangers  of  the  proposed  plan  of  inflating  or  de 
preciating  the  currency.  January  15  he  wrote:  "Today  the  great 
est  combination  of  American  greed  is  that  which  is  led  by  the  own 
ers  of  twelve  million  ounces  of  silver  and  of  the  silver  mines.  The 
silver  pool  means  to  drive  this  country  to  an  exclusively  silver  basis, 
thus  at  once  putting  a  premium  on  gold,  diminishing  the  purchas 
ing  power  of  wages  and  dislocating  and  isolating  our  American 
fiscal  system." 

January  6  the  senate  bill  "to  place  the  American  merchant  ma 
rine  engaged  in  the  foreign  trade  upon  an  equality  with  that  of 
other  nations"  was  taken  up  in  the  house.  On  the  following  day  Mr, 
Dingley  spoke  for  two  hours  in  favor  of  the  bill,  2  receiving  ap 
plause  and  congratulations.  He  reviewed  the  causes  of  the  decline 
of  American  shipping,  and  the  remedy  to  be  applied.  He  discussed 
the  British  subsidy  system  and  the  advantages  of  the  pending  bill, 
concluding  with  this  appeal :  "In  the  light  of  our  own  history  I  ap 
peal  to  the  representatives  of  the  American  people  to  come  to  the 
rescue  of  our  merchant  marine  in  the  foreign  trade,  and  thus  in 
sure  commercial  independence  and  national  safety  before  it  is  too 
late." 

As  was  predicted,  the  senate  passed  a  free  coinage  bill.  Mr. 
Dingley  wrote  of  this  incident :  "It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  in 

1 — Senators  Jones  of  Nevada,  McConnell  of  Idaho,  Shoup  of  Idaho,  Stanford 
of  California,  Stewart  of  Nevada,  Teller  of  Colorado,  Washburn  of  Minnesota 
and  Wolcott  of  Colorado. 

Z — See  Appendix. 


336  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

at  public  and  private  contract,  a  surrender  on  the  part  of  the  senate 
to  the  speculators  in  silver  who  are  thus  advised  that  this  govern 
ment  will  pay  them  for  silver  worth  one  dollar  and  five  cents  per 
ounce  in  the  world's  market,  the  fictitious  price  of  a  dollar  and 
twenty-nine  cents  per  ounce.  *  *  *  The  fact  is,  one  of  the 
foremost  isms  of  the  next  presidential  campaign  is  made  up,  as  be 
tween  an  honest  dollar  and  a  speculative  and  underweight  dollar; 
as  between  gold  and  silver  at  the  world's  standard  and  silver  at 
twenty-five  cents  more  an  ounce  than  it  is  worth  in  the  market. 
On  this  issue  the  Republican  party  can  afford  to  stand  by  what  is 
honest."  The  passage  of  the  free  coinage  bill  in  the  senate  raised  a 
storm  throughout  the  east.  The  presence  of  lobbyists  promoting 
the  measure,  and  suspicious  circumstances  surrounding  its  pas 
sage,  caused  Representative  Dockery  to  introduce  a  resolution  ask 
ing  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  investigate  "the  alleged 
connection  of  senators  and  representatives  with  the  reported  silver 
pool."  On  the  twentieth  of  September  previous,  the  Washington 
correspondent  of  the  St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat  alleged  that  twelve 
senators  and  fifteen  representatives,  pending  the  passage  of  the  sil 
ver  act  of  July  14,  1890,  were  admitted  to  partnership  in  various 
silver  pools  by  which  they  realized  a  million  dollars  profit  in  the  ad 
vance  of  the  price  of  silver  after  the  passage  of  the  act.  In  accord 
ance  with  this  resolution  Speaker  Reed  appointed  Messrs.  Dingley, 
Payne,  Rowell,  Peel  and  Oates.  Mr.  Dingley  was  averse  to  as 
suming  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  this  investigation  but  the 
speaker  prevailed  upon  him  to  accept. 

This  committee  was  in  session  from  January  16  to  February  24 
in  the  room  of  the  committee  on  rivers  and  harbors.  The  story  of 
this  investigation  is  told  in  the  report  written  and  submitted  to  the 
house  by  Mr.  Dingley  February  25.  l  The  conclusion  of  the  com 
mittee  was  that  there  was  no  evidence  that  any  silver  pool  gave 
money  to  the  members  of  congress,  or  that  members  of  congress 
(except  Senator  Cameron)  were  interested  in  silver  speculations. 
Mr.  Dingley,  however,  condemned  in  unmeasured  terms,  "the 
methods  employed  by  owners  of  silver  bullion  and  silver  mines  to 
further  legislatio/i,  requiring  the  government  or  the  whole  people 
to  buy  their  silver  bullion  and  pay  a  dollar  and  twenty-nine  cents 
per  ounce  for  it  when  it  is  worth  only  one  dollar  and  four  cents  in 
the  markets  of  the  world." 

In  the  meantime  the  struggle  over  the  silver  question  continued 
in  the  house.  On  the  sixth  of  February  the  friends  of  this  proposi- 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  337 

tion  tacked  a  free  silver  rider  to  an  appropriation  bill;  but  the 
amendment  was  defeated  by  eight  majority.  The  silver  men  were 
still  more  confounded  by  Mr.  Dingley's  amendment  offered  Febru 
ary  ninth  which  had  a  tendency  to  resurrect  the  election  bill.  The 
Democrats  started  a  plan  to  enable  them  to  get  up  the  free  silver 
bill.  Mr.  Dingley  quickly  proposed  to  take  up  the  election  bill  also, 
whereupon  the  silver  men  became  alarmed  and  abandoned  their 
plan.  The  report  of  the  house  committee  adverse  to  the  senate  free 
coinage  bill,  together  with  the  confidence  that  President  Harrison 
would  veto  any  such  measure  during  his  administration,  gave  assur 
ance  that  the  monetary  system  of  the  country  would  not  be  dis 
turbed  for  at  least  two  years. 

February  22,  Mr.  Dingley  presided  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the 
Congregational  Temperance  society  and  was  re-elected  president. 

The  closing  days  of  the  fifty-first  congress  were,  as  usual,  full 
of  interest.  The  contest  in  the  house  over  the  bill  to  place  the 
American  merchant  marine  on  a  sound  footing,  was  one  of  the  most 
memorable  witnessed  in  congress  for  many  years.  The  friends  of 
American  shipping  in  the  house  committee  on  merchant  marine  and 
fisheries,  prepared  a  substitute  bill  embodying  the  main  features  of 
the  senate  and  house  bill ;  and  after  much  delay  and  opposition,  suc 
ceeded  in  getting  it  before  the  house  for  final  action.  The  following 
day  the  battle  was  renewed  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  waged 
until  midnight.  The  supporters  of  the  bill  were  led  by  Mr.  Dingley. 
Amendment  after  amendment  was  offered,  with  a  view  of  killing  the 
bill ;  but  all  were  skillfully  parried  by  Mr.  Dingley  on  points  of  or 
der  and  votes.  The  debate  was  under  the  five  minute  rule,  and  was 
warm  and  exciting.  Mr.  Dingley's  skill  as  a  debater  and  parliamen 
tarian  was  never  so  apparent.  The  galleries  were  filled  with  specta 
tors  who  enjoyed  the  contest  of  brains.  A  free  ship  amendment 
was  defeated  by  a  good  majority.  Then  came  the  vote  on  the  en 
grossment  of  the  bill.  As  this  was  to  be  a  test  vote,  the  answer  of 
each  member  was  watched  with  great  interest.  The  Democrats  who 
were  expected  to  vote  for  the  bill  failed  to  do  so,  and  the  bill  was 
defeated  by  every  Democratic  and  fourteen  Republican  votes.  The 
Democrats  cheered  the  result ;  but  the  honors  of  the  debate  were 
with  the  Republican  leaders.  Before  the  vote  was  announced,  Mr. 
Dingley,  who  did  not  propose  to  give  up  until  he  was  compelled  to, 
changed  his  vote  from  the  affirmative  to  the  negative  to  enable  him 
to  move  to  reconsider  in  the  hope  that  by  fighting  the  battle  over 
again  he  could  gain  enough  recruits  to  at  least  get  the  bill  into  con 
ference.  Absent  members  were  drummed  up  in  every  direction. 


338  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

He  was  rewarded  for  his  persistence,  and  his  motion  to  reconsider 
was  carried  by  a  vote  of  147  to  143.  At  this  point,  Mr.  Cannon  of 
Illinois  who  had  voted  for  the  bill,  but  who  favored  only  subsidy  to 
mail  steamships,  moved  to  recommit  with  instructions  to  report 
forthwith  the  senate  postal  steamship  bill  as  a  substitute.  The  mo 
tion  prevailed,  the  senate  bill  was  reported  out  and  a  conference 
asked  for.  The  following  Monday  the  senate  concurred  in  the  sub 
sidy  bill,  but  the  tonnage  bill  was  defeated. 

Congress  was  in  session  all  day  and  all  night  March  3 ;  and  after 
hours  of  confusion,  adjourned  at  noon  March  4.  Mr.  Dingley  re 
mained  at  his  post  all  night.  The  Democrats  could  not  overlook 
Speaker  Reed's  rulings  in  behalf  of  business  methods  in  congress, 
and  when  the  usual  resolution  of  thanks  was  offered  just  before  ad 
journment,  they  voted  against  it;  but  it  carried  and  the  result  was 
greeted  with  cheers.  The  speaker  in  his  parting  address,  which  was 
delivered  with  unusual  calmness,  said  that  the  last  week  of  the  clos 
ing  congress  having  been  largely  of  a  political  nature,  had  aroused 
the  most  turbulent  passions  known  to  the  human  race,  and  it  was 
the  part  of  wisdom  to  wait  for  history  to  give  the  verdict  on  the 
deeds  of  the  fifty-first  congress. 

The  fifty-first  congress  passed  into  history  as  one  of  the  most 
memorable  on  record.  As  Mr.  Reed  said,  it  was  not  so  much  what 
it  had  done,  as  what  it  had  rendered  possible  for  all  time  to  be  done. 

Mr.  Dingley  added  to  his  reputation  as  a  profound  and  practical 
student  of  public  affairs.  He  was  now  an  authority  on  shipping  and 
tariff  matters.  He  wisely  devoted  his  time  and  attention  to  a  few 
subjects  until  he  completely  mastered  them.  In  no  other  way  can  a 
member  of  congress  be  strong  and  influential. 

March  9  in  company  with  his  wife  and  daughter,  he  left  Wash 
ington  for  his  home  in  Maine,  stopping  at  New  York,  New  Haven 
and  Boston  for  a  brief  recreation  and  rest.  He  reached  his  home 
March  25,  and  on  that  day  wrote  in  his  diary :  "It  seems  good  to 
be  at  home  again." 

The  months  of  April  and  May  afforded  this  busy  man  more  than 
the  usual  time  for  rest.  He  gave  much  of  his  time  to  his  family, 
joining  in  the  pleasures  of  home  concerts,  fishing  trips  and  fireside 
talks.  The  middle  of  May,  in  company  with  one  of  his  sons,  he 
spent  several  days  fishing  on  Rangeley  lakes.  The  first  day  of  June 
he  started  for  Saratoga,  and  on  the  following  day  presided  at  the 
sixty-fifth  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Home  Missionary  so 
ciety. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  339 

June  9  he  received  news  of  the  death  of  his  youngest  grand 
daughter,  which  was  a  great  shock  to  him.  "This  reminds  us  of 
our  little  Charley's  death  in  1862,"  he  wrote  in  his  diary. 

Late  in  June  he  spent  a  week  in  the  Rangeley  lake  region  rusti 
cating  and  fishing.  The  last  day  of  June  he  recorded  in  his  diary : 
"I  caught  a  six  pound  salmon  after  an  hour's  struggle  in  getting 
him  in."  Returning  to  his  home  he  learned  of  the  death  of  Hanni 
bal  Hamlin  and  attended  the  funeral  of  the  distinguished  statesman 
at  Bangor,  July  8.  The  following  day  he  joined  his  family  at  his 
summer  home,  Squirrel  Island. 

Mr.  Dingley's  literary  work  this  spring  and  summer  consisted 
of  editorials  for  the  Lewiston  Journal,  temperance  addresses  and  an 
article  on  "The  State  of  Maine"  for  the  New  England  magazine.  l 
This  article  was  widely  copied  in  New  England.  "The  billion  dollar 
congress,"  "Causes  of  bad  times,"  "The  money  question,"  "The 
basis  of  competition,"  and  "What  makes  interest,"  were  some  of 
the  subjects  treated  by  him  editorially.  August  29  he  delivered  a 
temperance  address  1  at  Old  Orchard. 

This  summer  season  at  the  seashore  was  a  period  of  joy  and  rest 
for  Mr.  Dingley.  In  the  family  circle,  surrounded  by  wife,  children 
and  grandchildren,  he  found  perfect  peace.  The  season  was  over 
September  3  and  Mr.  Dingley  and  family  returned  to  their  home  in 
Lewiston.  About  the  middle  of  the  month  he  completed  his  vaca 
tion  by  going  to  Moosehead  lake.  September  20,  Rev.  Mr.  Howe, 
pastor  of  the  Congregational  church  at  Lewiston,  where  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  had  attended  services  for  so  many  years,  was  welcomed  home 
from  Europe  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  chosen  to  make  the  brief  address 
of  welcome.  October  2  he  visited  Hanover,  N.  H.,  and  old  Dart 
mouth  college,  where  he  had  graduated  in  1855,  and  addressed  the 
students  on  the  tariff  question  from  the  protection  standpoint.  1 
This  address  was  scholarly  and  profound.  October  14  he  addressed 
a  political  meeting  at  Lowell,  and  on  the  following  day  at  Brockton 
with  former  Speaker  Reed.  He  also  spoke  at  East  Boston  and 
Millbury  before  the  campaign  in  Massachusetts  closed.  The  No 
vember  elections  showed  uniform  Republican  gains.  William  Mc- 
Kinley  was  elected  governor  of  Ohio  and  Mr.  Dingley  sent  him 
happy  congratulations.  November  passed  quickly,  and  with  it 
came  may  happy  family  reunions.  Thanksgiving  day  was  especially 
enjoyable,  and  a  week  later  Mr.  Dingley  with  his  wife  and  daughter 
returned  to  Washington. 

1— See  Appendix. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
1891-1893. 

It  is  conceded  now  that  the  McKinley  tariff  act  of  1890  was  not 
understood  by  the  people.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  the  house  of  rep 
resentatives  in  the  fifty-second  congress  would  not  have  contained 
237  Democrats,  85  Republicans  and  10  Alliance  men.  Importers 
assailed  the  act  in  the  United  States  supreme  court,  and  sought  to 
bring  in  question  its  constitutionality.  It  was  argued  that  the 
bounty  on  sugar  vitiated  the  whole  act ;  that  the  reciprocity  provi 
sion  was  unconstitutional,  because  it  delegated  legislative  powers 
to  the  executive ;  that  the  tobacco  clause  was  not  contained  in  the 
bill  signed  by  the  president.  The  fight  against  protection  was  car 
ried  to  the  court  of  last  resort,  but  happily  not  sustained  by  that 
judicial  body.  The  domestic  business  world  was  alarmed  over  the 
result  at  the  polls  in  1890,  and  viewed  with  consternation  the  possi 
bility  of  another  defeat  of  the  party  of  protection  in  the  approach 
ing  presidential  election. 

The  first  session  of  the  fifty-second  congress  began  in  the  midst 
of  alarm.  The  country  watched  the  struggle  between  the  two 
wings  of  the  Democracy,  the  one  headed  by  Cleveland,  Carlisle  and 
Mills,  bent  on  practical  free  trade ;  the  other  headed  by  Hill,  Gor 
man  and  Crisp,  bent  on  a  moderate  revision  of  the  tariff. 

The  fight  between  the  five  candidates  for  speaker  in  the  Demo 
cratic  caucus  (Mills,  Crisp,  McMillin,  Springer  and  Hatch)  was  long 
and  bitter.  After  a  desperate  struggle  lasting  three  days,  the  nomi 
nation  of  Crisp  was  brought  about  on  the  thirtieth  ballot.  The  vic 
tory  of  Crisp  brought  clearly  to  the  front  the  issue  of  free  silver 
coinage.  The  Democratic  party  was  distinctly  for  free  silver,  but 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  341 

the  Mills  and  Cleveland  wing  was  in  favor  of  sidetracking  the  silver 
issue  and  making  the  fight  on  the  free  trade  issue  exclusively.  The 
victory  of  the  Hill  Democracy  in  the  house  was  an  announcement 
that  the  chief  issue  of  the  approaching  campaign  was  to  be  the  sil 
ver  issue.  In  the  words  of  Mr.  Dingley,  "it  is  now  deliberately  pro 
posed  by  the  Democratic  party  to  cut  loose  from  the  standard  of 
value  of  commercial  and  civilized  peoples.  *  *  *  It  is  settled 
that  free  coinage  is  dear  to  the  heart  of  the  national  Democracy 
and  that  the  supremacy  of  the  Democratic  party  means  confusion 
to  American  finance." 

The  message  of  President  Harrison  brought  a  measure  of  confi 
dence  to  the  country.  He  recommended  that  existing  laws  be 
given  a  fair  trial  and  that  the  business  interests  "be  spared  the  dis 
tressing  influence  which  threats  of  radical  changes  always  impart." 
The  president's  declaration  that  "the  free  coinage  of  silver  under 
existing  conditions  would  disastrously  affect  the  business  interests 
at  home  and  abroad,"  met  a  responsive  chord. 

Two  days  before  Christmas,  Speaker  Crisp  announced  his  com 
mittees.  Mr.  Dingley  was  placed  on  the  committee  on  appropria 
tions,  Columbian  exposition  and  expenditures  in  the  department  of 
justice.  His  first  committee  place  was  the  only  one  of  any  import 
ance  and  during  the  course  of  the  session  afforded  him  a  good  op 
portunity  to  learn  the  actual  operations  of  the  government.  He 
said  in  after  years  that  a  term  of  service  on  the  appropriations  com 
mittee  was  necessary  to  equip  a  member  for  work  in  congress. 
William  M.  Springer  of  Illinois  was  made  chairman  of  the  ways  and 
means  committee. 

In  this  house  were — Herbert,  Gates  and  Wheeler  of  Alabama ; 
Turner,  Crisp  and  Blount  of  Georgia;  Hopkins,  Hitt,  Henderson 
and  Springer  of  Illinois,  Holman  and  Shrively  of  Indiana;  Hender 
son,  Dolliver  and  Hull  of  Iowa ;  Simpson  of  Kansas ;  Breckinridge 
and  McCreary  of  Kentucky;  Reed,  Dingley  Milliken  and  Boutelle 
of  Maine;  Lodge,  Sherman  Hoar  and  George  F.  Williams  of 
Massachusetts;  O'Donnell,  Burrows  and  Wheeler  of  Michigan; 
Catchings  of  Mississippi;  Hatch,  Dockery,  O'Neill,  Cobb  and  De- 
Armond  of  Missouri ;  Fellows  and  Cummings  of  New  York ;  Bryan 
of  Nebraska;  Outhwaite  and  Johnson  of  Ohio;  Bingham  and 
O'Neill,  W.  A.  Stone  and  C.  W.  Stone  of  Pennsylvania ;  Tillman 
of  South  Carolina ;  McMillin  and  Richardson  of  Tennessee ;  Bailey, 
Mills  and  Sayres  of  Texas ;  Wise  of  Virginia ;  Wilson  of  West  Vir 
ginia  ;  all  of  whom  played  an  important  part.  Two  notable  men — 
iWilliamD.  Kelleyof  Pennsylvania  and  Samuel  S.  Cox  of  New  York 


342  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

— passed  away  during  the  first  session  of  the  previous  congress,  in 
the  spring  of  1890.  The  death  of  the  member  from  New  York  was 
a  shock  to  Mr.  Dingley,  for  they  were  warm  friends  and  intimately 
associated  in  public  service.  Mr.  Cox  was  the  embodiment  of  gen 
erosity  and  kindness  and  many  members  of  congress  were  recipi 
ents  of  his  favors.  He  died  genuinely  mourned  by  many. 

Congress  adjourned  Dec.  23  for  the  holiday  recess.  During 
this  season  Mr.  Dingley  busied  himself  in  the  preparation  of  a  tariff 
speech,  and  derived  much  joy  from  the  constant  presence  in  his 
rooms  of  his  wife  and  daughter.  A  little  music,  a  game  of  whist, 
a  quiet  chat  formed  the  evening  diversions  of  this  little  family  cir 
cle.  January  i,  1892,  in  company  with  his  daughter,  Mr.  Dingley 
made  New  Year's  calls  on  the  members  of  the  cabinet. 

When  congress  reassembled,  Mr.  Dingley  introduced  a  bill  for 
the  appointment  of  a  commission  on  the  alcoholic  liquor  traffic, 
and  to  establish  a  marine  board  f.or  the  advancement  of  the  mer 
chant  marine. 

Mr.  Dingley's  broad  views  on  the  objects  of  government  and 
the  proper  scope  of  public  expenditures,  were  displayed  in  a  debate 
over  Holman's  anti-subsidy  resolution.  Jan.  14,  Mr.  Holman  of 
Indiana,  who  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  the  economical  mem 
ber  of  the  house  and  was  called  "the  watchdog  of  the  treasury," 
offered  a  resolution  that  "no  money  ought  to  be  appropriated  by 
congress  from  the  public  treasury  except  such  as  is  manifestly 
necessary  to  carry  on  the  several  departments  frugally,  efficiently 
and  honestly  administered."  Mr.  Dingley  attempted  to  secure  con 
sideration  of  a  substitute  resolution  more  definite  in  its  nature,  but 
the  house  objected.  In  the  course  of  the  debate  he  replied  at  some 
length  to  Mr.  Holman.  l  He  advocated  a  broad  application  of  the 
principle  that  all  appropriations  should  be  for  public  and  not  for 
private  purposes.  He  defended  the  appropriations  of  the  fifty- 
first  congress  and  denied  that  the  country  was  on  the  verge  of 
bankruptcy.  The  debate  covered  the  whole  field  of  government 
finance,  and  the  resolution  on  the  third  day  was  finally  adopted. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  October,  1891,  a  considerable  number  of 
the  sailors  of  the  United  States  steamship  Baltimore,  then  in  the 
harbor  of  Valparaiso,  were  assaulted  by  armed  men  nearly  simul 
taneously  in  different  localities  in  the  city.  One  petty  officer  was 
killed  outright  and  seven  or  eight  seamen  were  seriously  wounded, 
one  of  whom  subsequently  died.  Relative  to  the  president's  mes 
sage  about  the  trouble  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  "the  message  is  a 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  343 

very  strong  one  and  presents  the  American  side  of  the  Chilian  mat 
ter  very  ably.  I  do  not  doubt  that  congress  will  sustain  the  presi 
dent  in  maintaining  the  dignity  and  honor  of  this  country,  even  to 
the  extent  of  war  if  that  should  be  clearly  necessary.  I  hope,  how 
ever,  that  the  difficulty  will  be  arranged  without  going  to  such 
lengths  as  that.  War  is  a  very  serious  matter,  and  every  means 
should  be  exhausted  for  an  amicable  solution  before  there  is  an  ap 
peal  to  arms.  Chili  is  so  weak  a  power  that  we  should  bear  and  for 
bear  to  a  greater  extent  than  we  might  with  a  much  stronger 
power,  and  especially  is  this  the  case  in  the  disturbed  condition  in 
which  Chili  is  at  present." 

Debate  over  the  new  rules  began  January  26.  Mr.  Reed  of 
Maine  took  occasion  to  make  one  of  his  richly  sarcastic  and  pointed 
speeches  in  which  he  rejoiced  that  the  Democratic  party  was 
"finally  catching  up  with  the  procession."  He  called  attention  to 
the  fact  that  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  fifty-second  congress 
was  adopting  what  the  Democratic  minority  denounced  in  the  fifty- 
first  congress  as  "tyranny."  Mr.  Dingley  addressed  the  house  on 
the  2/th,  l  giving  special  attention  to  the  proposed  rule  to  permit 
legislative  riders  on  appropriation  bills.  This  he  again  strenuously 
opposed  on  the  second  of  February.  *  After  a  protracted  discus 
sion  and  in  the  third  month  of  the  session,  the  new  rules  of  the 
house  were  adopted.  They  were  in  the  main  the  old  filibustering 
rules  of  the  fiftieth  congress  with  some  slight  improvements. 

On  the  1 8th  of  December  Mr.  Dingley  called  on  Secretary 
Elaine  at  his  residence  in  Washington.  The  secretary  appeared  to 
be  in  excellent  health  and  greeted  his  old  friend  cordially.  The 
conversation  naturally  drifted  to  the  approaching  Republican  na 
tional  convention  at  Minneapolis,  and  the  secretary  cautiously 
asked  Mr.  Dingley  his  opinion. 

"You  can  be  nominated  if  you  say  the  word,"  said  Mr.  Dingley. 

"But  I  do  not  desire  to  embarrass  my  friends,"  said  the  secre 
tary.  "I  cannot  announce  that  I  am  a  candidate  and  still  remain  in 
the  cabinet  of  President  Harrison.  On  the  other  hand  if  I  refuse  to 
yield  to  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  on  me  I  shall  be  charged  with 
deserting  my  friends." 

The  secretary  was  visibly  troubled  and  nervously  paced  the 
floor  as  he  talked.  He  went  over  the  whole  situation  and  discussed 
freely  his  personal  relations  with  President  Harrison,  which  he  de 
clared  were  pleasant.  He  admitted  that  he  had  told  his  friends  he 
was  not  a  candidate  before  the  convention  but  would  accept  the 
nomination  if  tendered  him. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


344  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

"Governor,"  said  the  secretary,  stopping  abruptly,  "my  prefer 
ence  is  to  remain  in  the  cabinet.  My  work  as  secretary  of  state  was 
sadly  interrupted  by  the  death  of  President  Garfield.  The  country 
never  fully  understood  my  policy.  I  desire  to  complete  the  work  I 
have  now  undertaken.  I  do  not  feel  that  my  health  will  admit  of 
my  going  through  another  presidential  campaign." 

"Then  your  true  course  is  to  announce  publicly  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  your  decision  to  retire  absolutely  from  the  race,"  replied  Mr. 
Dingley. 

It  was  a  struggle  between  the  ambition  of  his  life  and  what  he 
knew  was  his  duty  to  himself  and  his  family.  His  decision  was 
speedily  made.  But  it  was  not  until  February  6  that  the  political 
world  was  startled  by  the  publication  of  a  letter  to  General  J.  S. 
Clarkson,  chairman  of  the  Republican  national  committee,  in  which 
Mr.  Elaine  announced  emphatically  that  he  was  not  a  candidate  for 
the  presidency  and  that  his  name  would  not  go  before  the  Republi 
can  national  convention.  "To  those  who  have  tendered  me  their 
support  I  owe  my  sincere  thanks,  and  am  most  grateful  for  their 
confidence,"  he  wrote.  This  apparently  ended  the  matter  and 
President  Harrison's  nomination  appeared  inevitable.  But  the 
popular  demand  for  Mr.  Elaine's  nomination  seemed  to  increase  and 
with  it  returned  the  vigor  and  ambition  of  the  "Plumed  Knight." 
Excitement  increased  and  the  Blaine  boom  seemed  to  grow  in 
strength.  The  secretary  of  state  listened  with  throbbing  heart  to 
the  sweet  sounds  of  popularity,  and  his  mind  recalled  the  exciting 
scenes  of  1876,  of  1880  and  of  1884.  His  judgment  prompted  him 
to  cling  to  his  determination  to  avoid  another  contest ;  his  ambition 
and  that  of  his  family  urged  him  to  yield.  He  did  yield.  He  meas 
ured  with  accuracy  the  great  popular  clamor,  but  he  failed  to  take 
into  account  the  formidable  organization  of  his  chief.  What  a  pity 
he  did  not  follow  the  advice  of  his  wise  and  good  friend,  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  !  On  the  fourth  of  June,  while  the  delegates  were  assembling  at 
Minneapolis,  the  news  was  flashed  over  the  wires  that  Secretary 
Blaine  had  resigned  from  the  cabinet.  "The  condition  of  public 
business,"  he  wrote  to  President  Harrison,  "in  the  department  of 
state,  justifies  me  in  requesting  that  my  resignation  may  be  ac 
cepted  immediately."  The  president  replied  with  equal  brevity: 
"The  terms  in  which  you  state  your  desires  are  such  as  to  leave  me 
no  choice  but  to  accede  to  your  wishes  at  once."  The  resignation 
plunged  Washington  and  congress  into  a  fever  of  excitement.  It 
was  accepted  by  the  country  as  an  indication  that  Mr.  Blaine  had 
decided  to  accept  the  nomination  for  the  presidency  if  tendered 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  345 

him.  The  brevity  of  the  correspondence  gave  rise  to  the  rumor 
that  the  relations  between  Mr.  Elaine  and  the  president  were  not 
cordial.  But  these  reports  were  magnified.  Mr.  Elaine  was  an 
noyed  and  worried  over  the  public  insinuation  that  he  was  not  act 
ing  honorably  toward  his  chief.  His  physical  and  mental  condition 
caused  him  to  be  irritated  and  to  entertain  fancied  grievance.  He 
was  not  the  cool  diplomat  and  polished  secretary  of  1881 ;  he  was 
the  sick  and  dispirited  secretary  of  1892.  Mr.  Elaine  was  not  him 
self.  On  the  fourth  of  June  he  held  a  conference  with  a  Canadian 
official  on  a  question  pending  between  the  state  department  and  the 
Dominion.  John  W.  Foster,  who  had  been  attending  to  some  dip 
lomatic  matter  during  Secretary  Elaine's  illness,  was  present,  and 
interrupted  the  secretary  by  saying  that  the  latter,  in  his  statement 
of  the  case,  was  not  representing  the  views  of  the  president.  He 
forthwith  proceeded  to  state  the  president's  views.  "Gentlemen," 
said  the  secretary  abruptly,  "this  conference  is  adjourned."  And 
he  quickly  left  the  room,  immediately  tendering  his  resignation. 
He  performed  the  act  in  a  moment  of  indignation.  It  was  done  be 
fore  he  realized  its  full  significance.  The  resignation  was  received 
in  Minneapolis  with  a  shout  of  joy  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Elaine  who 
cordially  disliked  President  Harrison,  and  by  stolid  indifference  by 
the  instructed  Harrison  delegates.  The  struggle  between  the  two 
forces  began.  The  discipline  of  the  one  triumphed  over  the  noisy 
enthusiasm  of  the  other.  President  Harrison  was  renominated  on 
the  first  ballot  and  Whitelaw  Reid,  editor  of  the  New  York  Tri 
bune,  was  nominated  for  vice  president. 

The  circumstances  surrounding  the  resignation  and  defeat  of 
Mr.  Elaine  and  the  full  realization  that  he  was  being  used  by  am 
bitious  men  to  further  their  own  interests,  brought  genuine  regret 
and  sorrow  to  the  secretary's  friends  and  admirers.  Mr.  Dingley's 
only  comment  was :  "I  regret  the  whole  affair  more  than  I  can  ex 
press."  But  his  admiration  for  Mr.  Elaine  continued,  and  in  com 
menting  on  his  services  as  secretary  of  state,  he  said :  "The  retire 
ment  of  Mr.  Blaine  from  the  position  of  secretary  of  state  has 
caused  not  only  great  regret,  but  also  general  expressions  of  the 
debt  of  gratitude  which  the  country  owes  the  brilliant  secretary  for 
the  magnificent  service  he  has  done  during  his  three  years  oc 
cupancy  of  this  position.  *  *  *  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the 
ability  and  skill  with  which  the  secretary  conducted  the  state  de 
partment,  reflects  the  highest  credit  on  that  statesman  and  on  this 
country,  and  furnishes  another  ground  for  lasting  gratitude  to 
Maine's  great  leader,  James  G.  Blaine." 


346  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  house  finally  began  to  do  business  early  in  February.  On 
the  fifth  of  that  month  while  the  census  deficiency  bill  was  under 
discussion  Mr.  Sayers  of  Texas  made  certain  charges  against  the 
superintendent  of  the  census  (Mr.  Robert  Porter)  with  reference 
to  the  conduct  of  his  office.  Mr.  Dingley  defended  the  superin 
tendent  in  a  vigorous  speech.  He  argued  that  if  more  men  had 
been  employed  in  the  census  department  than  were  necesary,  the 
matter  should  have  been  brought  up  in  committee.  "I  desire  to 
say,"  he  added,  "that  so  far  as  our  investigations  have  gone,  we 
have  found  that  the  work  of  the  census  office  has  been  expedited  at 
least  a  year  ahead  of  what  was  the  case  in  the  tenth  census."  Mr 
Simpson  of  Kansas  attempted  to  make  a  political  point  from  the 
mortgage  statistics  but  Mr.  Dingley  turned  the  tables  on  him. 
February  9  he  replied  at  some  length  to  Mr.  Dockery  of  Missouri 
who,  in  a  partisan  speech,  denounced  the  last  congress  as  a  billion 
dollar  congress  which  had  imposed  upon  the  country  extravagant 
appropriations.  Taking  this  as  his  text,  Mr.  Dingley  showed  con 
clusively  that  the  fiftieth  congress  (Democratic)  did  not  appropri 
ate  enough  by  thirty-eight  and  one  half  million  dollars  for  the  ordi 
nary  expenses  of  the  government,  and  that  the  fifty-first  congress 
was  obliged  to  make  up  this  deficiency.  The  whole  field  of  govern 
ment  appropriations  and  expenditures  was  analyzed,  and  a  bright 
light  thrown  upon  the  true  way  of  legislating  for  the  benefit  of  a 
growing  and  progressive  nation.  He  closed  with  these  words: 
"Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  approaching  the  subject  of  appropriations, 
it  seems  to  me  that  we  ought  to  approach  it  as  statesmen  and  pa 
triots,  and  not  with  any  low  hustings  motives.  We  are  charged, 
with  the  best  interests  of  the  nation,  and  if  we  do  not  fulfill  our 
trust,  appropriating  wisely  where  appropriation  will  be  wise,  I  am 
sure  that  history  will  record  that  we  have  been  faithless  to  the  re 
sponsibilities  put  upon  us.  Let  us  rise  to  the  height  of  the  occa 
sion.  Let  us  be  statesmen  in  this  matter  and  cease  this  bickering 
as  to  whether  this  congress  or  that  congress  has  spent  a  dollar 
more  or  a  dollar  less  than  some  other.  There  must  necessarily  be 
variations  in  appropriations  from  year  to  year.  I  take  it  that  one 
side  of  this  house  is  as  desirous  of  avoiding  improper  appropria 
tions  as  the  other  side.  It  is  not  a  partisan  question.  Let  us  strip 
it  of  partisanship  and  approach  this  subject  in  the  spirit  in  which  it 
should  be  considered,  for  I  am  sure,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  if  we  do  so 
we  shall  cease  such  unprofitable  criticism  as  has  already  been  made 
on  this  and  that  item,  and  shall  be  willing  to  vote  for  a  reasonable 
sum  for  the  protection  and  the  promotion  of  the  interests  of  this 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  347 

nation,  and  the  greatest  nation  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  a  nation 
ihat  in  the  lifetime  of  some  gentlemen  on  this  floor,  is  to  number  a 
population  of  more  than  one  hundred  millions  of  people ;  a  nation 
that  stands  for  all  that  is  noble,  for  all  that  relates  to  the  advance 
ment  of  human  liberty;  a  nation  that  is  the  hope  of  the  world." 

This  lofty  sentiment  was  greeted  with  prolonged  applause.  It 
was  a  kind  rebuke  to  the  critics  on  the  Democratic  side,  none  of 
whom  replied.  This  speech  was  liberally  used  as  a  campaign  docu 
ment  by  the  Republican  national  committee. 

Mr.  Dingley,  on  his  sixtieth  birthday  (February  15),  recorded  in 
his  diary :  "I  can  hardly  realize  it,  for  I  seem  as  lithe  and  young  as 
I  did  thirty  years  ago.  The  fact  remains,  however,  that  I  am  pass 
ing  the  milestone."  March  6,  he  presided  and  spoke  at  the  Con 
gregational  Temperance  society  anniversary  in  Washington.  He 
was  re-elected  president. 

As  the  business  of  the  house  progressed,  the  quarrel  between 
the  two  factions  of  the  Democratic  party  became  more  evident.  On 
the  eighteenth  of  February  Mr.  Bland  undertook  to  crush  Mr. 
Harter  of  Ohio,  a  Cleveland  champion,  and  an  opponent  of  free  sil 
ver.  The  latter  in  a  circular  letter  to  commanders  of  Grand  Army 
posts,  denounced  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver,  as  injuri 
ous  to  all  veteran  soldiers  drawing  pensions.  The  debate  between 
Bland  z.nd  Harter  was  sharp  and  at  times  acrimonious,  much  to  the 
amusement  of  the  Republicans.  The  Democratic  party  was  dis 
comfited  by  the  frequent  factional  controversies  in  the  house,  and 
was  further  weakened  by  the  decision  of  the  United  States 
supreme  court  on  the  last  day  of  February,  sustaining  the  counting 
of  a  quorum  by  Speaker  Reed  in  the  fifty-first  congress  and  sustain 
ing  the  constitutionality  of  the  McKinley  tariff  act  of  1890.  The 
court  unanimously  decided,  first,  that  the  Dingley  worsted  act 
passed  by  the  action  of  Speaker  Reed  in  counting  a  quorum  of 
members  present  but  not  voting,  was  enated  by  a  legal  quorum; 
second,  that  the  reciprocity  act  gave  the  executive  no  legislative 
power. 

The  Democrats  were  making  a  political  issue  of  appropriations, 
attempting  to  create  the  impression  that  they  were  economical  and 
the  Republicans  extravagant.  General  appropriation  bills  were 
pared  down  in  the  house ;  but  it  was  observed  that  many  Democrats 
(including  Mr.  Holman  of  Indiana)  voted  for  appropriations  for 
public  buildings  in  their  districts.  The  object  of  this  was  obvious. 
In  order  to  bring  these  economical  members  from  under  cover,  Mr. 
Dingley  presented  a  resolution  for  reference,  that  "it  is  inexpedient 


348  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

at  the  present  session,  to  appropriate  money  for  public  buildings 
that  have  been  ordered,  thus  leaving  these  appropriations  to  be 
made  next  winter  after  the  next  presidential  election,  when  the 
issue  of  appropriations  and  economy  will  no  longer  be  a  part  of  the 
Democratic  program."  The  resolution  was  referred  to  a  commit 
tee  and  there  suppressed.  Mr.  Dingley  again  called  attention  to  the 
method  pursued  by  the  controlling  party,  when  the  District  of 
Columbia  bill  was  under  consideration.  He  said  that  the  economy 
proposed  would  simply  cripple  and  retard  public  work  in  Washing 
ton,  and  the  next  congress  would  be  called  upon  to  appropriate 
more  money  than  usual  to  complete  the  work. 

Monday,  March  7,  was  a  field  day  in  the  house.  The  resolution 
reported  by  the  committee  on  rules  to  set  apart  three  days  for  the 
consideration  of  the  free  silver  bill,  was,  after  a  sharp  fight,  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  190  to  85.  Thus  completely  was  the  house  in  the  con 
trol  of  the  free  silver  Democrats.  Many  Republicans  voted  for  the 
resolution  feeling  that  this  important  matter  should  be  met  and  de 
cided  at  once.  A  consideration  of  the  question  would  compel  every 
member  of  the  house  to  show  his  colors.  Debate  on  the  bill  to  admit 
silver  to  free  and  unlimited  coinage  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i,  began 
in  the  house  March  22.  Mr.  Bland  of  Missouri  opened  the  debate  in 
a  speech  of  great  length.  He  argued  in  favor  of  the  bill.  The  sil 
ver  question  was  exhausted  as  it  was  never  exhausted  before  in  de 
bate.  The  discussion  covered  over  two  hundred  pages  of  the  con 
gressional  record.  On  the  third  day  (March  24)  Mr.  Dingley  spoko 
against  the  bill.  l  He  closed  with  these  words :  "In  the  interest  of 
farmers  and  workingmen,  in  the  interest  of  all  classes,  I  appeal  to 
this  house  to  at  once  lay  upon  the  table  the  pending  bill,  which  is 
already  creating  business  distrust  and  injuring  the  material  inter 
ests  of  the  people,  and  thereby  announce  to  the  country  that  there 
is  on  further  danger  at  present  from  mischievous  schemes  to  depre 
ciate  the  standard  by  which  values  are  compared,  and  disorder  the 
currency  in  which  business  is  transacted."  The  battle  waged  far 
into  the  night.  The  sergeant-at-arms  was  called  to  preserve  order 
and  the  excited  members  refused  to  take  their  seats.  A  call  of  the 
house  was  ordered  but  a  quorum  could  not  be  mustered.  Finally 
at  thirty  minutes  past  midnight,  Mr.  Bland,  realizing  that  no  busi 
ness  could  be  done,  moved  that  the  house  adjourn.  This  was  done 
and  the  bill  thus  failed  to  pass.  There  was  great  rejoicing  among 
the  opponents  of  the  measure. 

An  analysis  of  the  vote  on  this  free  silver  coinage  bill,  showed 

1 — See  Appendix. 


JOHN  D.  LONG.     A.  J.  HOPKINS. 
JOHN  DALZELL.     AMOS  J.  CUMMINGS. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  349 

that  66  per  cent  of  the  Democrats  in  the  house  and  only  fifteen 
per  cent  of  the  Republicans  were  in  favor  of  the  bill.  In 
view  of  this  fact  it  appears  that  the  success  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  the  approaching  campaign  would  mean  free  silver  coinage.  Not 
withstanding  the  charge  that  it  was  Mr.  Cleveland's  influence  that 
defeated  this  free  silver  coinage  bill,  nevertheless  he  was  nominated 
by  his  party.  But  when  elected,  he  refused  to  be  guided  by  the 
views  of  the  majority  of  his  supporters  on  the  money  question,  and 
was  therefore  practically  driven  out  of  his  party  as  then  constituted. 

Debate  on  the  tariff  began  in  the  house  March  9,  on  the  bill  to 
place  wool  on  the  free  list  and  to  reduce  the  duties  on  woolen 
goods.  This  bill  was  made  a  text  for  a  violent  attack  on  the  Mc- 
Kinley  law  and  the  whole  system  of  pretection  represented  by  the 
Republican  party.  Mr.  McMilHn  of  Tennessee  opened  the  debate, 
making  a  strong  plea  for  a  low  tariff  and  "a  reduction  of  taxes."  He 
closed  with  this  challenge :  "Let  the  battle  wage,  and  the  fiercer 
the  better,  until  some  recognition  is  given  to  the  principle  that 
taxes  should  be  levied  and  collected  for  the  support  of  the, govern 
ment  rather  than  for  the  oppression  of  the  many  at  the  behest  and 
for  the  benefit  of  the  few." 

Mr.  Dingley  was  put  forward  by  the  Republicans  to  answer  Mr. 
McMillin  and  to  present  the  main  argument 1  in  defense  of  the  Re 
publican  policy  and  the  McKinley  law.  He  began  speaking  at  half 
past  two  in  the  afternoon  and  spoke  for  two  hours.  When  a  motion 
was  made  to  adjourn  there  were  cries  of  "Let  him  go  on."  But  at 
his  request,  because  he  was  fatigued,  the  house  adjourned  and  he 
was  given  permission  to  complete  his  speech  on  the  following  day. 
He  spoke  for  an  hour  the  next  day;  and  at  the  close  there  was  pro 
longed  applause  on  both  sides  of  the  house.  Throughout  his  re 
marks  he  was  interrupted  by  members  on  the  Democratic  side.  Mr. 
Bryan  of  Nebraska  (a  new  member)  plied  frequent  questions  with  a 
view  of  disconcerting  Mr.  Dingley,  whereupon  Mr.  Johnson  of  In 
diana  sarcastically  suggested  that  "the  gentleman  from  Nebraska, 
on  account  of  his  being  a  new  member  and  on  account  of  his  well 
known  modesty  and  disposition  to  avoid  being  brought  into  undue 
prominence,  be  permitted  to  proceed  with  his  argument  and  that 
the  gentleman  from  Maine,  who  has  been  constantly  interrupted,  be 
required  to  sit  down  and  give  him  a  fair  chance."  This  remarkable 
addiess  of  Mr.  Dingley's  was  listened  to  attentively  by  the  members 
on  both  sides  of  the  house.  It  was  like  a  great  master  instructing 
his  pupils.  The  arguments  were  unanswerable  and  the  facts  undis- 

1 — See  Appendix. 


350  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

putable.  His  vast  store  of  information  armed  him  completely  for 
the  struggle  with  the  leaders  on  the  Democratic  side  who  re 
peatedly  sought  to  ensnare  him.  He  closed  with  these  words:  "I 
ask  gentlemen  to  bear  in  mind  that  this  country,  under  the  policy 
of  protection,  has  become  the  largest  agricultural,  the  largest 
manufacturing,  the  largest  mining,  and  the  most  prosperous 
country  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  What  has  been  accomplished  in 
the  past  under  this  policy  invites  its  continuance  for  the  future. 
Let  us  be  true  to  that  policy  which  has  carried  the  nation  to  such 
a  height  of  prosperity."  This  was  pronounced  the  ablest  tariff 
speech  in  favor  of  protection  delivered  in  the  house  during  that  ses 
sion.  Millions  of  copies  were  sent  into  the  several  states  by  the 
Republican  national  committee.  The  speech  met  with  universal 
praise  and  commendation.  Mr.  Turner  of  Georgia  followed  Mr. 
Dingley,  and  in  the  course  of  his  speech  said:  "I  commend  the 
great  tact,  judgment  and  discretion  which  the  gentlemen  on  my 
right  have  shown  in  selecting  the  able  and  distinguished  gentleman 
to  open  the  debate  for  that  side.  He  has  a  training  in  economic 
education  unsurpassed  by  that  of  any  other  man  in  his  party.  In 
the  school  of  protection  he  is  not  only  a  graduate,  but  without 
meaning  any  disparagement  of  his  political  associates  here,  he  has 
among  them  no  superior." 

March  sixteenth  Mr.  Bryan  of  Nebraska  made  an  elaborate 
speech  in  favor  of  the  bill  and  against  the  protective  tariff  policy. 
He  closed  with  these  words :  "If  it  (the  Democratic  party)  comes 
into  power  in  all  of  the  departments  of  this  government  it  will  not 
destroy  industry ;  it  will  not  injure  labor ;  but  it  will  save  to  the  men 
who  produce  the  wealth  of  the  country  a  larger  portion  of  that 
wealth.  It  will  bring  prosperity  and  joy  and  happiness,  not  to  a 
few,  but  to  everyone  without  regard  to  station  or  condition."  Sub 
sequent  history,  however,  proved  that  Mr.  Bryan  was  not  a  true 
prophet.  This  speech  called  public  attention  to  the  member  from 
Nebraska  and  helped  to  make  him  the  presidential  nominee  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  1896. 

April  26,  Mr.  Dingley  was  unanimously  renominated  for  rep 
resentative  in  congress  by  the  Republicans  of  his  district.  The  con 
vention  tendered  its  thanks  to  Mr.  Dingley  "for  the  fidelity  and  abil 
ity  with  which  he  had  represented  the  interests  of  the  people  of  his 
district,  and  for  his  very  effective  opposition  to  the  Democratic 
plans  on  the  one  hand  to  deprive  the  farmers  of  Maine  and  of  the 
country  of  the  protection  so  long  and  justly  accorded  to  so  im 
portant  a  farm  product  as  wool,  and  on  the  other  hand  to  destroy 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  351 

so  important  an  industry  and  instrument  of  national  defense  as 
ship  building  by  admitting  all  foreign  built  vessels  to  an  American 
registry  free  of  duty." 

On  the  tenth  of  May  the  house  discussed  the  sundry  civil  appro 
priation  bill,  and  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  briefly  l  relative  to  the  cam 
paign  cry,  "a  billion  dollar  congress,"  raised  by  the  Democrats, 
showing  conclusively  that  there  was  nothing  in  it.  He  presented 
the  official  figures  showing  that  the  apparent  expenditures,  includ 
ing  the  interest  on  the  war  debt,  were  three  hundred  and  fifty-five 
million  dollars  in  1891  and  three  hundred  and  forty-five  million  dol 
lars  in  1892 — seven  hundred  millions  for  the  two  years — three  hun 
dred  millions  less  than  a  billion. 

Late  in  May,  the  American  Home  Missionary  society  held  its 
sixty-sixth  annual  meeting  in  Washington.  Mr.  Dingley  pre 
sided  until  General  O.  O.  Howard  was  elected  president  on  the 
closing  night. 

March  18  and  19  while  the  sundry  civil  bill  was  under  discus 
sion,  the  silver  leaders  sought  to  have  a  free  silver  coinage  amend  • 
ment  attached.  Mr.  Dingley  made  a  point  of  order  against  the 
amendment,  which  the  chairman  sustained.  Mr.  Bland  appealed, 
but  the  committee  of  the  whole  sustained  the  chair.  This  ended 
all  attempts  at  this  session  to  pass  a  free  silver  coinage  bill  through 
the  house.  June  22,  he  spoke  briefly  on  the  general  deficiency  ap 
propriation  bill.  On  the  following  day  he  went  to  New  York, 
thence  to  New  Haven  where  one  of  his  sons  graduated  from  Yale 
university.  June  28  he  reached  Lewiston  and  on  the  following  day 
was  at  his  island  home.  Here  he  was  joined  by  his  wife,  children 
and  grandchildren;  and  once  more  the  happy  family  reunion  filled 
his  heart  with  joy.  Here  he  obtained  perfect  rest. 

Grover  Cleveland  was  nominated  for  president  by  the  national 
Democratic  party  after  a  prolonged  fight.  He  was  opposed  to  the 
attitude  of  a  majority  of  his  party  on  the  silver  question ;  but  the  in 
consistency  was  partly  concealed  by  the  adoption  of  a  platform 
that  straddled  the  money  question,  by  declaring  for  the  use  of  both 
gold  and  silver  as  the  standard  money  of  the  country,"but  the  dollar 
unit  of  coinage  of  both  metals  must  be  of  equal  intrinsic  and  ex 
changeable  value."  The  Democratic  party  seemed  to  occupy  sub 
stantially  the  same  position  that  the  Republican  party  occupied  on 
the  money  question,  both  declaring  that  the  free  coinage  of  silver 
was  impossible  except  by  international  agreement.  But  less  than 
a  month  after  the  adoption  of  this  platform,  on  the  first  day  of  July, 

1— See  Appendix. 


352  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

every  Democrat  in  the  senate  but  seven  united  with  eleven  Repub 
lican  senators  from  the  silver  producing  states,  and  passed  a  free 
silver  coinage  bill  by  a  vote  of  29  to  25.  Thus  a  majority  of  the 
Democrats  of  both  houses  stood  squarely  against  the  declaration  of 
the  Democratic  national  platform. 

July  8,  Mr.  Dingley  left  Squirrel  Island  for  Washington,  reach 
ing  there  the  following  day.  Four  days  later  the  house  by  a  vote 
of  136  to  154,  refused  to  adopt  a  rule  for  the  consideration  of  the 
senate  free  silver  bill.  This  ended  all  possibility  of  free  silver  coin 
age  legislation  at  this  session  of  congress.  Of  the  one  hundred 
and  thirty-six  votes  for  the  bill,  130  were  Democrats  and  six  were 
Republicans. 

July  19,  the  house  on  motion  of  Mr.  Dingley,  concurred  in  the 
senate  amendment  to  the  sundry  civil  appropriation  bill,  appropri 
ating  money  to  the  World's  Columbian  exposition,  closing  the  ex 
position  on  Sundays.  On  the  previous  day  Mr.  Dingley  had  ad 
dressed  the  house  l  on  the  World's  exposition,  the  importance  of 
closing  it  on  Sundays,  and  of  excluding  the  liquor  traffic  from  the 
exposition  grounds.  For  a  day  the  majority  leaders  filibustered 
over  the  bill  and  finally,  on  the  27th  of  July,  it  passed  the 
house.  The  sundry  civil  bill,  the  last,  was  passed  August  5, 
and  at  n  o'clock  at  night  the  first  session  of  the  fifty- 
second  congress  came  to  an  end.  With  a  two-thirds  majority  in 
the  house,  the  controlling  party  failed  to  enact  any  import 
ant  legislation  outside  of  the  appropriation  bills.  Mr.  Dingley's 
work  throughout  the  session  was  necessarily  largely  of  a  negative 
kind,  except  that  portion  devoted  to  the  appropriation  bills.  Here 
he  won  a  reputation  for  accuracy  and  detail  second  to  none  in  the 
house.  His  speeches,  moreover,  furnished  the  Republicans  with  a 
large  amount  of  valuable  matter  for  campaign  purposes.  Finally, 
he  served  his  country  well  by  ably  assisting  in  the  defeat  of  free 
coinage  and  the  free  admission  of  wool. 

August  7  Mr.  Dingley  left  Washington  for  his  island  home, 
reaching  there  on  the  9th.  On  the  i6th  he  entered  the  state  cam 
paign,  speaking  nearly  every  night  until  election  day  September  12. 
The  Republicans  carried  the  state  by  12,000  and  Mr.  Dingley  was 
re-elected  to  congress  by  three  thousand  seven  hundred  plurality, 
running  three  hundred  ahead  of  the  state  ticket.  One  of  the  promi 
nent  speakers  in  this  state  campaign  was  William  McKinley  of 
Ohio.  He  spent  a  night  in  Lewiston,  Maine,  and  was  entertained 
by  Mrs.  Dingley  and  her  family,  Mr.  Dingley  being  away  on  a 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  353 

stumping  tour.  At  tea,  the  conversation  naturally  drifted  to  poli 
tics  and  the  approaching  national  campaign.  Mrs.  Dingley 
ventured  to  remark  to  Mr.  McKinley :  "Mr.  Dingley  says,  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley,  that  he  would  give  more  for  your  chances  of  securing  the 
presidential  nomination  four  years  hence  than  for  the  chances  of 
any  other  man."  Mr.  McKinley  smiled  in  his  characteristic  way, 
sipped  his  tea  and  replied  diplomatically:  "Mr.  Dingley  would 
make  a  capital  secretary  of  the  treasury ;  and  if  I  am  ever  president 
I  will  urge  him  to  accept  that  place."  Subsequent  events  proved 
Mr.  Dingley's  foresight  to  be  prophetic;  and  Mr.  McKinley  kept 
his  word. 

On  Friday  following  election,  Mr.  Dingley  in  company  with 
one  of  his  sons  spent  a  week  in  Rangely  lakes  fishing  and  hunting. 
One  night  they  camped  out  in  the  forest  sleeping  on  fir  boughs, 
with  a  big  fire  at  their  feet.  He  wrote  in  his  diary :  "The  screech 
owls  made  unearthly  noises  at  intervals  through  the  night.  It  was 
a  wild  and  weird  scene.  For  breakfast  we  had  coffee  and  bread 
with  fried  pork,  using  a  log  for  a  table."  October  3  in  company 
with  his  family  he  went  to  New  York,  remaining  there  until  the 
6th.  From  this  place  he  started  on  a  stumping  tour  through  New 
York  state.  He  spoke  at  Watkins,  Owego,  Moravia,  Auburn, 
Geneva,  Charlotte,  Medina,  and  Lockport.  At  every  place  he 
was  greeted  with  immense  crowds.  He  joined  his  family  in  New 
York  city  October  14,  remaining  there. two  days.  October  17  and 
1 8  he  visited  a  son  in  Michigan,  going  to  Chicago  the  following 
day.  Here  in  company  with  his  wife  he  visited  the  Columbian  ex 
position.  As  a  member  of  the  World's  Fair  committee  he  was 
given  a  position  of  honor  in  the  grand  procession  October  21.  On 
the  24th  he  returned  to  New  York  city  going  thence  to  Middle- 
town,  Conn.,  where  he  addressed  a  political  meeting.  He  made 
political  addresses  at  Concord  and  Manchester,  N.  H.,  and  reached 
his  home  in  Lewiston  October  29th.  His  bronchial  affection  and 
throat  trouble  annoyed  him  exceedingly  and  for  several  days  he 
was  confined  to  the  house. 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1892  was  a  hard  fought  battle. 
Every  means  was  employed  to  get  out  the  voter;  but  President 
Harrison  was  defeated  and  Grover  Cleveland  elected.  The  solid 
south  and  the  so-called  independent  or  "mugwump"  vote  accom 
plished  this  result.  Five  northern  states — New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Connecticut,  Indiana  and  Illinois — went  Democratic.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said  the  day  after  election :  "While  I  believe  that  this  country 
is  so  great  and  has  such  recuperative  powers  that  it  will  prosper  to 


354  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

a  certain  extent  under  any  policy  however  unwise,  yet  we  cannot 
but  feel  that  the  placing  of  the  Democratic  party  in  power  under 
the  reactionary  tendencies  of  the  controlling  elements  of  that 
party  located  in  the  south,  will  be  deeply  regretted  by  the  American 
people  before  the  four  years  are  past.  If  the  victory  of  the  Demo 
cracy  now  shall  result  in  giving  the  Democrats  control  of  the  sen 
ate,  the  thousands  of  voters  who  have  supported  Cleveland  but  who 
have  no  faith  in  his  party,  will  have  a  rude  awakening  from  their 
dreams  of  confidence.  The  one  thing,  however,  which  has  had  the 
most  to  do  with  placing  the  Democratic  party  in  power  again,  is 
the  glamor  which  in  so  many  minds  hangs  around  Mr.  Cleveland 
because  it  is  thought  that  he  is  so  much  better  than  his  party.  If 
the  country  could  see  for  two  years  the  Democratic  tariff  policy 
and  the  Democratic  financial  policy — that  which  the  majority  and 
controlling  wing  of  the  party  believes  in,  practically  applied  before 
1896,  we  should  have  such  a  Republican  victory  at  that  time  as  has 
not  been  known  for  twenty  years."  This  was  true  political  proph 
ecy.  He  added :  "The  stern  fact  stares  us  in  the  face  that  England's 
rejoicing  over  a  policy  which  compels  us  to  give  up  manufacturing 
industries  here  and  to  transfer  them  to  Great  Britain,  may  be  in  or 
der  for  her ;  but  it  ought  to  put  us  to  shame  that  we  contemplate 
surrendering  what  legitimately  and  properly  belongs  to  our  own 
people — what  used  by  us  will  in  the  end  accomplish  the  most  for 
mankind,  on  the  false  and  unchristian  theory  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
a  nation  to  take  care  first  of  other  nations  in  the  hope  that  they  will 
turn  around  and  take  care  of  ourselves.  That  nation  does  most  for 
mankind,  just  as  that  family  does  the  most  for  society,  that  first  of 
Zi.ll  looks  to  making  the  most  of  its  own." 

The  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland  was  accomplished  largely  by  the 
cry  that  the  rich  were  growing  richer  and  the  poor  poorer.  An  ap 
peal  was  made  to  every  person  who  felt  that  he  did  not  have  his 
share  of  the  world's  riches.  It  was  promised  that  in  some  myster 
ious  way,  if  the  Democrats  were  placed  in  power,  poverty  would 
disappear  and  all  would  be  prosperous  and  happy.  Mr.  Cleveland 
said  in  his  letter  of  acceptance :  "The  workingman,  suffering  from 
the  importation  and  employment  of  pauper  labor,  instigated  by  his 
friends,  seeking  security  for  his  interests  in  organized  co-operation, 
still  waits  for  a  division  of  the  advantages  secured  by  his  employer 
under  the  cover  of  a  generous  solicitude  for  his  wages."  This  was 
a  direct  appeal  to  the  labor  vote,  and  that  vote  went  largely  to  Mr. 
Cleveland  and  assisted  materially  in  his  election.  But  as  Mr.  Elaine 
said,  soon  after  the  election :  "The  Democratic  policy  will  be 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  355 

judged  solely  by  its  fruits.  If  the  poor  do  not  become  richer  and 
the  rich  less  selfish,  Mr.  Cleveland's  theories  will  be  a  failure,  and 
the  Democratic  campaign  a  fraud." 

Another  Thanksgiving  with  its  happy  family  reunion  and  long 
ings  for  the  absent  ones,  passed  by ;  and  on  the  second  of  December 
Mr.  Dingley  was  again  at  his  post  in  Washington.  Saturday  night 
before  congress  met,  he  was  joined  by  his  devoted  wife;  and  be^ 
fore  the  open  fire  in  their  comfortable  rooms  at  the  Hamilton 
house,  they  again  took  up  the  duties  and  pleasures  of  a  Washing' 
ton  winter. 

The  second  session  of  this  congress  was  uneventful.  Both 
political  parties  seemed  to  "rest  on  their  oars"  after  the  tremen 
dous  struggle  of  the  previous  campaign.  Because  of  a  decision  on 
the  part  of  the  people  in  the  November  election  to  reverse  the  pol 
icy  of  the  government  from  protection  to  free  trade  or  a  tariff 
for  revenue  only,  it  was  a  foregone  conclusion  that  this  change 
would  be  made;  and  congress  and  the  business  world  calmly 
awaited  events.  As  President  Harrison  said  in  his  message :  "The 
friends  of  the  protective  system  with  undiminished  confidence  in 
the  principles  they  have  advocated,  will  await  the  results  of  the 
new  experiment."  He  clearly  prophesied  the  future  when  he  said : 
"A  general  process  of  wage  reduction  cannot  be  contemplated  by 
any  patriotic  citizen  without  the  gravest  apprehension."  The  mes 
sage  was  received  with  almost  universal  approval  by  the  Republi 
cans. 

The  month  of  December  passed  quietly  and  rapidly.  Practically 
nothing  was  done  by  congress  and  Mr.  Dingley  entered  into  the 
spirit  of  the  holiday  season  with  a  portion  of  his  family  with  him — 
wife,  daughter  and  two  sons.  On  the  evening  of  the  twenty-first  he 
attended  the  annual  banquet  of  the  Congregational  club  on  Fore 
father's  day,  responding  briefly  to  a  toast. 

Congress  reassembled  January  4  and  devoted  the  entire  month 
of  January  to  appropriation  bills  and  a  bill  to  repeal  the  silver  act  of 
1890,  or  the  so-called  Sherman  act.  Mr.  Cleveland  intimated  that 
he  would  favor  only  those  who  voted  for  the  repeal  bill ;  but  the  free 
silver  faction  openly  declared  that  the  bill  would  never  come  to  a 
vote  in  the  house.  They  kept  good  their  word. 

For  more  than  two  months,  former  Secretary  Elaine  had  been 
confined  to  his  house  in  Washington  by  illness.  His  condition  was 
precarious  and  his  family  and  friends  realized  that  the  great  states 
man  was  hovering  between  life  and  death.  Public  interest  in  his 
condition  was  manifest  by  the  frequent  inquiries  made  at  his  door, 


356  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  country  knew  that  the  "Plumed  Knight"  whose  personality 
was  brilliantly  stamped  on  the  history  of  his  country,  was  nearing 
the  end.  The  street  in  front  of  the  old  Seward  mansion,  facing* 
Lafayette  square  was  guarded ;  pedestrians  on  the  other  side  bowed 
their  heads  solemnly.  In  the  very  room  where  Secretary  of  State 
William  H.  Seward  was  struck  by  a  would-be  assassin  on  that  fate 
ful  night  of  April  14,  1865,  James  G.  Elaine  was  breathing  his  last. 
That  great  heart  and  mind,  that  man  who  was  the  idol  of  thousands 
of  Americans,  was  listening  to  the  last  summons.  Seven  days  after 
former  President  Hayes  was  laid  to  his  rest  at  Fremont,  Ohio,  Jan 
uary  27,  Mr.  Elaine  passed  away.  The  nation  suffered  a  great 
loss  and  Mr.  Dingley  a  personal  bereavement.  To  "Mr.  Elaine  the 
statesman,"  Mr.  Dingley  paid  this  just  and  loving  tribute : 

"So  far  as  we  have  noted,  but  one  newspaper,  and  that  mug- 
wampian,  continues  to  regard  Mr.  Elaine  as  a  failure.  A  judgment 
of  men  which  exaggerates  their  shortcomings  and  underestimates 
their  on-comings  is  not  unusual;  but,  fortunately,  it  is  unusual  to 
find  cynicism  pursuing  its  professional  prejudice  to  the  very  gates 
of  death.  Washington,  Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Webster,  Clay,  Cal- 
houn,  Tilden,  and  other  eminent  statesmen,  had  their  bitter  critics 
in  life,  but  discriminating  and  kindly  judgment  in  death.  All  had 
their  faults,  but  the  country  today  would  be  poorer  had  it  been 
without  great  party  leaders  whose  talents  and  virtues  the  world 
gladly  and  dutifully  makes  more  conspicuous  than  those  undis 
guised  shortcomings  which  political  complacency  can  see  in  others 
but  which  it  is  incapable  of  discovering  where  candor  should  be  at 
home. 

"We  now  see  not  at  all,  or  but  casually,  the  aristocratic  spirit  of 
Washington,  the  dogmatism  of  Hamilton,  the  compromises  in  the 
character  of  the  statesman  of  the  pro-slavery  epoch.  The  angular 
ity  and  apparent  want  of  seriousness  in  Lincoln,  satirized  and  bur 
lesqued  while  he  lived,  now  are  seen  to  be  the  fascination  and  sup 
port  of  his  life.  We  see  the  greatness  of  these  heroes  as  we  see 
Shakespeare's  greatness  even  while  he  vs  violating  the  law  or  fool 
ing  with  the  gospel.  There  are  always  sides  of  failure  in  all  great 
success,  whether  at  Austerlitz  or  at  Washington ;  but  we  believe 
that  the  judgment  of  future  candor  will  pronounce  James  G,  Elaine 
to  be  one  of  the  few  political  geniuses  of  the  American  nu'.r*  in  the 
nineteenth  century. 

"Mr.  Elaine  possessed  not  only  fine  forecast  but  fine  creative 
gifts.  He  was  the  first  public  man  in  this  country  to  divine  the  so 
cial  secret  of  the  southern  question.  He  first  philosophically  an- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  357 

alyzed  the  grievance  of  American  labor,  which  lies  south  of  the 
Ohio  river — tolerated,  like  the  evils  of  the  grog  shop,  simply  be 
cause  they  seem  to  be  in  the  order  of  nature.  He  was  the  first  to 
discern  the  perils  of  importing  low  standards  of  life — the  crux  of 
the  immigration  question — and,  as  secretary  of  state,  he  made  it 
the  subject  of  a  special  investigation  which  was  the  basis  of  our 
present  restrictive  legislation.  Long  before  the  average  mind  had 
discovered  the  protective  harmony  possible  between  free  trade  and 
fair  trade,  Mr.  Elaine  threw  his  mighty  influence  for  the  measures 
which  dovetail  American  protection  with  the  development  of  our 
foreign  commerce.  The  social  and  economic  issues  of  the  time, 
whether  absolutely  domestic  or  relatively  international,  Mr.  Elaine 
forecasted  with  the  prophetic  insight  which  characterizes  states 
manship  and  which  prevents  rather  than  arrests  social  disaster. 
They  called  him  a  Jingo,  but  in  the  office  of  secretary  of  state  Mr. 
Elaine  did  as  much  for  international  courtesy  as  he  did  for  inter 
national  enterprise.  It  is  perhaps  not  too  much  to  say  that  in  do 
ing  the  work  of  half  a  dozen  men  as  premier,  he  hastened  the  sad 
physical  crisis  through  which  he  is  now  passing. 

"Mr.  Elaine  was  as  cosmopolitan  in  his  intellect  as  in  his  heart. 
His  speeches  were  safely  capable  of  transmission  to  cold  type. 
They  read  well.  His  incisive  english  is  the  vehicle  of  ripe  thought 
Whether  he  wrote  of  'Twenty  Years  of  Congress'  or  helped  to 
create  Twenty  Years  in  Congress,  his  genius  shone  as  bright  in 
what  he  said  as  in  what  he  did.  He  had  the  horizons  of  history  be 
fore  him,  whether  he  handled  the  pen  or  the  voice  of  which  he  was 
master.  His  cyclopedec  acquaintance  with  American  politics  and 
with  the  origins  of  our  government,  was  not  the  result  of  cyclo 
pedic  labor,  but  the  life  of  our  history  was  in  his  fibre.  Hence,  when 
there  were  lances  to  be  broken  in  debate,  prodigies  of  intellectual 
grasp,  of  historic  resources  and  of  emotional  fire  were  the  normal 
consequence.  A  memory  which  was  a  phenomenon,  ransacked  the 
uttermost  corners  of  all  Anglo-Saxon  politics  for  precedents  and 
sought  out  universal  man  in  universal  history  for  illustration  and 
citation.  And,  thus,  this  man  seemed  to  be  stored  not  only  with 
apt  recollections  of  the  dead  of  the  historic  world,  but  with  the 
ability  to  resuscitate  and  rally  the  world  of  yesterday  to  do  battle 
for  the  world  of  today.  None  who  have  heard  Elaine  in  the  heat  of 
debate,  but  have  marveled  at  the  wonderful  balance  maintained  be 
tween  the  precision  of  his  head  and  the  fire  of  his  heart.  There  is 
plenty  of  heat  in  the  world  and  plenty  of  rendered  reasons,  but  it 
is  the  man  who  can  fuse  without  confusing,  always  impressing  you 


358  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

that,  splendid  as  is  his  power,  he  has  not  found  it  necessary  to  bring 
out  his  reserves — that  man  is  master  of  the  situation  in  first  being 
master  of  himself.  When  you  can  make  men  believe  that  success  in 
debate,  on  the  platform,  in  statesmanship,  in  diplomacy  and  in  lit 
erature,  is  failure,  then  you  can  successfully  write  Elaine  into 
oblivion. 

"We  are  all  failures  in  some  respects.  Mr.  Elaine  is  a  Titan 
and  a  man — and  saying  that  is  saying  that  he  is  not  perfect,  not  all 
(we  may  safely  assume)  that  he  wanted  to  be,  and,  for  that  mat 
ter,  none  but  the  mugwumps  of  our  degeneration,  reach  their 
ideals.  But  as  for  the  dominant  purpose  of  his  life,  Mr.  Elaine  is 
right.  In  his  domestic,  social  and  personal  relationships  the  blue- 
fires  of  hostility  found  only  what  was  wholesome.  His  large,  mag 
nanimous  nature  made  him  incapable  of  grudging.  He  neither  har 
bored  animosity  nor  anchored  intolerance.  He  could  see  good 
even  on  the  wrong  side ;  he  was  thus  able  to  put  himself  in  the  place 
of  men  dissentient  in  religion  and  in  politics.  Protestant  or  Catho 
lic,  he  is  large  enough  to  see  the  man.  He  has  the  habit  of  concilia 
tion,  but  this  talent  for  peace  is  such  as  endows  the  greatest  men 
for  necessary  war.  He  is  a  man  of  that  unique  quality  of  head  and 
heart  which  never  sulks  in  tents,  which  will  go  half  way  and,  fail 
ing,  will  go  yet  a  little 'further.  To  call  such  a  life  a  failure,  is  to 
aggrandize  the  trifles  and  forget  the  man. 

"We  write  these  words  not  because  we  worship  heroes,  but  be 
cause  we  recognize  the  fact  that  men  are  not  alike  and  that  there 
are  giants  in  these  days — men,  like  Gladstone  and  Elaine,  who,  for 
two  generations  in  our  time,  have  led  great  parliamentary  battles 
and  great  popular  movements, — men  who  in  deed  and  in  word  re 
veal  the  genius  of  leadership,  that  rare  co-ordination  of  sympa 
thetic  and  intellectual  forces,  which  expresses  just  what  the  people 
are  groping  for  and  just  what  they  want  tangibly  embodied  and 
effectively  declared. 

"And  now,  while  this  eminent  leader  of  political  thought  and  life 
in  the  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  lies  calmly  waiting  the 
summons  of  his  Master  to  another  life,  we  rejoice  in  the  fact  that 
while  no  life  is  ideal,  death  which  is  realization,  blots  out  prejudice, 
misjudgment  and  party  strife,  and  leaves  the  hero  while  removing1 
the  man." 

Mr.  Dingley  also  contributed  an  article  1  to  the  New  York  Inde 
pendent  of  February  2,  1893,  on  his  recollections  and  estimate  of 
Mr.  Elaine.  Of  this  article  the  Independent  said :  "No  article  that 

1— See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  359 

will  be  written  about  Mr.  Elaine  will  be  read  with  more  satisfaction 
than  this  interesting  and  valuable  sketch  from  Mr.  Dingley's  prac 
ticed  pen."  1 

The  house  began  consideration  of  the  legislative  appropriation 
bill  February  7.  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  2  in  explanation  of  the  bill  and 
the  appropriations  made  by  the  fifty-second  congress.  February 
14  the  pension  appropriation  bill  was  under  discussion  and  Mr. 
Dingley  addressed  2  the  house  on  pension  legislation.  In  speaking 
of  the  nation's  duty  to  the  soldiers  he  said :  "The  nation  which  has 
been  saved  by  such  devotion  deserves  to  live  no  longer  if  it  fails, 
not  as  an  act  of  charity,  but  as  an  act  of  grateful  recognition,  aye, 
as  an  act  of  justice,  to  make  good  so  far  as  pensions  can  do  this,  the 
impairment  of  limb,  health,  or  vigor,  which  has  been  the  direct  or 
indirect  result  of  service  for  the  nation.  And  the  measure  of  such 
pensions  is  very  different  in  a  nation  like  ours,  which  relies  on  its 
citizens  to  volunteer  in  the  hour  of  need,  from  what  it  is  in  the 
case  of  a  nation  which  maintains  a  large  regular  army  for  its  de 
fence." 

The  fight  in  the  house  over  the  pension  bill  was  a  part  of  the 
program  laid  down  by  Mr.  Cleveland  and  his  friends.  It  was  pro 
posed  to  transfer  the  pension  bureau  to  the  war  department,  to  re 
duce  the  boards  of  surgeons  to  one  member,  to  pay  all  pensioners 
from  Washington,  and  to  amend  the  act  of  1890  so  as  to  give  no 
pensions  to  soldiers  under  the  act  unless  entirely  disabled  from 
manual  labor.  Mr.  Dingley  successfully  led  the  opposition  to  these 
assaults.  This  move  on  the  part  of  the  Cleveland  Democrats 
against  the  old  soldiers  created  an  impression  that  the  raid  would 
be  renewed  at  the  next  session.  One  thing  that  greatly  weakened 
the  attack  at  this  time  was  the  effective  manner  in  which  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  arraigned  the  southern  leaders  for  denouncing  the  pensioning 
of  union  soldiers  for  disabilities  not  proven  to  have  originated  in 
the  service,  when  every  one  of  these  southern  men  voted  several 
years  before  to  pension  even  more  liberally,  Mexican  soldiers  for 
exactly  similar  disabilities. 

1 — Walter  Wellman,  the  Washington  correspondent,  wrote  in  November,  1896: 
"Mr.  Dingley  has  been  fortunate  in  his  friendships.  For  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century  he  and  Mr.  Blaine  were  near  to  one  another.  Mr.  Elaine  set  so  high  an 
estimate  upon  the  sagacity  of  Mr.  Dingley  that  he  never  took  an  important  step 
in  politics  or  public  life  without  first  talking  with  the  modest  editor  from  Lewis- 
ton.  Mr.  Dingley  was  his  mentor.  Other  men  had  the  reputation  of  being  nearer 
to  him.  They  cared  more  for  publicity.  They  loved  more  to  bask  in  the  sun 
shine  of  that  splendid  presence.  But  under  the  surface,  in  the  background,  was 
this  well  balanced,  thoughtful,  logical  journalist  and  congressman,  to  whom  Mr. 
Blaine  always  turned  with  his  greatest  perplexities  and  greatest  secrets.  'Mr. 
Blaine  was  one  of  the  greatest  men  the  world  ever  knew,"  says  Gov.  Dingley. 
'He  was  a  full  man  as  Shakespeare  put  it.'  " 

2 — See  Appendix. 


3^0  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

On  the  evening  of  February  14  he  attended  the  annual  dinner  of 
the  Washington  alumni  of  Bowdoin  college  and  made  an  address. 

The  closing  days  of  the  fifty-second  congress  were  full  of  hard 
work  by  Mr.  Dingley  on  the  appropriation  bills.  He  was  up  all 
night  before  the  last  day,  and  at  noon  on  the  fourth  of  March,  wit 
nessed  with  tired  eyes  and  wearied  brain,  the  inauguration  of  Presi 
dent  Cleveland.  A  brilliant  procession  of  forty  thousand  men 
marched  through  the  snow  and  sleet ;  at  the  appointed  hour  the 
oath  of  ofiice  was  administered  to  the  new  president  and  vice  presi 
dent  ;  and  the  change  af  administration  commanded  by  the  people, 
began.  The  epoch  upon  which  the  country  was  now  entering  was 
important  because  of  the  gravity  of  the  financial  and  economic 
problems  to  be  solved  in  the  face  of  changed  political  and  industrial 
conditions. 

President  Cleveland's  inaugural  address  advocated  a  sound  and 
stable  currency  and  said  that  "the  verdict  of  the  voters  which  con 
demned  the  injustice  of  maintaining  protection  for  protection's 
sake,  enjoins  upon  the  people's  servants  the  duty  of  exposing  and 
destroying  the  most  of  the  kindred  evils  which  are  the  unwhole 
some  progeny  of  paternalism."  Referring  to  the  decree  of  the  peo 
ple  in  favor  of  tariff  reform,  the  president  said :  "Our  task  must  be 
undertaken  wisely  and  without  vindictiveness.  Our  mission  is  not 
punishment  but  rectification  of  wrong." 

Of  President  Cleveland's  inaugural,  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "Mr. 
Cleveland's  platform  sweeps  from  the  horizon  all  forms  of  protec 
tive  legislation.  Pensions,  tariffs,  reciprocity,  liberal  mail  pay  to 
shipping  and  all  that,  Mr.  Cleveland  thinks  smacks  of  paternalism. 
He  forgets  that  the  great  movement  of  modern  legislation  in 
Europe  as  well  as  in  Australia  and  the  new  world,  is  towards  econ 
omic  justice — that  is,  toward  the  protection  which  he  stigmatizes  as 
paternalism.  No  student  of  modern  society  is  blind  to  this  move 
ment;  no  observer  of  that  society  fails  to  see  in  that  movement  the 
emergency  of  a  new  science  of  political  economy  to  which  import 
ant  legislation  is  fast  becoming  responsive.  The  old  political  econ 
omy  is  avoided  in  the  advanced  schools,  and  is  notably  being  side 
tracked  by  the  tendencies  even  of  English  law.  The  old  econo 
mists  were  sure  of  their  facts  and  drew  formidable  conclusions 
therefrom — but  they  forgot  man.  Human  nature  is  the  overlooked 
factor  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  system  of  political  thought.  But  human 
nature,  which  is  but  slowly  modified,  must  ever  be  reckoned  with, 
and  when  in  fighting  paternalism  in  government,  a  party  forgets 
fraternalism  as  a  factor  in  legislation  as  do  Mr.  Cleveland  and  his 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  361 

followers  in  contesting  the  present  economic  policy  of  the  Repub 
lican  party,  we  beg  to  predict  that  before  he  runs  his  race  he  will 
encounter  obstacles  in  the  nature  of  things  which  at  present  he 
seems  to  be  unable  to  forsee  and  unwilling  to  forebode." 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  congress,  Mr.  Dingley 
in  company  with  his  wife,  daughter  and  two  sons,  sailed  for  Europe. 
They  departed  from  New  York  March  7,  visiting  many  points  in' 
England,  Scotland,  France,  Germany,  Switzerland  and  Italy.  This 
trip  was  taken  entirely  for  his  health.  When  in  London  Mr.  Ding- 
ley,  through  the  courtesy  of  Minister  Lincoln,  was  enabled  to  hear 
the  closing  debates  on  the  Home  Rule  bill  in  the  house  of  com 
mons.  He  wrote  home  his  impressions  of  that  debate  as  follows : 
"During  the  brief  replies  of  ministers  to  inquiries,  I  had  the  oppor 
tunity  of  hearing  Gladstone,  who  seemed  but  little  older  than  he  did 
when  I  heard  him  fourteen  years  ago — the  most  remarkable  states 
man  of  84  years  now  living ;  Morley,  who  looks  more  like  a  dissent 
ing  minister  than  a  prominent  political  leader;  Asquith,  who  has  a 
scholarly,  classical  face ;  Chamberlain,  who  is  a  born  controversial 
ist;  and  Balfour,  who  leads  the  Tories  in  the  house,  but  does  not 
impress  me  as  a  man  of  weight.  *  *  *  At  five  o'clock  the 
speaker  in  a  squeaking  voice  that  could  not  have  been  heard  ten 
feet  in  our  huge  and  noisy  house  hall,  announced  that  the  home  rule 
debate  would  be  resumed. 

"Thereupon  Mr.  William  Sexton,  the  Irish  leader,  who  had 
been  selected  to  speak  for  the  Irish  Nationalists,  was  recognized 
and  began  a  very  interesting,  eloquent  and  effective  speech  for 
home  rule  in  Ireland.  Sexton  speaks  like  a  member  of  our  house — 
without  hesitation,  direct  and  in  words  enunciated  with  distinct 
ness.  This  is  in  marked  contrast  with  the  hesitating,  shuffling,  in 
coherent  style  of  speaking  of  most  of  the  English  members — Glad 
stone  excepted.  As  Sexton  proceeded  he  paid  his  respects  to  Bal 
four,  and  the  Tory  leader  attempted  to  reply,  but  proved  no  match 
for  Sexton.  Then  Sexton  turned  to  Chamberlain  and  worsted  him 
most  effectually  in  a  brief  controversy.  Sexton's  tribute  to  Glad 
stone  was  most  eloquent  and  touching  and  called  forth  a  perfect 
storm  of  'hear,  hear,'  (the  English  method  of  cheering)  from  the 
Irish  members.  Sexton  spoke  for  two  hours  and  the  hall  was 
crowded  in  every  part  with  intent  listeners. 

"Gladstone  paid  Sexton  strict  attention,  and  seemed  delighted 
with  every  word.  Balfour  sat  with  his  hat  drawn  over  his  eyes  (for 
in  parliament  members  sit  with  their  hats  on),  twisting  from  side  to 
side  as  Sexton  impaled  him.  Chamberlain  stood  it  as  long  as  he 


362  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

could  and  then  walked  out.  And  yet  Sexton's  manner  was  as  quiet 
as  though  he  was  telling  a  good  story  to  his  friends,  his  voice  clear 
and  conversational  and  his  gestures  few  and  simple.  He  is  ac 
counted  one  of  the  best  speakers  in  the  commons  and  this  speech, 
which  continued  for  two  hours,  and  was  received  now  with  cheers 
and  now  with  roars  of  laughter,  fully  sustained  his  reputation. 

"As  soon  as  Sexton  concluded,  the  Tories  put  forward  an  Ulster 
member  to  reply,  but  his  speech  fell  flat  and  emptied  the  house. 
Even  Balfour  could  not  stem  the  tide,  although  he  pictured  lugu 
briously  the  ruin  that  would  follow  (as  he  said)  home  rule,  which  is 
simply  granting  to  Ireland  the  same  measure  of  local  rule  in  do 
mestic  matters  that  the  people  of  each  of  our  states  have. 

"After  a  recess  of  half  an  hour  for  dinner,  the  commons  re 
sumed  and  John  Morley  summed  up  the  case  for  the  government. 
Morley  is  a  very  poor  speaker,  but  nevertheless  the  matter  of  his 
speech  was  very  able  and  effective. 

"After  a  brief  attack  on  home  rule  by  Lord  Randolph  Churchill, 
whose  reputation  as  a  speaker  is  due  to  his  rollicking  and  sensa 
tional  manner ;  and  a  brief  concluding  speech  by  Gladstone,  who  al 
ways  speaks  ably  and  eloquently,  the  commons  divided,  and  the 
home  rule  bill  was  passed  to  a  second  reading  by  43  majority.  The 
Irish  members  on  the  announcement  of  the  result  rose  as  one  man 
and  united  in  most  tremendous  cheers  that  fairly  shook  the  old  halL 
while  the  Liberals  generally  were  jubilant.  The  Tories  or  Union 
ists  (as  they  now  call  themselves)  sat  in  gloomy  silence,  merely 
pointing  across  the  hall  to  the  house  of  lords,  which  is  expected  to 
defeat  the  bill.  It  was  the  conclusion  of  a  great  debate  of  a  great 
cause  that  is  destined  to  become  historical. 

"There  is  one  advantage  that  the  house  of  commons  has  over 
our  house,  and  this  is  that  it  sits  in  a  much  smaller  hall  with  so 
small  a  body  of  visitors  in  the  galleries  that  no  confusion  arises ;  and 
consequently  the  hall  is  quiet  always  and  every  speaker  can  be 
heard.  It  is  only  occasionally  that  our  house  becomes  so  quiet  that 
every  word  can  be  distinctly  heard.  Ordinarily  only  a  few  members 
with  stentorian  voices  can  be  heard  in  our  representatives'  hall — 
a  fact  which  makes  genuine  debate  much  more  rare  than  it  should 
be." 

He  reached  New  York  on  his  return  from  Europe  July  22,  and 
on  the  following  Monday  was  once  more  at  his  home  in  Lewiston, 
refreshed  and  invigorated  by  his  sojourn  abroad.  He  secured  a 
few  days  rest  at  his  summer  home  where  with  his  children  and 
grandchildren  he  enjoyed  the  happiest  moments  of  his  life.  August 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  363 

4,  four  generations  of  Dingley's  in  the  male  line  direct — great 
grandfather,  grandfather,  father  and  son — sat  about  the  family 
board  at  this  island  home.  It  was  a  memorable  day — one  to  which 
all  the  members  of  the  family  frequently  referred.  Mr.  Dingley's 
father  was  84  years  old,  vigorous  in  mind  and  body.  By  the  blazing- 
fire  at  this  summer  home  the  grandfather  related  to  the  family  cir 
cle  in  his  quaint  and  dry  way,  stories  of  his  early  experiences.  His 
greatgrandson  and  greatgranddaughter,  sat  on  his  knees  hours  at 
a  time  listening  to  his  inimitable  tales.  Oh  the  sweet  memory  of 
those  happy  days ! 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
1893-1895. 

For  three  months  succeeding  the  inauguration  of  President 
Cleveland  March  4,  1893,  the  business  of  the  country  was  demor 
alized.  A  money  panic  seized  the  financial  world.  Mills  and  fac 
tories  were  shut  down  and  men  thrown  out  of  employment.  Bank 
and  commercial  failures  increased.  So  depressed  was  the  iron  and 
steel  trade  that  every  wire  nail  factory  in  the  country  shut  down. 
The  gold  reserve  declined,  and  the  credit  of  the  nation  was  im 
paired.  Alarmed  over  the  situation,  President  Cleveland  called 
congress  together  in  extra  session  August  7.  Mr.  Dingley  left 
Maine  for  Washington  August  5,  arriving  there  the  following  day. 
He  took  his  old  rooms  at  the  Hamilton  house. 

Monday,  August  7,  the  fifty-third  congress  met  in  extraordi 
nary  session  summoned  by  President  Cleveland  because  "the  dis 
trust  and  apprehension  concerning  the  financial  situation,  which 
pervade  all  business  circles,  Have  already  caused  great  loss  and 
damage  to  our  people,  and  threatened  to  cripple  our  merchants, 
stop  the  wheels  of  manufacture,  and  bring  distress  and  privation  to 
our  farmers  and  withhold  from  our  workingmen  the  wage  of  labor." 
Mr.  Crisp  was  elected  speaker,  receiving  214  votes  to  122  for  Mr 
Reed  and  7  for  Mr.  Simpson. 

In  this  congress  were  many  of  the  old  leaders — Gates  and 
Wheeler  of  Alabama ;  Crisp  and  Turner  of  Georgia ;  Hopkins, 
Springer  and  Cannon  of  Illinois ;  Holman,  Johnson  and  Bynum  of 
Indiana ;  Henderson,  Lacey,  Hepburn  and  Dolliver  of  Iowa ;  Reed, 
Dingley,  Milliken  and  Boutelle  of  Maine ;  Burrows  of  Michigan ; 
Catchings  of  Mississippi;  Hatch,  Dockery,  DeArmond  and  Bland 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  365 

of  Missouri ;  Bryan  of  Nebraska ;  Fellows,  Ray  and  Payne  of  New 
York;  Johnson  of  North  Dakota;  Grosvenor  and  Outhwaite  of 
Ohio;  Bingham  and  Dalzell  of  Pennsylvania;  McMillin  and  Rich 
ardson  of  Tennessee;  Bailey  and  Savers  of  Texas;  Wilson  of  West 
Virginia;  Babcock  of  Wisconsin.  Among  the  new  members  who 
appeared  in  the  house  this  session  and  who  subsequently  took 
prominent  positions  were :  Cousins  of  Iowa,  McCall  of  Massa 
chusetts,  Tawney  and  McCleary  of  Minnesota,  Meiklejohn  of  Ne 
braska,  McDowell  of  Pennsylvania  and  Swanson  of  Virginia. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  placed  on  the  committees  on  appropriations, 
and  coinage  weights  and  measures. 

President  Cleveland's  message  charged  the  unfortunate  plight 
of  the  nation  "to  congressional  legislation  touching  the  purchase 
and  coinage  of  silver  by  the  general  government."  This  legislation 
known  as  the  Sherman  act,  he  considered  "a  truce  after  a  long 
struggle  between  the  advocates  of  free  silver  coinage  and  those  in 
tending  to  be  more  conservative."  The  president  recommended 
the  prompt  repeal  of  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  July  14,  1890,  au 
thorizing  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion,  "and  that  other  legislative 
action  may  put  beyond  all  doubt  or  mistake  the  intention  and  the 
ability  of  the  government  to  fulfill  its  pecuniary  obligations  in 
money  universally  recognized  by  all  civilized  countries." 

In  commenting  on  the  causes  of  the  financial  panic,  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said :  "The  difficulties  which  surround  the  silver  question  have 
arisen  from  the  decline  of  silver  from  its  old  price  of  a  dollar  and 
twenty-nine  cents  an  ounce  to  its  present  price  of  about  seventy 
cents  per  ounce.  In  1890  the  free  silver  coinage  sentiment  revived 
with  such  force,  and  received  such  support  from  more  than  three- 
fourths  of  the  Democrats,  as  made  it  probable  that  with  the  aid  of 
a  small  body  of  Republican  silver  men,  free  coinage  would  be  car 
ried  through  the  house,  as  it  had  been  through  the  senate.  In  this 
situation,  and  to  test  the  soundness  of  the  view  of  the  silver  men' 
that  the  use  of  the  American  product  of  silver  as  money  would 
bring  silver  to  par  with  gold,  the  Republicans,  who  then  had  a  small 
majority  in  the  two  houses,  passed  a  bill  repealing  the  act  of  1878 
and  providing  for  the  purchase  at  market  rates  of  four  and  one  half 
million  ounces  of  silver  per  month — substantially  the  American 
product — and  the  issue  of  legal  tender  treasury  notes  for  the  pay 
ment  of  the  same.  The  failure  of  the  international  silver  confer 
ence  of  last  winter  (1892-3)  and  the  act  of  1890,  caused  a  further 
decline  in  the  price  of  silver  and  still  the  treasury  was  obliged  to 
buy  silver.  But  there  would  have  been  no  trouble  from  silver  pur- 


366  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

chases  this  year,  if  the  Democratic  majority  in  congress  and  Secre 
tary  Carlisle  had  not  refused  to  take  measures  to  protect  our  gold 
reserve.  Before  congress  adjourned  it  was  evident  that  the  de 
mand  for  gold  in  Europe  would  lead  to  calls  on  our  reserve,  which 
would  be  liable  to  cause  distrust  of  our  ability  and  disposition  to 
maintain  the  parity  of  our  currency  with  gold  unless  measures  were 
taken  to  assure  the  country  and  the  world  that  we  proposed  to  keep 
up  the  hundred  million  gold  reserve.  Accordingly,  after  consulta 
tion  with  Secretary  Carlisle,  who,  it  was  known,  was  to  be  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  after  March  4,  Mr.  Sherman  introduced  and  se 
cured  the  adoption  by  the  senate  of  an  amendment  to  the  sundry 
civil  bill  authorizing  the  secretary  to  sell  bonds  to  purchase  gold  to 
maintain  the  redemption  fund.  Mr.  Sherman  and  others  believed 
that  the  resumption  act  of  1875  already  authorized  this,  but  he 
thought  that  a  new  declaration  by  congress  would  have  a  great 
moral  effect  abroad  as  well  as  here  in  maintaining  confidence,  and 
would  probably  render  it  unnecessary  to  sell  any  bonds  for  this  pur 
pose.  The  bill  as  amended  went  back  to  the  house,  when  Bland  led 
off  in  a  fierce  assault  on  this  amendment,  accompanied  with  a  de 
claration  that  silver  redemption  was  sufficient.  His  assault  fright 
ened  Carlisle,  and  at  his  request  the  amendment  was  dropped,  and 
the  foundation  laid  for  the  monetary  distrust  which  showed  itself 
soon  after,  and  began  to  add  to  the  industrial  difficulties  by  threat 
ened  tariff  legislation.  Even  then,  when  the  gold  redemption  fund 
fell  below  the  hundred  million  limit,  and  a  monetary  panic  was 
threatened,  if  Secretary  Carlisle  had  promptly  taken  advantage  of 
the  act  of  1875,  and  announced  that  the  treasury  would  sell  bonds 
if  necessary  to  protect  the  gold  reserve  and  maintain  the  parity  of 
all  our  currency  with  gold,  the  distrust  of  our  currency  would 
speedily  have  disappeared.  But  instead  of  that,  Secretary  Carlisle 
hesitated,  and  soon  announced  that  no  bonds  would  be  issued ;  and 
in  an  interview  even  intimated  that  silver  redemption  might  be  re 
sorted  to.  This  let  loose  the  monetary  storm  to  add  new  disturb 
ances  to  our  business  already  seriously  crippled  by  threatened  hos 
tile  tariff  legislation,  and  made  the  distrust  of  the  future  complete, 
when  all  that  was  wanted  was  such  action  as  would  strengthen 
rather  than  weaken  confidence." 

It  is  now  conceded  that  the  political  causes  of  the  financial  and 
industrial  crisis  of  1893  were  the  menace  of  free  silver  coinage  and  a 
low  tariff  policy.  The  manifest  remedy  was,  first,  currency  reform, 
second,  a  continuance  of  the  protective  policy.  The  first  was  com 
paratively  easy  to  accomplish  because  it  was  known  that  President 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  367 

Cleveland  would  veto  any  free  silver  coinage  bill ;  but  the  second 
was  not  so  easy  to  accomplish,  for  the  president  was  a  pronounced 
free  trader  and  the  protection  Democrats  were  few.  In  reply  to 
the  query,  "how  shall  the  country  get  out  of  its  present  straights  ?" 
Mr.  Dingley  said:  "First,  repeal  the  silver  purchase  clause,  sec 
ond,  resolve  to  let  the  tariff  alone." 

The  proposition  to  repeal  the  purchase  clause  of  the  act  of  1890 
caused  intense  bitterness  among  the  free  silver  Democrats ;  and 
when  on  the  nth'  of  August  the  debate  began  on  the  bill,  there  were, 
prospects  of  a  stormy  time.  Not  since  the  anti-slavery  days  was 
there  ever  in  the  house  such  a  conflict  based  on  greed.  The  tem 
perance  of  the  language  used  by  the  free  silver  coinage  leaders  re 
sembled  that  employed  by  the  southern  leaders  in  1860.  The  silver 
men  on  the  floor  were  re-inforced  by  a  strong  lobby.  It  was  a  bat 
tle  royal,  and  the  whole  business  world  was  alarmed.  The  nation 
was  daily  paying  dearly  for  these  financial  heresies.  An  aggressive 
campaign  of  education  was  needed. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  one  of  the  men  put  forward  by  the  sound 
money  forces  to  stem  the  tide  of  free  silver  that  threatened  to  de 
feat  the  bill  before  the  house  and  substitute  a  still  more  dangerous 
measure  embodying  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  He  addressed  l  the 
house  at  this  critical  juncture  August  24.  He  talked  for  half  an 
hour,  entirely  consuming  his  time  whereupon  Mr.  Hulick  of  Ohio 
said :  "Mr.  Speaker,  I  would  suggest  that  the  time  of  the  gentle 
man  be  continued  indefinitely  so  that  the  words  of  wisdom  he  is 
giving  us  can  be  heard  by  every  member  of  the  house."  And  his 
time  was  extended  indefinitely.  In  forcible  language  he  discussed 
the  silver  question,  treating  it  historically,  scientifically  and  practi 
cally.  The  house  gave  him  the  closest  attention  conceding  that  his 
utterances  were  the  fruit  of  years  of  careful  study,  reflection  and  ex 
perience.  The  subject  was  handled  by  a  master  who  knew  what  he 
was  talking  about.  Nobody  even  questioned  his  statements.  And 
when  in  closing  he  said,  "Let  me  indulge  the  hope,  Mr.  Speaker, 
that  whatever  congress  may  do,  it  will  first  take  care  to  make  every 
dollar  as  good  as  gold ;  and  second,  that  not  a  dollar  will  be  allowed 
to  be  issued  by  authority  of  any  state,  but  all  shall  be  issued  under 
one  uniform  system  and  under  the  authority  and  control  of  the  na 
tion" — there  was  loud  applause  and  manifestations  of  approval.  It 
was  a  splendid  effort.  This  speech  was  also  used  as  a  campaign 
document. 

1— See  Appendix* 


368  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  house  was  crowded  to  the  corridors  and  the  lobbies  August 
28,  when  the  final  vote  on  the  repealing  bill  was  taken.  Bland  of 
Missouri  fought  desperately  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  any 
ratio  from  16  to  i  to  20  to  i,  offering  five  different  amendments  to 
that  effect,  and  finally  offering  the  Bland-Allison  act  of  1878  as  an 
amendment.  But  all  amendments  were  voted  down  and  the  bill  re 
pealing  the  purchase  clause  of  the  act  of  1890  passed  by  a  vote  of 
239  to  108.  The  announcement  of  the  result  was  greeted  with  ap 
plause  on  the  floor  and  in  the  galleries.  Thus  President  Cleveland 
scored  his  first  point  against  his  free  silver  party  associates. 

Mr.  Dingley  took  this  opportunity,  while  the  repealing  bill  was 
in  the  senate,  to  seek  a  week's  rest  at  his  home  in  Lewiston.  Sep 
tember  12  he  was  again  at  his  post  in  Washington.  Finding  that 
the  silver  discussion  was  likely  to  continue  in  the  senate  for  some 
time,  Mr.  Dingley  started  for  Chicago  September  16  where  he 
joined  his  wife  and  three  children.  Here  they  visited  the  World's 
Fair,  receiving  much  attention  from  the  officials.  He  returned  to 
Washington  September  24  and  found  the  house  doing  nothing. 
For  two  months  the  senate  debated  the  silver  purchase  act.  The 
advocates  of  free  silver  coinage  sought  to  teach  President  Cleve 
land  that  his  word  was  not  law  in  the  senate ;  and  to  that  end  of 
fered  a  compromise  bill  which  the  house  would  not  pass  and  which 
the  president  would  not  sign.  A  deadlock  held  the  senate  in  a  state 
of  inactivity  and  thwarted  the  will  of  the  majority.  But  on  the 
thirtieth  of  October  the  repealing  bill  finally  passed  by  a  vote  of  43 
to  32.  On  the  first  day  of  November  the  house  agreed  to  the  sen 
ate  amendments  and  the  bill  was  passed.  It  went  to  the  president 
and  was  immediately  signed  by  him.  Thus  President  Cleveland 
triumphed  over  the  silver  Democrats.  It  was  a  hard  earned  victory 
and  widened  the  breach  in  the  Democratic  party. 

October  30  Mr.  Dingley  made  an  able  address  l  in  the  house  on 
bankruptcy  legislation.  Congress  adjourned  November  3  and  the 
business  world  breathed  easier.  November  7  Mr.  Dingley  reached 
his  home  in  Maine  where  he  rested  for  three  weeks. 

The  Republican  victories  in  Massachusetts,  Iowa,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  reassured  the  party  that  the  people  were 
ready  for  the  restoration  of  the  party  of  protection.  Mr.  McKin- 
ley's  election  to  the  office  of  governor  of  Ohio,  was  a  distinct  indi 
cation  of  a  change  to  the  policy  of  protection  which  the  Democrats 
nicknamed  "McKinleyism."  Of  this  significant  result  Mr.  Dingley 
said :  "To  Maj.  McKinley  the  victory  comes  as  a  personal  indorse- 

1— See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  369 

ment  which  puts  him  more  prominently  than  ever  before  the  Re 
publicans  of  the  country  as  one  of  the  leaders  from  whom  is  to 
come  the  next  Republican  nominee  for  the  presidency." 

November  23  Mr.  Dingley  returned  to  Washington.  Here  he 
spent  Thanksgiving  day  with  his  wife  and  two  sons. 

President  Cleveland's  message  was  read  in  the  house  December 
4.  This  document  defended  the  course  of  "special  commissioner" 
Blount  in  Hawaii,  urging  congress  to  "resolutely  turn  away  from 
alluring  and  temporary  expedients,  determined  to  be  content  with 
nothing  less  than  a  lasting  and  comprehensive  financial  plan."  The 
president  reiterated  his  pension  policy  saying  that :  "Thousands  of 
neighborhoods  have  their  well  known  fraudulent  pensioners."  The 
president  urged  upon  congress  strict  economy  because  "a  de 
pleted  treasury  confronts  us,  and  many  of  our  people  are  engaged 
in  a  hard  struggle  for  the  necessities  of  life." 

The  attitude  of  the  president  and  Commissioner  of  Pensions 
Lochren,  on  the  question  of  pensions,  incensed  the  old  soldiers 
throughout  the  land.  The  charges  of  fraud  in  the  pension  rolls  was 
a  serious  reflection  upon  previous  administrations.  Accordingly 
when  the  commissioner  appeared  before  the  appropriation  com 
mittee  asking  for  an  increase  from  $200,000  to  $500,000  in  the  ap 
propriation  for  the  expenses  of  pension  examiners  in  the  field,  Mr. 
Dingley,  a  member  of  the  committee,  questioned  the  commissioner 
closely,  bringing  out  the  fact  that  the  commissioner  disclaimed  the 
belief  that  there  were  wholesale  and  gigantic  frauds  in  the  pension 
rolls.  December  18  when  the  pension  provisions  of  the  deficiency 
appropriation  bill  were  in  the  house,  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  l  at  some 
length.  He  defended  the  acts  of  previous  administrations  and  ob 
jected  to  the  wholesale  charges  of  fraud  that  were  being  made  as 
contrary  to  fact. 

When  President  Cleveland  entered  upon  his  duties,  the  senate 
had  under  consideration  a  treaty  providing  for  the  annexation  of 
the  Hawaiian  islands  to  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  The 
president  thought  that  great  importance  attached  to  this  particular 
treaty  of  annexation  "because  it  contemplated  a  departure  from  un 
broken  American  tradition  in  providing  for  the  addition  to  our  ter 
ritory  of  islands  of  the  sea  more  than  two  thousand  miles  removed 
from  our  nearest  coast."  The  president  was  suspicious  of  the 
treaty  and  withdrew  it  from  the  senate  for  examination.  He  sent 
James  H.  Blount  of  Georgia,  a  former  member  of  congress,  to  Ha 
waii  to  investigate  the  matter.  The  latter  reported  in  substance 

1— See  Appendix. 


370  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

that  the  Hawaiian  resolution  of  the  previous  January  could  not 
have  been  successful  if  United  States  Minister  Stevens  had  not 
aided  it.  He  recommended  that  the  islands  be  turned  back  to  the 
monarchy  which  existed  "before  the  lawless  landing  of  the  United 
States  forces  at  Honolulu,"  as  the  president  said  in  his  message  of 
December  18. 

Mr.  Dingley  said:  "The  real  question  is  whether  or  not  this 
government  shall  now,  after  it  and  all  other  nations  have  for 
months  recognized  the  provisional  government,  withdraw  this  rec 
ognition  and  attempt  either  by  word  or  physical  power  to  restore 
the  ex-queen  to  her  throne.  It  is  certainly  most  astonishing  that 
an  American  administration  should  have  busied  itself  in  trying  to 
discredit  the  public  acts  of  an  American  minister  which  looked  to 
the  strengthening  of  the  influence  of  this  government  in  the 
Pacific,  when  no  foreign  power — not  even  Great  Britain,  which  has1 
for  years  sought  to  obtain  a  foothold  in  the  Sandwich  islands,  and 
which  would  have  been  the  first  to  remonstrate  if  we  had  over- 
stepped  the  proper  limits — has  ever  uttered  a  word  of  complaint." 

The  Hawaiian  message  of  December  18  was  a  remarkable  docu 
ment.  It  charged  the  previous  administration  and  its  representa 
tives  with  wrong  doing  and  misrepresentation.  It  advised  con 
gress  that  the  treaty  of  annexation  would  not  be  sent  back  to  the 
senate.  It  arrogated  to  the  president  a  degree  of  executive  power 
not  contemplated  hitherto.  It  antagonized  both  the  senate  and  the 
house.  Said  Mr.  Dingley :  "The  message  presented  the  Hawaiian 
matter  in  a  more  astonishing  situation  than  was  supposed.  By 
what  authority  the  president  without  the  authority  of  congress 
sent  an  agent  not  confirmed  by  the  same,  to  Hawaii,  accredited  to  a 
government  recognized  by  the  United  States,  to  endeavor  to  in 
duce  a  subject  of  that  government,  to-wit,  the  ex-queen,  to  set  up  a, 
rebellious  government  which  in  itself  was  practically  an  act  of  war 
on  that  recognized  government,  I  should  like  to  have  some  expla 
nation." 

On  the  21  st  of  December  congress  adjourned  to  January  3.  Mr. 
Dingley  remained  in  Washington  during  the  entire  holiday  recess, 
devoting  the  most  of  his  time  to  the  preparation  of  speeches.  On 
the  night  of  December  23  the  Hamilton  house  was  discovered  on 
fire.  Mr.  Dingley  and  his  wife  were  on  the  point  of  retiring  and  es-i 
caped  from  the  building  with  difficulty.  They  hurried  across  Four 
teenth  street  and  secured  rooms  for  the  night  at  the  Cochran  hotel. 
It  was  a  narrow  escape  for  them  both. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  371 

The  Democratic  members  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means, 
for  months  previous  had  been  preparing  "a  tariff  reform"  bill  along 
the  lines  laid  down  in  the  Democratic  platform  and  in  President 
Cleveland's  message.  The  minority  report,  prepared  by  Mr.  Reed, 
called  the  measure  "'another  tariff-tinkering  bill,  the  like  of  which 
has  disturbed  the  conditions  of  business  so  many  times  in  the  last 
thirty  years."  The  business  interests  took  alarm  when  the  first 
draft  of  the  Wilson  bill  was  made  public.  Petitions  from  working- 
men  against  the  passage  of  the  bill  were  sent  to  the  members  of  the 
ways  and  means  committee.  But  the  work  of  tariff  reform  pro 
gressed  ;  and  on  the  8th  of  January  Chairman  Wilson  of  the  ways 
and  means  committee,  opened  the  debate  on  the  ta-riff  bill  "to  re 
duce  taxation  and  to  provide  revenue  for  the  government  and  for 
other  purposes."  January  n  Mr.  Dingley  addressed  1  the  house  at 
some  length  on  the  threatened  tariff  revolution.  His  speech  was 
able  and  exhaustive.  It  was  the  result  of  years  of  study  and  weeks 
of  careful  preparation.  He  predicted  the  loss  of  seventy-six  million 
dollars  in  revenue,  the  loss  of  our  home  markets  and  the  loss  of 
wages.  He  pointed  out  the  danger  attending  the  Democratic  free 
trade  theories  and  warned  the  nation  that  a  period  of  depression 
would  follow  the  enactment  into  law  of  any  such  measure.  Loud 
applause  greeted  him  as  he  closed.  It  was  a  speech  that  added  stilt 
more  to  his  reputation  as  a  tariff  authority.  January  17  he  spoke  1 
briefly  in  reply  to  Mr.  Cockran  of  New  York,  taking  for  his  special 
text  the  free  trade  theory  that  we  should  give  up  the  manufacture 
in  this  country  of  all  articles  that  can  be  manufactured  cheaper 
abroad.  He  completely  defmelished  this  theory.  His  pivotal  point 
which  elicted  enthusiastic  applause  from  the  Republican  side  of  the 
house  was  that  "if  two  hundred  millions  of  goods  that  can  be  and 
should  be  made  in  this  country,.are  bought  in  Europe,  such  imports 
deprive  American  manufacturers  of  the  sale  of  that  amount  of 
goods  and  stop  work  just  to  that  extent."  On  the  i8th  of  Jaunary, 
he  spoke  *  briefly  on  "Free  Wool,"  exposing  the  inconsistencies  of 
the  Democratic  contentions.  Mr.  Dingley  fought  *  hard  against 
the  proposition  to  place  lime  on  the  free  list.  He  argued  that 
American  labor  received  the  benefit  of  a  protective  duty  on  lime. 
Mr.  Bryan  of  Nebraska,  who  was  put  forward  to  reply  to  Mr.  Ding- 
ley,  said  that  this  country  ought  not  to  manufacture  lime  or  any 
thing  else  if  it  could  be  made  cheaper  in  Canada.  On  the  22nd  of 
January  he  spoke  x  briefly  on  the  sugar  schedule  of  the  tariff  bill.. 
January  25  he  spoke  l  briefly,  warning  the  Democratic  party  that 

1— See  Appendix. 


372  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

when  it  completed  the  work  of  destroying  American  industries,  it 
would  hear  from  the  country  in  a  way  that  could  not  be  misunder 
stood. 

After  nearly  four  weeks  of  debate,  on  the  first  day  of  February, 
the  Wilson  tariff  bill  with  an  income  tax  amendment,  passed  the 
house  by  a  vote  of  204  to  140.  Mr.  Reed  closed  the  debate  for  the 
Republicans,  making  a  masterly  speech.  Chairman  Wilson  closed 
the  debate  for  the  Democrats.  He  secured  a  great  ovation  from 
his  party  associates.  Cheer  after  cheer  rang  out,  men  threw  hats 
and  papers  in  the  air  and  women  waved  their  handkerchiefs.  Wil 
son  was  seized  by  his  admirers  and  carried  out  on  their  shoulders 
to  the  committee  room.  Thus  the  mischievous  Wilson  tariff  bill 
passed  the"  house. 

Mr.  Dingley's  chief  objection  to  the  Wilson  bill  was  the  fact  that 
under  the  cloak  of  "free  raw  materials,"  the  bill  in  the  main  placed 
northern  products  on  the  free  list  and  southern  products  on  the 
protected  list. 

Throughout  this  exciting  debate  Mr.  'Dingley  was  a  master 
hand.  Although  not  a  member  of  the  ways  and  means  committee, 
he  acquired  a  wide  reputation  in  tariff  matters  by  his  service  on  the 
committee  that  framed  the  McKinley  tariff  of  1890,  and  was  this 
year  one  of  the  leading  Republican  speakers  in  opposition  to  the 
Wilson  bill.  His  strength  was  in  general  debate,  in  which  he  was 
conspicuous  on  account  of  his  familiarity  with  public  questions.  * 

A  thorough  knowledge  of  parliamentary  law  and  the  rules  of 
the  house  is  necessary  to  carry  through  any  measure  that  is  skill 
fully  opposed.  Mr.  Dingley,  through  long  experience,  possessed 
this  knowledge  ancl  was  able  to  display  his  skill  during  the  longfight 
over  the  tariff  bill.  A  most  interesting  parliamentary  battle  took 
place  in  the  committee  of  the  whole,  while  the  tariff  bill  was  under 

1 — In  speaking-  of  Mr.  Dingley  a  Washington  correspondent  wrote:  "He  is 
full  of  statistics,  logical  and  convincing;  and  is  one  of  the  few  members  who  do 
not  fear  interruptions  and  unexpected  questions,  when  speaking.  He  is  spoken 
of  as  a  constructive  legislator,  and  is  the  author  of  numerous  laws  on  the  statute 
books.  No  one  in  the  house  watches  the  business  more  closely  or  exercises 
more  influence.  Former  Governor  Long  recently  said  of  Mr.  Dingley:  'He  is  the 
best  posted  man  in  the  house  on  tariff,  financial  and  shipping  subjects,  and  is  re 
garded  as  authority  by  both  sides  in  these  matters.'  Mr.  Dockery,  one  of  the 
leading  Democrats  in  the  house,  said:  'Mr.  Dingley  is  the  best  legislator  in  the 
house.'  ''' 

1 — The  New  York  Sun's  Washington  correspondent  speaking  of  the  tariff 
debate  said:  "Gov.  Dingley  of  Maine  is  the  one  upon  whom,  when  it  comes  to  a 
question  of  fact,  the  Republican  main  reliance  rests.  Mr.  Dingley  knows  the 
tariff  question.  Many  persons  think  that  he  is  the  best  informed  man  in  the 
house  on  that  subject.  When  he  argues  he  cites  an  array  of  facts  and  figures 
that  is  staggering  to  his  opponents'.  The  Democrats  realize  that  it  is  dangerous 
to  trifle  with  him.  Mr.  Dingley  never  wastes  any  time.  When  he  is  not  talking 
himself,  or  watching  for  his  opponents  to  make  an  error  of  statement,  he  is 
writing  or  reading  up  on  tariff  matters." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  373 

discussion.  It  was  over  the  proposition  of  the  committee  on  ways, 
and  means  to  extend  the  bonded  period  for  the  payment  of  the  in 
ternal  revenue  tax  on  whiskey,  from  three  years  to  eight  years. 
The  whiskey  syndicate  was  represented  by  a  strong  lobby.  Mr. 
Dingley  took  charge  of  those  opposed  to  the  bonded  period,  and 
led  in  the  fight.  After  a  sharp  parliamentary  struggle  to  get  recog 
nition  for  offering  amendments,  Mr.  Dingley  was  recognized  to 
offer  his  amendment  to  strike  out  the  eight  years  extension  pro 
vided  by  the  bill,  and  leave  the  bonded  period  three  years.  After 
a  spirited  discussion,  during  which  Mr.  Dingley  warded  off  a  large 
number  of  amendments,  and  held  the  committee  to  his  one  motion, 
a  vote  was  taken,  and  greatly  to  the  surprise  of  the  whiskey  syndi 
cate,  Mr.  Dingley's  amendment  was  carried  by  25  majority  on  a 
vote  by  tellers.  Immediately  there  was  a  most  vigorous  fight 
opened  on  amendments  by  indirection  to  overcome  the  effect  of 
Mr.  Dingley's  amendment  already  adopted.  For  over  an  hour  the 
contest  waged  on  points  of  order  made  by  Mr.  Dingley  against 
every  variety  of  amendment  offered.  It  was  a  hard  struggle  and 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  sustained  every  point  made  by  Mr. 
Dingley,  until  finally  the  whiskey  syndicate  gave  up  in  despair,  and 
the  victory  was  won  so  far  as  the  house  was  concerned. 

Debate  on  the  Hawaiian  resolution  censuring  the  United  States 
minister  for  "aiding  in  overthrowing  the  constitutional  government 
of  the  Hawaiian  islands"  was  resumed  in  the  house  February  6. 
The  resolution  was  fiercely  assailed,  and  on  the  following  day  was 
adopted  by  the  house  by  a  narrow  margin.  The  exciting  incident 
attending  this  debate  was  the  attack  made  on  President  Cleveland 
by  Mr.  Sickles,  a  Democratic  member  from  New  York. 

For  nearly  a  month  Mr.  Dingley  was  confined  to  his  rooms  by 
a  severe  cold  and  bronchial  affection.  March  i  he  was  well  enough 
to  resume  his  seat  in  the  house  and  to  vote  against  the  Bland  seig 
niorage  bill.  For  a  long  time  the  Democratic  leaders  were  unable 
to  secure  a  quorum  and  it  was  seriously  contemplated  to  adopt  the 
Reed  method  of  counting  a  quorum.  However,  enough  votes  were 
finally  summoned,  and  the  bill,  called  by  its  opponents,  "A  bill  to 
coin  a  vacuum,"  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  168  to  129.  This  bill 
passed  the  senate  but  was  vetoed  by  the  president.  An  attempt  in 
the  house  to  pass  the  bill  over  the  president's  veto  failed — yeas 
144,  nays  114,  not  voting  94.  The  necessary  two-thirds  could  not 
be  summoned. 

The  veto  of  the  seigniorage  bill  by  President  Cleveland  was  ex 
pected,  because  a  failure  to  veto  it  would  have  been  in  conflict  with 


374  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

his  good  record  on  the  question  of  sound  money.  President  Cleve 
land  deserves  great  credit  for  following  his  convictions  rather  than 
politics.  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "The  fact  is  this  coinage  of  the  seign 
iorage  as  proposed,  would  be  as  dishonest  as  unwise.  The  Sher 
man  law  expressly  forbids  the  issue  of  any  notes  or  silver 
dollars  in  excess  of  the  cost  of  the  silver  bullion.  Hence  to  issue 
notes  or  dollars  that  are  not  backed  by  bullion  costing  an  equiva 
lent,  is  to  violate  the  contract  and  command  of  law  as  well  as  to  vio 
late  honest  finance.  To  coin  the  difference  between  the  value  of 
the  bullion  and  the  47  cent  dollar  token,  is  pure  fiatism.  What 
would  Jefferson  and  Hamilton  say  to  the  proposal  that  the  United 
States  government  having  lost  an  enormous  sum  of  money  by  buy 
ing  silver  bullion  on  a  falling  market,  and  issuing  notes  against  that 
bullion  to  the  extent  of  the  cost  of  such  white  metal,  should  pro 
ceed  to  issue  47  cent  dollar  tokens  to  the  extent  of  its  loss  in  the 
transaction,  on  the  ground  that  by  an  act  of  the  imagination  this 
loss  could  be  labeled  'seigniorage.'  There  was  never  so  little  in  a 
name.  Seigniorage  is  not  the  profit  on  token  currency,  otherwise 
we  might  issue  paper  money  and  regard  the  difference  between  the 
cost  of  paper  and  printing  and  the  denomination  of  the  note,  as  so 
much  profit.  When  you  can  make  a  crowbar  a  toothpick  by  call 
ing  it  a  toothpick,  then  you  may  find  reasons  for  coining  a 
vacuum." 

April  5  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  l  in  reply  to  Mr.  Holman  of  Indiana 
on  the  appropriations  of  the  fifty-first  and  fifty-second  congresses. 
In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  paid  a  high  compliment  to  Mr. 
Sayers,  the  chairman  of  the  appropriations  committee,  who,  he  said, 
had  not  repeated  the  discreditable  practice  of  playing  politics  with 
appropriation  bills. 

Sometime  previous,  a  commission  consisting  of  Senators  Cock- 
rell,  Jones  and  Cullom  and  Representatives  Dockery,  Richardson 
and  Dingley,  was  appointed  to  examine  the  laws  of  the  executive 
departments,  with  a  view  of  improving  the  methods  of  public 
business.  The  commission  reported  March  29.  Mr.  Dingley  of 
fered  a  most  comprehensive  and  important  bill.  He  met  all  ob 
jections  urged  against  it,  and  demonstrated  not  only  its  practica 
bility  but  the  necessity  of  its  adoption.  Under  his  plan  the  govern 
ment  would  save  $200,000  a  year  by  dispensing  with  150  clerks  and 
abolishing  several  offices.  This  bill  passed  the  house  May  2,  after  a 
short  speech  l  of  explanation  by  Mr.  Dingley. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  375 

The  Democratic  majority  in  the  house,  was  now  convinced,  after 
several  days  of  filibustering,  that  it  was  impossible  to  do  business 
unless  the  members  could  be  compelled  to  be  present  and  vote. 
On  the  eleventh  of  April,  a  rule  was  introduced  to  fine  absent  and 
non-voting  members.  This  was  scornfully  rejected,  whereupon  on 
the  seventeenth  of  the  month  a  complete  surrender  was  made  to 
the  Reed  method  of  counting  a  quorum,  so  bitterly  denounced  by 
the  Democrats  in  the  fifty-first  congress.  The  new  rule  permitting 
the  counting  of  a  quorum  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  213  to  47, — 93 
not  voting.  Most  of  the  Republicans  voted  for  the  rule  amid  great 
applause. 

April  19,  while  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill  was  under  dis 
cussion,  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  *  on  the  Hawaiian  matter,  defending 
the  course  of  Former  Minister  Stevens,  "a  distinguished  citizen  of 
Maine." 

About  this  time  the  story  was  circulated  that  Mr.  Dingley 
would  be  a  candidate  for  Unites  States  senator  against  Senator 
Frye.  Mr.  Dingley  said :  'The  suggestion  or  intimation  is  a  pure 
invention.  It  is  the  duty  and  privilege  of  Maine  to  retain  Senator 
Frye  in  the  position  which  he  fills  with  such  ability  and  acceptance. 
I  will  not  permit  the  use  of  my  name  against  him." 

April  27  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  1  against  the  bill  to  relieve  the  heirs 
of  one  Dr.  Nathan  Fletcher  for  cotton  said  to  have  been  taken 
during  the  civil  war.  He  maintained  that  these  cotton  claims  ought 
not  to  be  given  recognition  by  congress. 

On  the  first  day  of  May  the  number  of  unemployed  in  the  sev 
eral  states  was  larger  than  ever  known.  There  was  a  widespread 
wave  of  discontent.  Coxey's  army,  an  aggregation  of  three  hun 
dred  ragged,  footsore  commonwealers  headed  by  one  Coxey  from 
Massilion,  Ohio,  marched  to  Washington  and  attempted  to  take 
possession  of  the  capitol  grounds.  The  spectacle  of  Coxeyism 
from  any  standpoint,  was  a  national  humiliation.  It  was  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  the  policy  which  was  being  fostered  by  the  party  in 
power. 

The  legislative  appropriation  bill  precipitated  several  sharp  dis 
cussions  relative  to  the  accuracy  of  the  report  sent  out  by  the  agri 
cultural  department  in  the  farmers'  bulletins;  the  appropriations 
made  by  Republican  and  Democratic  congresses ;  and  the  civil  ser 
vice.  Mr.  Dingley  took  an  active  part  in  this  debate ;  and  on  May 

1— See  Appendix. 


376  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

24,  the  bill  passed,  the  attempt  to  cut  out  the  appropriation  for  the 
civil  service  happily  failing. 

June  5,  Mr.  Dingley  for  the  seventh  time  was  unanimously  re- 
nominated  for  representative  in  congress  by  the  Republicans  of  the 
second  Maine  district.  The  resolutions  tendered  to  Mr.  Dingley 
"our  thanks  for  the  marked  fidelity  and  ability  with  which  he  has 
represented  this  district  in  the  national  house  of  representatives 
and  especially  for  the  great  zeal,  persistence  and  ability  with  which 
he  has  resisted  the  wanton  attacks  upon  the  industries  of  our  coun 
try  by  the  Democratic  tariff  revisers  in  the  present  congress." 

May  26  debate  on  the  bill  to  suspend  the  operation  of  the  laws 
imposing  a  tax  of  ten  per  cent  on  notes  issued  by  state  banks,  be 
gan.  Discussion  continued  until  June  6,  when  Mr.  Dingley  closed 
the  debate  l  speaking  against  the  measure.  He  discussed  the  func 
tion  of  banks  in  modern  business,  the  objection  to  banks  of  issue, 
and  the  importance  of  having  a  national  circulating  medium  .He 
disposed  of  the  "centralization"  and  "monopoly"  charge  and  de 
fended  ably  the  national  bank  system.  He  was  warmly  congratu 
lated  upon  his  effort.  The  bill  was  defeated. 

June  6  the  members  of  his  family  in  Washington  left  for  Maine, 
leaving  Mr.  Dingley  "lonesome  and  forlorn"  as  he  wrote  in  his 
diary.  A  week  later  he  received  word  that  one  of  his  sons  was  dan 
gerously  ill  in  Lewiston.  He  dropped  all  public  business  and  hur 
ried  to  the  bedside  of  the  sick  one.  His  fears  were  well  founded, 
and  he  saw  his  boy  dangerously  ill  with  pneumonia.  While  weighed 
down  with  anxiety  and  watching  at  the  bedside  of  his  boy,  he  re 
ceived  a  letter,  June  16,  from  President  Tucker  of  Dartmouth  col 
lege  that  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  would  be  conferred  on  him  at  the 
approaching  commencement.  For  three  days  the  anxious  parents 
watched  at  the  bedside  of  their  loved  one.  The  best  of  medical 
skill  was  employed  and  on  the  twentieth,  Mr.  Dingley  recorded  in 
his  diary :  "The  case  is  grave  and  against  him,  yet  there  are  some 
chances  of  recovery.  We  are  greatly  shocked  and  cannot  seem  to 
have  it  so.  But  we  keep  courage  and  hope  for  the  best,  as  there 
are  some  chances  of  our  dear  boy's  recovery.  Our  prayers  go  up 
for  his  recovery !"  The  prayers  were  heard ;  the  crisis  was  passed 
and  the  son  showed  signs  of  rallying.  The  improvement  was  so 
great  that  on  the  25th  of  June  Mr.  Dingley  left  for  Dartmouth  col 
lege.  The  following  day  he  delivered  the  alumni  oration  on  "The 
Scholar  and  Politics."  1  He  was  warmly  congratulated.  On  the 
following  day  he  received  the  honorary  degree  of  LL.  D. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  377 

The  succeeding  six  weeks  were  full  of  mingled  pleasure  and 
anxiety  for  Mr.  Dingley.  His  sick  son  recovered  all  too  slowly; 
and  father  and  son  went  to  Rangely  lakes  to  rest  and  recuperate. 
It  was  not  until  August  8  that  he  resumed  his  seat  in  the  house. 

From  the  first  of  February  to  the  first  of  May  the  Democratic 
members  of  the  senate  finance  committee  struggled  with  the  Wil 
son  tariff  bill,  reporting  it  first,  with  certain  changes,  and  modify 
ing  it  subsequently  from  time  to  time  to  secure  the  votes  of  Demo 
cratic  senators  who  refused  to  support  the  bill  as  it  passed  the 
house.  Sugar  was  taken  from  the  free  list  and  made  dutiable  to 
secure  the  votes  of  the  two  Louisiana  senators.  Coal  and  iron  ore 
were  taken  from  the  free  list  and  made  dutiable  to  secure  the  votes 
of  others.  Finally,  on  the  night  of  July  3,  the  "tariff  reform"  bill 
passed  the  senate.  The  bill  had  a  stormy  time  in  the  upper  house. 
It  was  charged  that  the  sugar  trust  was  manipulating  the  sugar 
schedule  and  that  certain  senators  were  speculating  on  the  side. 
An  investigating  committee  was  appointed  but,  as  is  usual  in  such 
cases,  reported  that  there  was  no  proof  to  sustain  the  charges. 

The  conferees  on  the  tariff  bill  struggled  for  days  with  the 
measure  but  were  unable  to  agree.  Vexed  with  the  hopeless  con 
dition  of  affairs,  President  Cleveland  took  a  hand  in  the  contest. 
The  chief  executive  had  on  the  second  of  July  addressed  a  letter  to 
Chairman  Wilson  of  the  house  ways  and  means  committee,  criticis 
ing  severely  the  course  of  certain  Democratic  senators.  This  letter 
was  read  in  the  house  July  19.  In  it  the  president  said  that  "every 
true  Democrat  and  sincere  tariff  reformer  knows  that  the  tariff 
bill  in  its  present  form  and  as  it  will  be  submitted  to  the  conferees, 
falls  far  short  of  the  consummation  for  which  we  have  long  labored. 
Our  abandonment  of  the  cause  of  the  principles  upon  which  it  rests, 
means  party  perfidy  and  dishonor."  He  urged  that  "no  tariff 
measure  can  accord  with  Democratic  principles  and  promises,  or 
bear  a  genuine  Democratic  badge  that  does  not  provide  for  free 
raw  materials.  Unfortunately,  however,  incidents  have  accom 
panied  certain  stages  of  the  legislation,  that  have  aroused  in  con 
nection  with  this  subject  a  natural  Democratic  animosity  to  the 
methods  and  manipulations  of  trusts  and  combinations." 

This  letter  was  a  bombshell  in  the  Democratic  ranks.  It  was 
the  first  time  in  the  nation's  history  when  the  chief  executive  had 
attempted  by  a  private  communication,  amounting  to  a  message,  to 
interfere  when  differences  between  the  two  houses  were  in  confer 
ence.  This  remarkable  executive  interference  with  legislation  was 


378  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

followed  by  an  inevitable  storm.  The  president's  letter  was  a 
covert  attack  on  Senator  Gorman,  who  was  charged  with  placing 
coal  and  iron  on  the  protected  list,  in  violation  of  the  Democratic 
"free  raw  material"  argument.  The  storm  broke  in  the  senate  July 
23.  Mr.  Gorman  made  a  scorching  and  personal  reply  to  the  presi 
dent,  characterizing  the  latter's  letter  to  Chairman  Wilson  as  "the 
most  unwise  letter  ever  penned  by  a  president  of  the  United 
States."  Senator  Gorman  threw  down  the  gauntlet  to  the  presi 
dent  and  insinuated  that  the  latter  was  trying  to  blacken  the  char 
acter  of  the  senators.  "There  is  no  power,"  he  shouted,  "however 
great  in  the  president  with  all  his  patronage  that  would  keep  me 
silent  longer."  The  scene  was  dramatic  in  the  extreme,  and  Mr. 
Gorman  closed  amid  great  applause  on  the  floor  and  in  the  galler 
ies — an  unusual  scene  in  the  senate. 

After  another  long  delay  in  conference,  the  senate  tariff  bill, 
characterized  by  President  Cleveland  "a  measure  of  perfidy  and 
dishonor,"  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  160  Democrats,  81  Re 
publicans  and  21  Democrats  opposing.  The  debate  on  this  clos 
ing  day  was  interesting.  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  l  vigorously  and  pro  • 
phetically  against  the  bill.  He  compared  the  tariff  of  1890  with  the 
measure  now  proposed  and  pointed  out  where  trusts  were  favored 
particularly  the  sugar  and  whiskey  trusts.  He  closed  with  these 
words :  "The  distrust  caused  by  the  Democratic  threats  of  a  tariff 
revolution  has  produced  its  bitter  fruits,  and  the  end  is  not  yet." 
He  predicted  that  in  1896,  by  general  consent,  the  Republicans 
would  resume  the  business  of  governing  the  country.  This  speech 
was  used  liberally  as  a  campaign  document  in  the  succeeding  con 
gressional  election. 

President  Cleveland  refused  to  sign  or  veto  the  tariff  reform 
bill.  He  simply  allowed  it  to  become  a  law  by  default. 

August  1 6  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  l  on  the  conference  report  on  the 
deficiency  appropriation  bill,  calling  public  attention  to  the  bad 
condition  of  the  nation's  finances.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day 
he  left  Washington,  and  a  week  later  plunged  into  the  state  cam 
paign  in  Maine.  He  spoke  nearly  every  day  until  election  day, 
September  10.  The  Republicans  carried  the  state  by  38,000  plur 
ality.  Mr.  Dingley  had  9,000  plurality.  The  election  over,  he  spent 
some  time  hunting  and  fishing  with  one  of  his  sons  who  was  en 
deavoring  to  regain  his  health  in  the  pine  woods  about  Rangelv 
lakes.  November  6,  elections  were  held  in  41  states.  The  Republi- 

1— See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  379 

cans  swept  the  north  and  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "The  result  of  the 
November  elections  has  settled  beyond  question  that  there  will  be 
no  more  tariff  legislation  in  the  direction  of  free  trade.  It  is  diffi 
cult,  however,  to  appreciate  the  permanent  loss  to  the  country 
arising  from  the  reduction  of  wages  due  to  Democratic  tariff 
changes  which  increase  foreign  competition." 

The  remaining  days  of  November  were  days  of  comparative 
rest  for  this  busy  man.  On  the  fifteenth  a  family  reunion  was  held 
at  his  home  to  commemorate  the  85th  birthday  of  his  father.  No 
vember  26,  in  company  with  his  wife  and  one  son,  he  returned  to 
Washington  to  again  resume  his  official  labors. 

The  closing  session  of  the  fifty-third  congress  opened  Decem 
ber  3.  The  president's  message  told  of  the  deficit  in  the  public 
treasury;  the  rapid  reduction  of  the  gold  reserve;  the  danger  of 
reducing  the  country  to  a  silver  basis ;  and  the  disappointment  the 
Wilson  tariff  bill  had  caused.  The  message  was  disheartening  to 
the  Democrats  and  they  were  not  slow  to  express  their  sentiments. 
It  was  apparent  to  observers  of  political  events,  that  the  wave  of 
tariff  reform  had  reached  its  height,  and  was  rapidly  receding.  The 
Democratic  leaders  realized  that  the  great  principle  of  protection 
of  which  the  McKinley  law  at  the  date  of  its  passage  was  the  most 
scientific  and  well  rounded  expression  ever  imbedded  in  our 
statutes,  had  been  reaffirmed  by  the  American  people  out  of  a 
costly  experience.  Bewildered  over  the  tariff,  President  Cleve 
land  sought  to  regain  his  lost  prestige  by  enjoining  the  Democratic 
congress  to  "reform  the  currency."  But  here  the  executive  was 
confronted  with  perplexities  no  less  than  those  surrounding  the 
tariff.  He,  a  gold  Democrat,  sought  to  force  a  free  silver  congress 
to  do  his  bidding.  The  failure  that  followed  was  inevitable.  Mr. 
Dingley  said  of  the  situation :  "There  is  now  special  need  of  a  calm 
and  philosophic  temper  as  well  as  of  a  sound  financial  intelligence 
in  addressing  currency  questions.  The  present  policy  of  borrow 
ing  to  live  on,  may  be  Democratic  but  it  is  suicidal." 

The  Democratic  plan  of  "currency  reform"  involved  a  repeal  of 
the  tax  on  state  bank  notes;  and  on  the  i8th  of  December  a  bill 
providing  for  such  repeal  was  called  up  in  the  house. 

Mr.  Dingley,  together  with  his  wife  and  one  son,  spent  the  holi 
days  at  Southern  Pines,  North  Carolina,  for  the  benefit  of  the  son's 
health.  Here  he  spent  Christmas  and  New  Year's,  returning  alone 
to  Washington  on  the  third  of  January. 


380  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  debate  on  the  currency  bill  was  resumed  as  soon  as  con 
gress  reassembled ;  and  on  the  fourth  of  January  Mr.  Dingley  mads 
his  great  speech  l  on  the  currency  question,  so  freely  quoted  at  the 
time.  It  was  considered  one  of  the  ablest  speeches  on  the  subject 
ever  delivered  in  the  house.  It  explained  the  deficiency  in  the  pub 
lie  treasury ;  the  run  on  the  redemption  fund ;  the  danger  of  a  state 
bank  currency.  Mr.  Dingley  himself  modestly  pronounced  it  "a 
successful  speech."  This  speech  was  a  forerunner  of  his  great  fight 
for  sound  money.  Of  it  the  New  York  Tribune  said :  "The  speech 
of  Mr.  Dingley  was  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  convincing  that  he 
has  ever  delivered  on  the  financial  subject  in  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives,  and  that  is  saying  a  great  deal,  for  he  is  regarded  on  all 
sides  as  one  of  the  soundest  and  best  equipped  men  in  that  body." 

The  financial  bill  was  defeated  February  7  by  a  vote  of  135  to 
162. 

The  columns  of  the  Lewiston  Journal  this  winter,  teemed  with 
strong  editorials  on  the  money  question,  all  from  the  pen  of  Mr. 
Dingley.  They  gave  evidence  of  mature  thought  and  ripe  judg 
ment.  As  an  illumination  of  the  money  question  they  are  unex 
celled. 

For  years  the  Alaskan  seal  fisheries  had  been  a  question  dis 
turbing  the  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
The  Paris  regulations  for  the  protection  of  the  seals  had  been  a  flat 
failure.  They  were  a  failure  because,  notwithstanding  the  cessa 
tion  for  three  years  of  the  killing  of  the  seals  by  the  lessees  of  the 
government,  the  Canadian  pelagic  sealers  had  killed  twice  as  many 
as  before.  "If  this  work  of  extermination  goes  on,"  said  Mr.  Ding- 
ley,  "in  less  than  five  years  the  seal  herd  will  be  exterminated  and 
a  property  worth  ten  million  dollars  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
pelagic  sealers,  mainly  Canadians.  We  are,  in  the  mean  time,  pro 
tecting  these  seals  at  an  expense  of  over  $200,000  per  year  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Canadians.  One  of  two  things  must  be  done :  first, 
Great  Britain  must  be  made  acquainted  with  the  facts  as  they  exist, 
and  she  must  be  asked  immediately  to  unite  with  this  country  in 
making  such  regulation  as  will  protect  this  seal  herd;  second,  some 
radical  remedy  must  be  applied."  Mr.  Dingley  then  sent  to  the 
clerk's  desk  a  bill  authorizing  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  pro 
ceed  at  once  to  capture  all  fur  bearing  seals  and  convert  the  money 
received  from  the  sale  of  the  skins  into  the  treasury.  The  bill  was 
referred  to  the  ways  and  means  committee,  and  received  much 
favorable  comment. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


W.  J.  BRYAN.     JERRY  SIMPSON. 
W.  P.  HEPBURN.     C.  A.  RUSSELL. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  381 

January  25  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  1  on  the  proviso  of  the  sundry 
civil  appropriation  bill  relative  to  denominations  of  notes.  January 
29  he  replied  l  to  Mr.  Wilson's  roseate  view  of  the  financial  condi 
tion  of  the  country  and  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  raising  more 
revenue.  He  closed  by  saying:  "As  men  deeply  interested  in  the 
prosperity  of  this  country,  as  men  placing  country  above  party,  we 
have  stood  ready  to  unite  with  you  in  any  steps  that  might  in  our 
judgment,  tend  to  restore  confidence,  remove  the  prevailing  dis 
trust,  and  give  to  this  country  the  great  prosperity  which  existed 
under  Republican  policy  from  1861  to  1892." 

The  financial  world  was  still  disturbed.  The  "endless  chain'r 
and  the  increasing  deficit  in  the  federal  treasury  alarmed  President 
Cleveland,  so  that  announcement  was  made  of  an  issue  of  United 
States  bonds  to  restore  the  gold  reserve.  Congress  refused  to  per 
mit  the  bonds  to  be  payable  in  gold  instead  of  "in  coin,"  thus  in 
creasing  the  rate  of  interest  from  3  to  4  per  cent.  The  bill  author 
izing  the  president  to  issue  $65,116,275  in  3  per  cent  gold  bonds, 
was,  on  the  fourteenth  of  February,  after  a  heated  discussion,  de 
feated  by  a  vote  of  167  to  120,  two  not  voting.  The  result  was 
greeted  with  loud  applause. 

February  12  Mr.  Dingley  attended  a  Republican  club  banquet 
at  Delmonico's-in  New  York  city  and  responded  to  the  toast,  "The 
Republican  Party."  February  21  eulogies  were  pronounced  in  the 
house  on  the  life  and  services  of  Francis  B.  Stockbridge,  late 
United  States  senator  from  Michigan.  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  l  briefly 
but  feelingly. 

It  was  already  evident  that  the  proposition  to  admit  silver  to 
free  coinage  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i  would  be  the  battle  cry  of  the 
Democrats  in  the  approaching  presidential  contest.  In  the  closing 
hours  of  this  congress  the  leading  Democrats  in  the  house  sounded 
the  keynote.  Mr.  Bryan  of  Nebraska,  shortly  before  the  fifty-third 
congress  closed,  made  a  dramatic  and  impassioned  speech  in  which, 
taking  the  proposed  international  monetary  conference  as  a  text, 
he  appealed  to  the  American  people  to  restore  silver  to  free  and 
unlimited  coinage  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i  "without  waiting  for  the 
aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation."  Mr.  Dingley  made  a  very 
pointed  and  significant  reply  l  to  Mr.  Bryan  which  was  indorsed  by 
a  large  majority  of  the  Republicans  and  many  Democrats,  and 
which  sounded  the  keynote  of  the  defense  the  advocates  of  sound 
money  subsequently  made  in  the  campaign  of  1896. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


382  .LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  fifty-third  congress  came  to  an  end  at  noon  March  4,  1895. 
That  evening  Mr.  Dingley,  in  company  with  his  daughter,  left 
Washington  for  Southern  Pines,  North  Carolina,  to  join  his  wife 
and  son.  Here  he  spent  five  weeks  with  a  portion  of  his  family, 
resting,  riding  horseback  and  roaming  through  the  woods.  This 
sojourn  in  the  southern  clime  was  for  the  benefit  of  his  invalid  son; 
but  likewise  it  was  a  great  benefit  to  the  father.  But  a  quiet  and 
bucolic  atmosphere  did  not  put  an  end  to  Mr.  Dingley's  work.  His 
active  and  creative  mind  was  busy  preparing  a  novel  presentation 
of  the  silver  question.  About  this  time,  a  small,  yellow  covered 
book  known  as  "Coin's  Financial  School"  by  William  H.  Harvey, 
was  being  circulated  and  read  freely  all  over  the  country.  It  was  a 
unique  presentation  of  the  silver  question  from  the  16  to  i  free  sil 
ver  point  of  view,  and  exerted  a  great  influence  in  the  several  states, 
particularly  in  the  west.  It  was  read  on  the  trains,  in  the  hotels, 
on  the  farm,  and  in  the  shop.  It  was  a  campaign  document  in  elec 
tions,  and  was  to  many  homes  a  sort  of  bible.  Men  suffering  from 
the  hard  times  examined  it  eagerly  and  accepted  its  doctrines  as 
law  and  gospel.  Mr.  Dingley  secured  a  copy  of  this  book  and 
quickly  detected  its  fallacies  and  falsehoods;  and  forthwith  began 
to  write  a  series  of  questions  and  answers  on  the  silver  question. 
In  this  imaginary  conversation,  he  covered  the  money  problem  in 
an  elementary  manner  so  that  all  might  understand  it.  Returning 
to  his  home  in  Maine  April  20,  he  revised  this  series  of  articles,  and 
had  them  published  in  pamphlet  form  under  the  heading — "Three 
Evenings  with  Silver  and  Money;  the  Talk  of  Four  Neighbors 
About  Money  and  Silver."  1 

This  little  pamphlet  prepared  by  Mr.  Dingley  is  of  historical 
value.  Sometime  in  June,  1896,  before  the  national  convention 
met  at  St.  Louis,  Chairman  Babcock  of  the  congressional  commit 
tee  came  across  a  pamphlet  called  "Three  Evenings  with  Silver 
and  Money."  The  pamphlet  contained  something  like  sixty  pages, 
ordinary  size,  and  purported  to  be  the  arguments  and  discussions 
of  four  neighbors  on  the  general  question  of  silver,  gold,  protec 
tion  and  free  trade.  Mr.  Babcock  said  that  General  Henderson  of 
Iowa  had  handed  it  to  him  and  informed  him  that  it  was  a  most 
valuable  document  and  that  he,  (Henderson)  wished  Mr.  Babcock 
to  have  at  least  fifty  thousand  copies  of  it  printed  for  use  in  Hen 
derson's  district.  Mr.  Babcock  found  it  to  be  one  of  the  most 
valuable  political  documents  ever  put  out.  It  discussed  in  plain  and 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  383 

homely  terms  the  arguments  of  the  plain  people  as  to  the  money 
supplies,  sorts  of  money  needed,  the  effects  of  free  silver,  of  the 
gold  standard,  the  protection  and  development  of  a  country  which 
resulted  from  confidence  in  a  stable  monetary  system,  and  of  pro 
tection  in  favor  of  our  farmer  and  workingman  as  against  those  of 
the  rest  of  the  world.  The  Republican  national  committee  had  not 
yet  met  and  the  issues  had  not  been  stated,  yet  a  reading  of  this 
pamphlet  satisfied  the  committee  that  it  was,  in  all  ways,  a  very 
necessary  document.  It  was  noticed  that  it  was  printed  at  the  office 
of  the  Lewiston  (Maine)  Journal  in  1895.  This  was  the  only  hint 
as  to  the  authorship.  Before  it  was  ready  for  publication  congress 
had  adjourned  but,  fortunately,  a  resolution  had  been  passed  on 
motion  of  Congressman  Babcock,  giving  a  general  leave  to  print, 
good  for  ten  days  after  the  adjournment.  As  a  result,  the  Con 
gressional  Record  for  June  25,  1896,  included  these  remarks  by 
Hon.  Joseph  W.  Babcock:  "Mr.  Speaker,  under  the  leave  which 
has  been  granted  by  the  house  I  desire  to  make  some  practical  ob 
servations  on  silver  and  money,  and  especially  on  the  proposition 
that  the  United  States  should  open  its  mints  to  the  gratuitious  and 
unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  I.  And  in  doing 
this  I  can  best  express  my  views  in  a  simple  and  easily  understood 
manner  by  adopting  as  my  own,  a  conversation  on  the  subject  on 
three  evenings  between  Mr.  Smith,  a  practical  business  man  and 
careful  student  of  finance;  Mr.  Jones,  an  intelligent  farmer;  Mr. 
Vance,  formerly  a  Greenbacker,  now  a  Populist  and  silverman ;  and 
Mr.  Burns,  a  common-sense  laborer."  When  this  issue  of  the 
Record  reached  Congressman  Cannon  at  his  home  in  Illinois,  he 
read  "Three  Evenings  with  Silver."  The  next  day,  to  quote  his 
picturesque  language,  he  threw  himself  on  the  train  and  went  to 
Washington  for  more  copies.  The  national  committee  had  not  yet 
organized  nor  sent  out  copies  of  any  documents.  Indeed,  they  did 
not  organize  for  more  than  a  month  afterwards,  and  the  silver 
propaganda  was  having  its  own  way  throughout  the  country.  Mr. 
Cannon  said :  "I  want  something  for  my  folks  to  chew  on.  This 
is  just  the  thing  for  them.  If  I  can  get  three  thousand  copies  of  this 
article,  I  will  have  every  fellow  on  the  street  corner,  in  the  stores 
and  on  the  trains  loaded  up  with  something  to  answer  all  these  sil 
ver  fellows." 

As  the  reprint  which  had  been  ordered  would  not  be  ready  for 
some  days  Mr.  Cannon  proceeded  to  the  capitol  and  ordered  three 
thousand  copies  of  the  whole  edition  of  the  Record  of  that  date  and 


384  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

took  them  back  with  him  to  Illinois.  General  Henderson  had  his 
fifty  thousand  copies  promptly  and  this  number  was  greatly  in 
creased  to  him  afterwards.  The  demand  all  over  the  country  for 
this  document  was  immediate  and  sustained  throughout  the  whole 
campaign.  Over  three  million  four  hundred  thousand  copies  of  this 
document  were  distributed  out  of  twenty-one  million,  the  total  sent 
out  by  the  committee. 

In  the  busy  time  incident  to  the  lormation  ot  the  committee, 
preparation  of  documents,  and  building  up  the  force  of  employes, 
there  was  little  time  to  think  as  to  the  authorship  of  this  document. 
Mr.  Babcock  did  not  know ;  General  Henderson  was  away,  and  the 
only  clue  the  committee  had  was  the  "Journal"  imprint ;  but  they 
knew  Mr.  Dingley's  style  of  argumentative  discourse,  and  formed 
their  own  conclusions.  Consequently  after  the  first  edition  of  one 
hundred  thousand  copies  had  been  received  from  the  printer  and 
new  editions  were  to  be  ordered,  the  committee  sent  several  copies 
to  Mr.  Dingley  with  an  intimation  that  they  thought  him  either  the 
author  of,  or  as  having  inspired  the  writing  of  this  pamphlet,  and 
suggested  that  he  go  over  the  copy  and  make  any  changes  or  cor 
rections  which  he  desired.  To  this  letter  was  received  a  reply  from 
Squirrel  Island,  Maine,  making  a  few  changes  and  asking  how  the 
committee  came  to  suspect  him  to  be  the  author.  Several  letters 
passed  on  this  subject,  in  the  course  of  which  Mr.  Dingley  acknowl 
edged  the  authorship  and  expressed  his  pleasure  at  its  universal 
acceptation  as  a  most  popular  and  timely  document.  It  is  very 
hard  to  estimate  the  number  of  votes  changed  by  any  document  or 
its  exact  effect  in  a  campaign.  But  this  one  was  early  in  the  field. 
The  committee  began  sending  out  early  in  July  and  the  demand  for 
it  continued  up  to  the  middle  of  October.  It  is  the  judgment  of  the 
national  committee  that  it  brought  over  to  the  Republican  party 
more  votes  from  those  who  had  been  carried  away  by  the  specious 
arguments  in  favor  of  free  silver,  than  any  other  document  pub 
lished  by  either  the  congressional  or  the  national  committee  in 
1896.  ! 

The  month  of  June  brought  quiet  and  rest  to  Mr.  Dingley,  save 
what  little  time  he  devoted  to  editorial  work,  which  was  really  a 

1— Washington,  D.  C.,  Dec.  5,  1896. — Hon  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Washington,  D. 
C.,  My  dear  Mr.  Dingley: — I  desire  to  express  to  you  not  only  for  myself  but  on 
behalf  of  the  Republican  congressional  committee,  the  great  obligation  we  feel 
for  the  document  furnished  us  by  you  called  "Three  Evenings  with  Silver  and 
Money."  It  proved  to  be  of  the  greatest  service  in  the  campaign  and  taxed  our 
capacity  to  supply  the  demand  for  it.  In  fact  we  are  unable  to  do  so.  No  other 
document  that  was  published  or  handled  by  this  committee  did  such  effective 
work.  It  was  clear,  concise  and  conveyed  all  the  points  at  issue.  With  the  wish 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  385 

recreation  for  him.  June  24  he  left  Lewiston  for  Concord,  New 
Hampshire,  where  on  the  following  day  he  attended  the  reunion  of 
his  class  (1855)  in  Dartmouth  college.  There  were  nine  members 
and  Mr.  Dingley  presided.  The  following  day  he  spoke  briefly  at 
the  commencement  dinner,  returning  to  Boston  June  27,  where,  in 
the  evening  he  spoke  at  the  Good  Templars'  banquet  in  Copley  hall. 
July  ist,  he  spoke  at  Poland  Springs,  at  the  dedication  of  the  Maine 
state  building  which  had  been  moved  from  the  World's  Fair 
grounds  in  Chicago  to  Poland  Springs.  July  2  he  visited  Water- 
ville  college  where  he  was  a  student  from  1851  to  1853.  In  the 
evening  he  spoke  at  a  Zeta  Psi  banquet.  What  sweet  memories 
must  have  flooded  his  mind  on  this  occasion ! 

July  4,  1895,  was  a  memorable  day  for  Lewiston.  It  was  the 
looth  anniversary  of  the  celebration  of  Independence  day.  The 
literary  exercises  took  place  in  the  park.  Here  Mr.  Dingley 
"played  the  role  of  prophet."  He  predicted  the  growth  of  Lewis- 
ton  and  of  Maine,  and  added:  "I  believe  also  that  the  future  of 
this  great  Republic  is  to  be  grander  than  the  past — grand  as  that 
has  been.  What  duties  and  responsibilities  rest  on  such  a  nation ! 
Do  you  realize  them?  Truly,  such  a  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people  and  for  the  people  set  by  God's  providence  as  the  de 
fender  and  protector  of  human  rights,  is  not  to  perish  from  the 
earth,  but  is  to  go  on  from  decade  to  decade  increasing  in  popula 
tion,  in  intelligence,  in  wealth,  in  prosperity,  and  in  its  beneficent 
influence  on  humanity." 

July  5th  in  company  with  his  wife  and  daughter  he  went  to 
Squirrel  Island,  and  there  again  drank  in  the  health  and  strength 
which  such  a  place  can  afford.  Here  with  his  grandchildren,  he 
found  that  comfort  and  rest  which  fortified  him  for  the  arduous 
duties  of  public  life. 

This  beautiful  summer  vacation  will  never  be  forgotten  by  those 
who  enjoyed  it  at  this  island  home.  The  sun  seemed  brighter,  the 
air  purer,  life  sweeter  than  in  any  other  place  on  earth.  It  was  one 
of  the  few  summers  when  public  business  permitted  Mr.  Dingley's 
continued  presence  at  this  spot  so  dear  to  him.  Fete  day,  estab 
lished  the  year  before,  occurred  August  10,  and  Mr.  Dingley  en 
tered  into  the  spirit  of  the  occasion  with  unusual  zest.  At  the  lit- 

and  the  belief  that  the  Republican  party  will  not  disappoint    those    who    have 
placed  it  in  power,  I  am, 

Very  truly  yours, 
J.  W.  Babcock,  Chairman. 

The  documents  "Three  Evenings  with  Silver"  were  printed  in  Philadelphia 
fin'C  the-  ilrst  shipment  to  Washington — over  248,00  copies — filled  a  car. 


386  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

erary  exercises  in  the  Casino,  Mr.  Dingiey  gave  an  address  1  of  an 
historical  character,  interesting  to  all  who  ever  visited  Squirrel 
Island,  and  to  all  who  see  in  it  the  social  and  wholesome  side  of  Mr. 
Dingley's  life.  As  one  of  the  founders  of  this  little  summer  colony, 
he  conferred  a  boon  upon  thousands. 

August  n  following  Fete  day  was  Sunday;  and  on  the  after 
noon  of  that  beautiful  day  a  sunset  praise  service  was  held  on  the 
rugged  rocks  of  south  shore.  The  entire  population  of  the  island 
gathered  on  the  rocks.  An  organ  was  placed  in  a  suitable  position, 
and  a  chorus  that  rendered  impressive  singing,  stirred  the  souls  of 
the  audience.  The  day  was  perfect.  The  rays  of  the  setting  sun 
cast  a  heavenly  glow  over  the  assembled  worshippers.  The  sea 
was  calm  and  almost  motionless.  The  mighty  power  of  the  waves 
was  at  rest.  A  peace  that  "passeth  all  understanding"  possessed 
all  nature  and  the  souls  of  the  humble  worshippers.  It  was  a  scene 
never  to  be  forgotten.  A  benediction  seemed  to  hover  over  all. 
Never  did  the  Creator  seem  so  near.  The  speakers  on  this  memor 
able  occasion  were,  Mr.  Dingiey,  Mr.  Frye  and  Dr.  Hiscox.  Mr. 
Dingley's  topic  was :  "The  Love  of  God  in  Man."  Never  did  he 
speak  with  such  fervor  and  such  earnestness.  He  seemed  to  be  in 
spired,  and  his  audience  listened  spell-bound.  The  beautiful  words 
he  uttered  seemed  to  come  straight  from  heaven.  No  disciple  of 
Christ;  no  apostle  of  the  Son  of  God  could  have  spoken  with 
greater  tenderness  or  more  devotion.  The  memory  of  that  day 
and  of  Mr.  Dingley's  address,  was  ever  an  inspiration  to  all  who 
were  present. 

The  only  important  public  event  in  which  he  participated  this 
fall,  was  the  ninth  triennial  national  council  of  Congregational 
churches  of  the  United  States,  October  9  to  14,  at  Syracuse,  New 
York.  Mr.  Dingiey  was  made  moderator.  About  four  hundred 
delegates  were  in  attendance  from  every  northern  and  several 
southern  states,  including  an  unusual  number  of  the  ablest  mem 
bers  of  the  Congregational  denomination,  such  as  Reverend  Doc 
tors' Gordon,  Boynton,  Clark,  Baker,  Cobb,  and  Quint  of  Massa 
chusetts  ;  Lawson,  Northrup,  and  Twitchell  of  Connecticut ;  Mere 
dith,  Ward,  Packard,  Virgin  and  Choate  of  New  York;  Gunsaulus,. 
Sturtevant  and  Noble  of  Illinois;  Gladden  of  Ohio;  Hallock,  Wil 
liams  and  Brown  of  the  Pacific  coast  and  many  others,  together 
with  D.  L.  Moody  of  Chicago,  S.  B.  Capen  of  Boston  and  many 
other  laymen.  It  was  a  large  and  brilliant  assembly.  Mr.  Dingiey 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  387 

received  unusual  social  attention  while  in  Syracuse.  Friday  even 
ing,  Former  Senator  Hiscock  gave  a  dinner  in  his  honor.  Satur 
day  evening  the  Zeta  Psi  fraternity  of  the  university  gave  him  a 
dinner.  At  the  close  of  this  busy  and  notable  council,  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  was  given  a  vote  of  thanks  for  his  splendid  services  as  moder 
ator. 

The  succeeding  nve  weelcs  were  filled  with  the  usual  duties  of  a 
busy  journalist  and  public  man.  On  the  5th  of  November  elections 
took  place  in  12  states.  The  result  indicated  very  clearly  that  the 
causes  which  operated  the  year  previous  to  give  such  phenomenal 
Republican  majorities,  still  continued  to  affect  public  opinion. 
These  elections  made  it  reasonably  sure  that  the  Republicans  would 
win  in  the  presidential  contest  of  1896. 

November  25th  Mr.  Dingley  spoke  at  a  banquet  given  by  the 
Portland  club.  Thanksgiving  day  this  year  did  not  bring  the  usual 
joys  derived  at  a  family  reunion.  Mr.  Dingley's  family  was  scat 
tered  ;  but  fourteen,  including  his  honored  father  and  his  brother 
and  family,  sat  about  the  bountiful  table.  November  29  he  left  for 
Washington  alone,  and  took  up  his  abode  in  the  familiar  rooms  at 
the  Hamilton  house. 


CHAPTER  XX. 
1895-1896. 

The  fifty-fourth  congress  assembled  in  December.  1895,  on  the 
eve  of  a  most  important  national  convention.  The  business  of  the 
country  was  in  a  deplorable  condition.  The  second  administration 
of  President  Cleveland  had  proved  a  failure  as  far  as  the  federal 
finances  were  concerned.  Government  bonds  had  been  issued  in  a 
time  of  peace,  partly  to  make  up  the  deficit  in  the  national  treasury, 
and  partly  to  replenish  the  gold  reserve  assailed  because  of  a  wide 
spread  lack  of  confidence.  The  new  congress  was  powerless  to  take 
any  positive  action  to  relieve  the  country,  because  the  senate  was 
not  in  political  accord  with  the  house.  The  country  was  obliged  to 
wait  for  another  election,  and  a  Republican  government  in  all  three 
branches. 

In  this  congress  were  many  of  the  old  leaders — Wheeler  of  Ala 
bama  ;  Russell  of  Connecticut ;  Crisp  and  Turner  of  Georgia ;  Hop 
kins,  Hitt  and  Cannon  of  Illinois;  Steele  of  Indiana;  Henderson, 
Lacey,  Hull,  Hepburn  and  Dolliver  of  Iowa ;  Evans  and  McCreary 
of  Kentucky;  Reed,  Dingley,  Milliken  and  Boutelle  of  Maine;  Wal 
ker,  McCall  and  Morse  of  Massachusetts ;  Tawney,  McCleary  and 
Towne  of  Minnesota;  Catchings  and  Money  of  Mississippi;  Dd 
Armond  and  Dockery  of  Missouri;  Meiklejohn  of  Nebraska; 
Payne,  Sulzer  and  Sherman  of  New  York;  Grosvenor  of  Ohio; 
Grow  and  Dalzell  of  Pennsylvania;  McMillin  and  Richardson  of 
Tennessee ;  Bailey  and  Sayers  of  Texas  ;  Swanson  of  Virginia ;  Bab- 
cock  of  Wisconsin. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  389 

Thomas  B.  Reed  was  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  Republicans 
for  speaker  and  was  re-elected  to  that  honorable  position  wherein 
only  a  short  time  before  he  was  denounced  as  a  "czar"  and  a 
"usurper." 

President  Cleveland's  message  to  congress  contained  no  sur 
prises.  It  attempted  to  explain  the  hard  times  and  depression  on 
the  theory  that  the  protective  tariff  of  1890  had  checked  our  ex 
ports  and  our  foreign  trade  and  on  the  theory  that  the  presence  of 
the  greenbacks  was  a  constant  menace  to  the  credit  and  confidence 
of  the  country.  The  redeeming  feature  of  the  message  was  the  de 
nunciation  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  16  to  i.  It 
was  this  declaration  that  completed  the  absolute  divorce  of  Mr. 
Cleveland  from  the  new  Democratic  party  that  was  rapidly  reach 
ing  the  ascendency. 

In  the  drawing  of  seats  Mr.  Dingley  was  particularly  unfortu 
nate,  his  name  being  called  among  the  very  last.  Mr.  Chas.  Curtis 
of  Kansas  very  generously  came  forward  and  offered  Mr.  Dingley 
his  seat  in  the  second  row — a  commanding  position. 

On  the  eighth  of  November,  1895,  Hon.  Thomas  F.  Bayard, 
United  States  ambassador  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain  made  an 
address  at  the  Edinburg  Philosophic  institution  on  "Individual 
Freedom  the  Germ  of  National  Progress  and  Permanence."  In  the 
course  of  this  address  Mr.  Bayard  declared  that  the  policy  of  pro 
tection  "had  done  more  to  foster  class  legislation  and  create  in 
equality  of  fortune,  to  corrupt  public  life,  to  banish  men  of  inde 
pendent  mind  and  character  from  the  public  councils,  to  lower  the 
tone  of  national  representation,  blunt  public  conscience,  create 
false  standards  in  the  popular  mind,  to  familiarize  it  with  reliance 
upon  state  aid  and  guardianship  in  private  affairs,  divorce  ethics 
from  politics,  and  place  politics  upon  the  low  level  of  a  mercenary 
scramble,  than  any  other  single  cause." 

The  indignation  which  swept  over  the  country  at  the  undiplo 
matic  language  of  the  ambassador,  culminated  in  the  house  Decem 
ber  10,  when  Mr.  McCall  and  Mr.  Barrett  of  Massachusetts,  each 
introduced  resolutions  on  the  matter — the  first  simply  asking  the 
president  to  inform  the  house  "what  steps  if  any  he  has  taken  to  re 
call  or  to  censure  said  Bayard ;"  the  second  boldly  impeaching  the 
ambassador  and  asking  the  committee  on  foreign  relations  "to  re 
port  to  the  house  such  action  by  impeachment  or  otherwise  as  shall 
be  proper  in  the  premises."  The  second  resolution  secured  consid 
eration  as  a  question  of  privilege,  and  a  sharp  partisan  debate  fol- 


390  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

lowed.  The  Republican  leaders,  including  Mr.  Dingley  and  Mr. 
Hitt  (the  latter  chairman  of  the  committee  on  foreign  affairs)  were 
taken  completely  by  surprise  and  sought  to  avert  the  scene  which 
had  been  suddenly  and  unwisely  precipitated.  Mr.  Dingley  was 
quickly  put  forward  to  get  the  house  out  of  its  difficulty ;  and  when 
he  had  once  obtained  the  floor  the  excitement  ceased.  In  a  calm 
and  dispassionate  manner  he  discussed  the  resolution.  Turning  to 
Mr.  Crisp  of  Georgia  he  said :  "Does  the  gentleman  from  Georgia 
believe  that  an  ambassador  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States 
has  a  right  to  go  upon  a  foreign  platform  and  thus  denounce  one 
half  or  more  of  the  people  of  this  country?"  Mr.  Crisp  sought  to 
have  Mr.  Dingley  admit  that  the  language  used  by  Mr.  Bayard  was 
not  good  ground  for  impeachment.  Mr.  Dingley  replied :  "In  my 
judgment  this  is  a  case  in  which  perhaps  impeachment  may  not  be 
the  most  expedient  remedy.  But  that  this  house,  representing  the 
American  people,  should  condemn  such  action  on  the  part  of  their 
ambassador  abroad,  I  have  no  doubt.  My  judgment  is  that  such 
language,  denouncing  the  people  of  this  country,  uttered  in  a  for 
eign  country  by  an  ambassador  of  the  United  States,  is  an  impeach- 
able  offense  if  the  house  desires  to  thus  proceed.  Whether  it  is 
wise  to  do  so  is  another  question."  Finally  the  house,  following  the 
suggestion  made  by  Mr.  Dingley,  struck  out  the  words  "by  im 
peachment  or  otherwise"  and  the  resolution  thus  amended  was 
adopted  and  referred  to  the  committee  on  foreign  relations.  Thus 
ended  the  Bayard  impeachment  episode. 

Speaker  Reed's  selection  of  Mr.  Dingley  as  chairman  of  the 
ways  and  means  committee  of  this  congress,  was  a  glowing  tribute 
to  the  latter's  eminent  fitness  and  rare  qualifications  for  this  im 
portant  position.  The  speaker  was  impressed  with  the  fact  that  this 
was  the  fitting  thing  to  do,  and  that  the  appointment  would  meet 
with  almost  universal  approval.  Mr.  Burrows  and  Mr.  McKenna 
who  served  with  Mr.  Dingley  and  were  his  seniors  on  the  commit 
tee  of  ways  and  means  in  the  fifty-first  congress,  had  been  pro 
moted  to  higher  positions  of  trust.  Mr.  Dingley  was  not  a  member 
of  this  committee  in  the  fifty-second  or  fifty-third  congresses  (hav 
ing  voluntarily  stepped  aside  in  December,  1891,  to  permit  Mr. 
Reed  to  resume  his  old  place  on  the  committee  on  ways  and  means) 
and  therefore  was  not  entitled  to  the  chairmanship  by  reason  of 
seniority  and  promotion.  Both  Mr.  Payne  of  New  York  and  Mr. 
Dalzell  of  Pennsylvania  were  deserving  of  consideration  on  the 
score  of  seniority,  and  both  were  eminently  qualified  for  the  posi- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR. 

tion.  But  Speaker  Reed  did  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  had  Mr. 
Dingley  remained  on  this  committee  he  would  have  been  the  rank 
ing  member ;  and  the  unselfishness  displayed  by  Mr.  Dingley  to  Mr. 
Reed  was  not  forgotten  by  the  latter.  Gratitude,  justice,  fitness 
and  public  sentiment  all  pointed  to  Mr.  Dingley's  selection. 

Congress  met  December  2  and  Mr.  Reed  sent  for  Mr.  Dingley 
December  1 1  to  assist  in  making  up  the  house  committees.  Even 
at  this  late  day  the  speaker  simply  intimated  to  Mr.  Dingley  what 
he  intended  to  do,  for  the  latter  recorded  in  his  diary  on  that  date ; 
"I  am  probably  to  be  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee." 
Speaker  Reed  knew  that  Mr.  Dingley  was  the  best  equipped  man  in 
the  house  for  this  important  position ;  1  but  feared  that  the  many 
prominent  places  which  Maine  already  held  in  the  house  might  pre 
vent  him  from  appointing  his  good  friend  and  wise  adviser.  But 
there  developed  a  general  desire  among  Republican  members,  in 
cluding  the  members  from  New  York,  that  Mr.  Dingley  should  be 
assigned  to  this  place ;  and  speedily  it  became  possible  for  Mr.  Reed 
to  carry  out  his  wishes  with  substantially  the  unanimous  approval 
of  all  members  of  the  house,  Republicans  and  Democrats  alike. 
Seldom  has  a  chairman  of  this  important  committee  and  a  floor 
leader  been  chosen  under  such  flattering  circumstances.  The  com 
mittee  was  announced  by  the  speaker  as  follows :  Dingley,  Maine, 
chairman ;  Payne,  New  York ;  Dalzell,  Pennsylvania ;  Hopkins,  Illi 
nois;  Grosvenor,  Ohio;  Russell,  Connecticut;  Dolliver,  Iowa; 
Steele,  Indiana ;  Johnson,  North  Dakota ;  Evans,  Kentucky ;  Taw- 
ney,  Minnesota;  Crisp,  Georgia;  McMillin,  Tennessee;  Turner, 
Georgia;  Tarsney,  Missouri;  Wheeler,  Alabama;  McLaurin, 
South  Carolina.  Mr.  Dingley  was  heartily  congratulated  both  per 
sonally  and  by  letter. 

In  his  message  to  congress,  President  Cleveland  maintained 
that  the  financial  ills  of  the  government,  necessitating  the  issue  of 
bonds,  was  not  due  to  the  insufficient  revenue  under  the  tariff  laws 
of  1894,  but  to  the  presence  if  greenbacks  in  the  financial  system. 
He  said :  "It  is  possible  that  the  suggestion  of  increased  revenue 

1 — F.  L.  Dingley  in  the  Lewiston  Journal  wrote  as  follows:  "While  few  men 
ever  differed  more  widely  in  their  temperament  and  intellect  than  Speaker 
Reed  and  Congressman  Dingly,  few  men  in  congress  were  more  closer  and  more 
trusted  friends.  The  speaker's  epigrams  the  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means 
committee  never  failed  to  enjoy,  even  when  fired  at  himself.  You  could  not 
wound  the  chairman  by  any  weapons  which  the  kindly  fun  of  the  speaker 
handled.  Mr.  Reed  had  faith  in  Mr.  Dingley's  political  judgment  and  warmly 
regarded  his  exact  political  information  while  Mr.  Dingley  had  equal  respect  for 
the  greatness  of  mind,  sincerity  of  purpose  and  philosophic  culture  and  poise  of 
the  speaker.  Between  these  men  there  was  never  any  collision  of  ambition  or 
of  temperament.  It  is  true  they  did  not  uniformly  agree,  but  if  they  did  not 
agree  they  agieed  th  t  it  was  wholesome  for  each  and  no  offense  to  either." 


392  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

as  a  remedy  for  the  difficulties  we  are  considering  may  have  origi 
nated  in  an  intimation  or  distinct  allegation  that  the  bonds  which 
have  been  issued  ostensibly  to  replenish  our  gold  reserve  were 
really  issued  to  supply  insufficient  revenue.  Nothing  can  be  farther 
from  the  truth.  Bonds  were  issued  to  obtain  gold  for  the  mainte 
nance  of  our  national  credit."  On  the  2Oth  of  December  the  presi 
dent,  alarmed  over  the  financial  condition  of  the  country,  sent 
another  message  to  congress,  in  which  he  expressed  the  earnest 
hope  that  congress  would  not  take  a  recess  without  doing  some 
thing  to  satisfy  the  people  that  the  government  intended  to  meet 
every  obligation  it  incurred.  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "The  president 
having  set  the  grass  on  fire  and  the  blaze  having  got  good  headway, 
he  now  turns  to  congress  and  says :  The  grass  is  afire,  gentlemen, 
I  leave  it  for  you  to  put  out.' ' 

On  the  21  st  of  December  at  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  within 
two  hours  after  he  was  appointed  chairman,  Mr.  Dingley  called  a 
meeting  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  for  organization.  That 
evening  the  Republican  members  conferred  and  agreed  to  report  to 
the  house  immediately  a  tariff  and  bond  bill,  which  the  chairman 
was  authorized  to  draw  up.  The  critical  condition  of  the  federal 
treasury  demanded  prompt  action,  and  it  was  decided  not  to  ad 
journ  the  house  for  the  usual  holiday  recess  until  the  tariff  and  bond 
bills  were  passed. 

Secretary  Carlisle  shared  in  the  general  alarm  over  the  financial 
condition  of  the  public  treasury.  He  addressed  a  note  to  Chair 
man  Dingley  saying  frankly  that  the  treasury  was  in  need  and  that 
he  would  be  glad  to  furnish  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  with 
any  information  in  his  possession  relative  to  measures  of  relief.  Mr, 
Dingley  immediately  went  to  the  secretary  and  submitted  to  him  a 
copy  of  the  proposed  bill  authorizing  an  issue  of  three  per  cent 
coin  bonds  for  the  redemption  of  legal  tender  notes  and  its  pro 
vision  authorizing  an  issue  of  fifty  million  dollars  of  certificates  of 
indebtedness  bearing  three  per  cent  interest  and  redeemable  in 
three  years,  to  be  used  to  supply  deficits  in  the  current  expenses  of 
the  government.  Mr.  Dingley  said  frankly  that  it  was  useless  for 
the  government  to  pretend  that  there  was  no  deficit  in  its  accounts, 
and  that  if  the  revenue  bill  were  passed  it  would  enable  the  adminis 
tration  to  pay  its  debts  without  touching  the  reserve  fund.  Mr. 
Carlisle  insisted  that  there  was  no  deficit ;  on  the  contrary  there  was 
a  large  sum  of  money  in  the  treasury.  Mr.  Dingley  pointed  out  that 
the  money  to  which  the  secretary  referred  consisted  of  redeemed 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  393 

legal  tender  notes  and  if  the  government  paid  them  for  its  current 
expenses  they  would  turn  up  immediately  at  the  sub-treasury  and 
the  government's  stock  of  gold  would  be  cut  down.  To  pay  out 
greenbacks  in  this  manner  simply  meant  that  the  government  was 
furnishing  ammunition  for  fresh  raids  on  the  treasury.  The  only 
thing  to  do  was  to  accept  the  bill  as  a  relief  law  offered  in  good 
faith  and  not  as  a  partisan  enterprise.  Mr.  Dingley  urged  the  sec 
retary  to  consent  to  separating  the  banking  business  of  the  govern 
ment  from  its  ordinary  business.  He  argued  that  if  the  govern 
ment  was  able  to  meet  its  expenses  out  of  a  fund  specially  provided 
for  that  purpose  by  congress  there  would  be  no  necessity  of  using 
greenbacks,  and  they  would  lie  in  the  treasury  accumulating  from 
week  to  week,  so  long  as  the  raid  continued  on  the  treasury.  It  was 
true  that  the  law  of  1878  required  the  secretary  to  re-issue  green 
backs  as  soon  as  they  were  redeemed,  but  this  law  would  be  com 
plied  with  by  simply  depositing  the  greenbacks  in  the  cash  account 
of  the  treasury.  The  government  was  not  obliged  to  pay  out  legal 
tenders  unless  there  was  something  to  pay  them  out  for.  There 
fore,  the  government  could  protect  itself  from  raids  by  temporarily 
retaining  its  growing  stock  of  legal  tenders.  Presently  there  would 
be  a  scarcity  of  greenbacks,  and  the  hoarders  of  gold  would  be  glad 
to  exchange  their  coin  for  paper  money.  Mr.  Dingley  begged  the 
secretary  to  give  his  assent  to  this  scheme  as  the  only  practicable 
measure  that  would  meet  the  situation.  Mr.  Carlisle  assented  to 
the  idea  that  the  temporary  retention  of  greenbacks  would  greatly 
aid  the  government  in  maintaining  the  gold  reserve,  but  he  strenu 
ously  denied  that  the  administration  was  in  need  of  any  revenue  bill. 
During  this  long  and  grave  conversation  Mr.  Dingley  and  the 
secretary  went  over  the  bond  bill  to  replenish  the  gold  reserve,  in 
much  detail.  Mr.  Carlisle  wanted  the  word  "gold"  substituted  for 
the  word  "coin."  The  chairman  replied  that  to  make  such  a 
change  would  be  sure  to  insure  the  defeat  of  the  proposition  by  a 
three  quarters  majority  in  the  senate,  and  such  a  sweeping  defeat 
would  create  a  bad  impression  all  over  the  country  and  abroad,  and 
would  be  calculated  to  seriously  damage  the  credit  of  the  govern 
ment  in  any  attempt  to  affect  a  loan  on  favorable  terms.  Mr.  Car 
lisle  appeared  to  assent  to  this  argument.  Then  Mr.  Dingley  said 
he  was  firmly  convinced  that  the  bonds  ought  to  be  first  offered  by 
the  government  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  people  had 
plenty  of  gold  and  would  readily  respond  to  the  appeal  of  the  gov 
ernment.  But  ordinary  men  who  were  ignorant  of  the  niceties  of 


394  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

finance  could  not  bring  themselves  to  the  point  of  paying  a 
premium  for  the  bonds.  Only  bankers  and  banking  syndicates  un 
derstood  how  to  calculate  premiums.  The  common  people  would 
buy  the  bonds  ''flat" — at  their  face  value.  For  that  reason  a  three 
per  cent  bond  had  been  acted  upon.  The  committee  of  ways  and 
means  had  determined  upon  a  popular  loan.  At  Mr.  Carlisle's  sug 
gestion  change  after  change  was  made  in  the  language  of  the  bill. 
Mr.  Dingley  complained  that  the  administration's  great  mistake 
was  in  waiting  too  long  before  issuing  bonds,  and  that  the  president 
took  too  much  pains  to  alarm  the  public  about  the  credit  of  the 
government  in  advance  of  its  calls  for  loans.  Had  there  been  an 
issue  of  fifty  million  dollars  of  bonds  in  April,  1893,  the  treasury  de 
partment  would  probably  have  stopped  the  raids  permanently  by 
having  a  reserve  of  $150,000,000,  if  revenue  had  been  larger  than 
expenditures. 

Mr.  Carlisle  returned  to  his  objections  to  the  word  "coin,"  but 
was  met  by  the  statement  that  all  the  administration  had  to  do  was 
to  stop  its  alarmist  utterances  and  make  executive  declaration  that 
the  bonds  would  be  redeemed  in  gold.  That  would  accomplish  the 
purpose  quite  as  well.  The  chairman  said  that  he  was  willing  to 
allow  the  free  silver  men  to  offer  an  amendment  and  then,  with  the 
help  of  the  administration,  vote  it  down  by  a  huge  majority.  That 
in  itself  would  greatly  strengthen  the  government's  credit. 

Mr.  Carlisle  seemed  pleased  and  answered  that  he  would  be 
glad  to  see  it  done.  As  for  the  popular  loan  idea  the  secretary  did 
not  offer  any  very  serious  objection,  merely  saying  that  it  would 
tend  to  delay  matters  too  long. 

When  Mr.  Dingley  left  the  treasury  department  he  was  under 
the  impression  that  the  secretary  had  assented  in  a  general  way  to 
the  whole  measure  with  the  exception  of  the  word  "coin."  Every 
other  change  suggested  by  him  had  been  made.  But  on  December 
26  Mr.  Dingley  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Carlisle  calling  his  atten 
tion  to  the  fact  that  an  impression  had  been  created  in  some  quar 
ters  that  the  committee's  bill  had  received  his  approval.  That  let 
ter  was  as  follows : 

Washington,  D.  C,  Dec.  26,  1895. 
Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 

Chairman  Ways  and  Means  Committee. 
Dear  Sir : — 

I  understand  that  the  impression  has  been  created  in  some  quar 
ters  that  the  bill  reported,  or  to  be  reported  by  the  committee  on 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  395 

ways  and  means,  so  amending  the  act  of  January  14,  1875,  as  to 
authorize  the  issue  of  a  three  per  cent  coin  bond,  had  been  sub 
mitted  to  me  and  had  received  my  approval.  This  impression  has 
probably  resulted  from  the  fact  that  you  presented  the  proposed  bill 
to  me  and  had  an  interview  with  me  upon  the  subject  before  the 
measure  was  finally  disposed  of  in  the  committee.  In  order  to  pre 
vent  any  misapprehension  upon  the  subject,  I  desire  to  say  that  the 
views  expressed  by  me  at  the  interview  mentioned  have  not  been 
changed  in  the  least,  and  that,  in  my  opinion,  a  mere  extension  of 
the  authority  to  issue  a  coin  bond  will  not  afford  the  relief  which 
the  existing  emergency  demands.  In  that  interview  I  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  only  permanent  remedy  for  our  financial  diffi 
culties  was  the  retirement  and  cancellation  of  the  legal  tender 
notes,  but  that,  inasmuch  as  it  was  evident  that  such  a  measure 
could  not  be  adopted  in  time  to  extricate  the  treasury  from  its  pres 
ent  embarrassments,  the  only  effective  steps  that  could  now  be 
taken  were  first,  a  declaration  by  congress  in  the  form  of  a  joint 
resolution  or  otherwise  that  all  bonds  and  notes  heretofore  issued 
by  the  United  States  except  such  subsidy  bonds  as  are  by  their  ex 
pressed  terms  payable  otherwise,  shall  be  paid  in  United  States  gold 
of  the  present  standard  weight  and  fineness,  or  in  standard  silver 
dollars,  at  the  option  of  the  holders  of  said  bonds  or  notes ;  and 
second,  that  any  bonds  hereafter  issued  under  the  laws  now  in  force 
may,  at  the  discretion  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  be  made  pay 
able  by  their  terms  in  gold  coin,  but  that  no  bond  payable  by  its 
terms  in  gold  coin  should  bear  a  rate  of  interest  exceeding  three 
per  centum  per  annum,  payable  quarterly.  As  to  the  second  section 
of  your  bill,  I  expressed  the  opinion,  which  I  have  always  enter 
tained,  that  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  should  have  permanent 
authority  to  issue  short  time  bonds,  or  certificates,  to  supply  casual 
deficiencies  in  the  revenue,  and  the  only  objection  I  made  to  that 
section  was  that  the  authority  was  limited  to  an  issue  of  fifty  million 
dollars  in  the  aggregate. 

Very  truly  yours, 

J.  G.  Carlisle.  1 

The  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  became  im 
mediately  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  administration  was  throwing 
its  whole  weight  and  influence  against  the  relief  bill,  apparently  be 
cause  of  the  provision  for  a  popular  bond  issue.  That  idea  seemed 

1— The  main  facts  in  this  story  of  the  conference  between  Secretary  Carlisle 
and  Mr.  Dingley  were  originally  published  in  the  New  York  World.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  subsequently  corrected  the  story. 


396  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

to  displease  somebody  in  the  administration.  It  was  Mr.  Dingley's 
intention,  and  he  had  already  expressed  it  to  several  of  his  col- 
legues,  to  provide  in  the  rule  for  allowing  a  vote  on  the  amendment, 
but  the  strength  of  the  administration's  opposition  was  such  that  he 
feared  a  combination  of  Democrats  and  free  silver  men,  and  at  once 
decided  to  protect  his  bill  by  shutting  off  all  amendments. 

The  critical  condition  of  the  country  demanded  prompt  action, 
and  it  was  decided  not  to  adjourn  the  house  for  the  usual  holiday 
recess,  until  the  tariff  and  bond  bills  were  passed. 

Christmas  day  was  no  holiday  for  the  committee  on  ways  and 
means.  Mr.  Dingley  called  the  members  together;  and  after  a 
sharp  contest  in  which  the  Democrats  opposed  the  measures,  it 
was  agreed  to  report  the  chairman's  tariff  and  bond  bills.  In  the 
afternoon  the  chairman  prepared  the  reports.  The  tariff  bill,  in 
creasing  the  import  duties  on  wool,  woolen  goods,  lumber,  live 
stock,  cereal,  dairy  and  other  products,  (an  estimated  increase  of 
forty  million  dollars  annually  in  the  public  revenue)  was  considered 
in  the  house  December  26.  Mr.  Dingley  opened  the  debate.  l  He 
pointed  out  the  necessity  for  the  immediate  relief  of  the  treasury 
and  said  that  "the  first  duty  is  to  provide  sufficient  revenue  to  meet 
the  expenditures."  He  urged  prompt  action  to  restore  the  credit 
of  the  nation,  leaving  for  a  later  time  a  complete  revision  of  the 
tariff  along  protective  lines.  The  bill  was  passed  before  the  house 
adjourned  that  afternoon,  and  the  result  greeted  with  loud  ap 
plause  on  the  Republican  side. 

On  the  following  day,  the  bond  bill,  authorizing  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury  to  issue  three  per  cent  bonds  for  the  redemption  of 
United  States  legal  tender  notes,  and  to  issue  certificates  of  indebt 
edness  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  fifty  million  dollars  to  provide 
for  any  temporary  deficiency,  was  reported  to  the  house.  Mr. 
Dingley  opened  the  debate.  1  He  explained  that  the  real  object  of 
the  bond  bill  was  to  enable  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  borrow 
money  if  need  be  at  three  per  cent.  In  discussing  the  gold  reserve 
and  its  depletion,  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "From  1879  to  1893  there 
was  no  run  on  the  treasury  gold.  We  had  one  hundred  million  dol 
lars  of  gold  in  the  redemption  fund  all  the  time,  and  we  maintained 
this  fund  all  the  time  at  that  figure,  the  revenue  being  more  than 
the  expenditures,  the  country  in  a  prosperous  condition  through 
the  economic  policy  then  prevailing;  and  when  the  industries  of 
the  country  were  prosperous  nobody  wanted  gold.  We  can  return 
to  the  same  condition  only  by  a  return  to  the  same  economic  sys- 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  397 

tern  which  then  prevailed."  On  the  following  day  the  bill  was 
passed  amid  loud  applause  on  the  Republican  side.  The  vote  was 
171  to  136.  "A  great  week's  work,"  Mr.  Dingley  recorded  in  his 
diary.  The  whole  country  commended  the  prompt  work  of  the 
house. 

For  some  time  previous  to  the  assembling  of  this  congress, 
there  had  been  a  dispute  as  to  the  boundary  between  Venezuela 
and  British  Guiana.  This  government  addressed  a  note  to  the 
British  government  expressing  the  hope  that  Great  Britain  would 
unite  with  Venezuela  in  submitting  the  dispute  to  arbitration.  The 
Monroe  doctrine  was  appealed  to  in  justification  of  the  action  of 
this  government.  On  the  2ist  of  December  President  Cleveland 
sent  a  message  to  congress,  reaffirming  his  former  position  and  in 
forming  congress  that  Lord  Salisbury  refused  to  arbitrate  the 
boundary  question.  The  president  asked  for  an  appropriation  and 
authority  to  appoint  a  commission  to  inquire  into  and  report  the 
actual  state  of  facts,  adding  that  "it  will  be  the  duty  of  the  United 
States  to  resist,  by  every  means  in  its  power,  as  a  wilful  aggression 
upon  its  rights  and  interests,  the  appropriation  by  Great  Britain  of 
any  lands,  etc.,  which  after  investigation  we  have  determined  of 
right  belongs  to  Venezuela." 

This  message  naturally  alarmed  the  country,  and  increased  the 
distrust  arising  from  the  critical  financial  condition  of  the  country. 
Conservative  men,  including  Mr.  Dingley,  condemned  what  they 
called  the  "snapper"  or  last  paragraph  of  the  message.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said:  "This  declaration  was  uncalled  for.  The  snapper  has 
made  co-operation  almost  impossible  and  alarmed  both  countries." 

But  congress  gave  the  president  the  authority  he  asked  for ;  and 
early  in  January  the  commission  was  appointed,  consisting  of  Jus 
tice  Brewer,  Judge  Alvey,  President  White  of  Cornell  university, 
Attorney  Coudert,  and  President  Gilman  of  Johns  Hopkins  uni 
versity.  The  controversy  was  finally  settled  by  arbitration,  Great 
Britain  yielding. 

January  16  and  17  Mr.  Dingley  presided  over  the  committee  of 
the  whole  in  the  house,  while  the  pension  appropriation  bill  was 
under  consideration.  Mr.  Mahon  of  Pennsylvania  proposed  an 
amendment,  whereupon  Mr.  Bartlett  of  New  York  raised  the  point 
of  order  that  it  violated  the  rule  against  "any  provision  on  any  gen 
eral  appropriation  bill  changing  existing  law."  In  an  elaborate  rul 
ing,  Mr.  Dingley  sustained  the  point  of  order.  Mr.  Mahon  said: 
"I  listened  very  attentively  to  the  ruling  of  the  distinguished  oc^ 
cupant  of  the  chair.  I  agree  that  it  is  correct  in  every  particular. 


398  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

T  recognize  that  it  would  be  useless  to  press  any  amendment  before 
the  present  occupant  of  the  chair.  I  will  present  the  amendment 
again  when  the  chair  is  occupied  by  some  other  gentleman.  I  will 
try  it  on  him."  This  remark  was  greeted  with  loud  laughter. 

The  senate  debated  the  Dingley  bond  bill  for  six  weeks,  and  on 
the  first  of  February  passed  it  by  a  vote  of  42  to  35,  with  a  free  sil 
ver  coinage  amendment.  The  free  coinage  senators  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  free  coinage  representatives,  and  not  only  agreed 
to  prevent  the  passage  of  a  bond  bill  without  a  free  silver  coinage 
attachment,  but  also  laid  the  foundation  of  the  free  silver  party  and 
started  the  free  silver  campaign  of  1896. 

February  4,  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  by  a  strict  party 
vote,  ordered  a  non-concurrence  in  the  senate  amendments.  The 
following  day  Mr.  Dingley  opened  the  debate  in  the  house,  on  the 
free  silver  coinage  and  greenback  redemption  amendment  of  the 
senate.  l  For  two  hours  he  held  the  close  attention  of  both  sides 
of  the  house,  unfolding  in  a  logical  and  masterful  manner,  the 
proposition  presented  by  the  senate  amendments.  He  pointed  out 
the  danger  of  redeeming  the  treasury  notes  in  silver  if  gold  was 
demanded;  the  inevitable  destruction  of  the  nation's  credit;  and 
the  folly  of  the  proposition  to  coin  silver  on  private  account  to  an 
unlimited  extent  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i.  He  closed  with  an  elo 
quent  appeal  to  take  up  the  question  as  a  practical  and  scientific 
one.  "I  know  of  no  question,"  he  said,  "that  is  more  dangerous  to 
commit  to  the  stormy  and  changing  sea  of  politics  than  the  ques 
tion  of  money ;  and  I  deplore  beyond  expression  that  such  a  ques 
tion  as  this  should  have  been  dragged  into  ward  caucuses  and  con 
ventions  and  treated  on  a  purely  partisan  and  political  basis.  Mr. 
Chairman,  while  the  people  cf  this  country  generally  desire  to  se 
cure  a  restoration  of  full  bimetallism  whenever  it  can  be  accom 
plished  and  maintain  the  parity  of  the  two  kinds  of  money,  yet  I 
believe  that  our  people  never  will  consent  to  any  policy  which  it  is 
believed  will  cause  the  two  metals  to  separate ;  will  drive  out  gold 
and  make  us  a  silver  monometallic  country."  Mr.  Dingley  closed 
amid  long  and  loud  applause.  This  speech  was  the  keynote  of  the 
approaching  Republican  campaign  against  the  proposed  new 
Democracy  founded  on  the  "paramount  issue"  of  free  and  un 
limited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i.  It  was  pronounced 
the  ablest  presentation  of  the  case  that  had  thus  far  been  made ; 
and  was  used  as  a  campaign  document  in  the  presidential  contest 
the  following  summer  and  fall.  The  free  coinage  advocates  in  the 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  399 

house  attempted  the  next  day  without  avail,  to  break  down  Mr. 
Dingley's  argument.    It  was,  however,  unanswerable. 

An  incident  occurred  in  the  house  February  7,  which  demon 
strated  Mr.  Dingley's  quiet  influence  in  and  control  over  the  house. 
An  exciting  debate  occurred  over  a  remark  of  Mr.  Talbert  of  South 
Carolina,  who  declared  that  "secession  is  right  and  under  the  same 
circumstances  he  would  fight  the  old  flag  again."  The  house  had 
worked  itself  into  a  feverish  condition  and  trouble  was  brewing 
when  Mr.  Dingley  quietly  suggested  that  the  whole  matter  be  re 
ferred  to  the  judiciary  committee.  He  declared  that  bitter  partisan 
debates  over  the  "bloody  shirt"  had  no  place  in  the  deliberations 
of  the  house.  l 

February  13  and  14  the  bond  bill  was  taken  up  in  the  house; 
and  under  the  astute  leadership  of  Mr.  Dingley  the  Republicans 
defeated  every  mischievious  amendment  offered  and  on  the  sec 
ond  day  voted  (90  to  215)  to  non-concur  in  the  senate  free  coinage 
amendment.  The  result  was  greeted  with  applause.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  rare  qualities  of  leadership  appeared  to  splendid  advantage 
on  this  memorable  occasion,  while  the  house  and  the  whole  coun 
try  watched  with  great  anxiety  the  shrewd  and  successful  move 
ments  of  this  new  parliamentary  leader.  The  house  was  so  indig 
nant  that  the  senate  should  substitute  for  the  house  bill  a  free 
coinage  measure  having  no  connection  with  the  measure  in  hand, 
that  it  refused  to  ask  the  senate  for  a  conference.  The  popular  loan 
bill  was  dead ;  and  the  senate  refused  to  pass  the  other  bill  of  Mr. 
Dingley's  raising  the  revenue  of  the  country.  The  indications  were 
that  congress  would  adjourn  without  giving  the  public  treasury 
any  relief;  and  the  rumor  was  circulated  that  President  Cleveland 
would  call  an  extra  session  of  congress.  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "If 
the  president  wants  more  revenue  to  put  an  end  to  the  deficiencies 
and  obviate  the  necessity  of  paying  out  redeemed  greenbacks  to 
meet  current  expenditures,  he  has  only  to  ask  his  Democratic 
friends  in  the  senate  to  support  the  revenue  bill  which  has  passed 
the  house,  instead  of  solidly  voting  with  the  Populists  against  it." 
The  bond  bill  had  already  been  killed  by  the  free  silver  coinage 
rider ;  and  on  the  25th  of  February,  the  senate  by  a  vote  of  22  to  33 

1 — An  amusing  incident  said  to  have  happened  during  this  debate  was  current 
at  this  time.  Mr.  Dingley  thought  that  time  was  being  wasted,  and  that  the 
house  ought  to  adjourn.  He  made  his  motion  just  as  some  facetious  member  pro 
pounded  the  old  question:  "What  did  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina 
say  to  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina?"  In  chorus  from  a  number  of  mem 
bers  came,  "It's  a  long  time  between  drinks.''  Not  realizing  the  application,  Mr. 
Dingley  jumped  to  his  feet  and  said:  "Mr.  Speaker,  then  I  move  that  the  house 
do  now  adjourn."  Mr.  Reed  was  convulsed  with  laughter  in  which  most  of  the 
members  joined  as  the  gavel  fell. 


400  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

refused  to  consider  the  emergency  revenue  bill.  A  combination  of 
Populists  and  Democrats  accomplished  this  result.  Thus  the  sen 
ate  refused  to  aid  the  national  treasury  at  this  critical  period. 

February  25  the  Alaska  seal  fisheries  again  came  to  the  front 
in  the  house.  Mr.  Dingley  secured  the  passage  of  a  bill  providing 
for  the  co-operation  of  the  United  States  with  Great  Britain,  Russia 
and  Japan  in  the  appointment  of  a  commission  "to  investigate  the 
present  condition,  habits  and  feeding  grounds  of  the  fur-seal  herd ;" 
authorizing  the  president  to  conclude  a  modus  vivendi  to  termi 
nate  January  i,  1898;  and  further  authorizing  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury  (if  Great  Britain  declines  to  co-operate)  to  take  and  sell 
the  skins  of  the  seals  and  cover  the  proceeds  into  the  treasury. 
The  necessity  for  such  a  course  arose  from  the  fact  that  Canadian 
pelagic  sealers  were  rapidly  exterminating  the  seals,  and  sending 
the  skins  to  England,  while  the  United  States  was  ineffectually 
attempting  to  carry  out  the  regulations  of  the  Paris  tribunal. 

During  the  month  of  March  Mr.  Dingley  suffered  considerably 
from  an  attack  of  influenza  or  "grip,"  and  was  unable  to  attend  the 
sessions  of  the  house  regularly.  His  nervous  system  suffered  from 
a  catarrhal  difficulty,  and  he  was  far  from  well.  On  the  gth  of 
April,  however,  he  spoke  briefly  in  favor  of  a  bill  to  abolish  com 
pulsory  pilotage.  It  was  the  same  bill  in  which  he  was  interested 
in  previous  congresses — a  bill  relieving  vessels  adequately  piloted 
by  a  United  States  pilot  from  paying  another  fee  to  a  state  pilot. 
The  bill  was  defeated. 

Congress  became  very  much  excited  about  this  time  over  the 
struggles  of  the  Cubans  against  the  misrule  of  Spain  and  resolu 
tions  were  introduced  in  both  house  and  senate  of  a  more  or  less 
belligerent  character.  After  weeks  of  fiery  debate,  the  framing  of 
a  proper  resolution  was  referred  to  a  conference  committee ;  and  on 
the  sixth  of  April  by  a  vote  of  247  to  27  (80  not  voting)  the  reso 
lution  reported  by  the  conference  committee  was  adopted  by  the 
house.  It  declared  that  "in  the  opinion  of  congress,  a  condition  of 
public  war  exists  between  the  government  of  Spain  and  the  gov 
ernment  proclaimed  and  for  some  time  maintained  by  force  of  arms 
by  the  people  of  Cuba;  and  that  the  United  States  of  America 
should  maintain  a  strict  neutrality  between  the  contending  powers, 
according  to  each  all  the  rights  of  belligerents  in  the  ports  and  ter 
ritory  of  the  United  States,"  and  that  "the  friendly  offices  of  the 
United  States  should  be  offered  by  the  president  to  the  Spanish 
government  for  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Cuba." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  401 

This  conservative  and  harmless  language  was  finally  forced  into  the 
resolution  by  the  wiser  members  of  congress ;  nevertheless  nobody 
at  that  time  dreamed  of  the  near  approach  of  the  war  arising  from 
this  same  subject. 

April  1 1  Mr.  Dingley  addressed  the  house  on  the  bill  to  impose 
a  tax  on  the  manufacture  of  filled  or  imitation  cheese.  In  this  ad 
dress  l  he  discussed  the  power  of  the  government  to  use  its  taxing 
power  as  a  police  regulation. 

April  1 5  Mr.  Dingley  was  unanimously  renominated  for  repre 
sentative  in  congress  by  the  Republicans  of  the  second  Maine  dis 
trict.  It  was  another  tribute  to  his  character  and  ability. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  not  as  a  rule  fond  of  dinner  parties  or  festivi 
ties  of  any  kind.  He  much  preferred  the  quiet  atmosphere  of  his 
study  and  the  society  of  his  family.  He  was  often  joked  by  his 
more  jovial  and  convivial  associates  in  the  house,  who  were  very 
fond  of  their  floor  leader,  and  yet  marveled  at  his  serious  and  sober 
life.  Mr.  Dingley  broke  the  apparent  monotony  of  official  life  and 
labors,  by  attending  a  dinner  given  by  Representative  Newlands  in 
the  grove  at  Chevy  Chase,  a  beautiful  spot  a  few  miles  from  Wash 
ington.  Quite  a  party  of  members  of  the  house  were  present 
among  them  Speaker  Reed.  Mr.  Reed  was  very  fond  of  cracking 
some  joke  at  the  expense  of  Mr.  Dingley  and  Mr.  Dingley  invari 
ably  took  it  kindly  and  usually  smiled.  Mr.  Dingley's  glasses  were 
all  turned  bottom  up,  and  he  listened  to  the  stories  with  apparent 
stoicism.  Finally  Mr.  Reed  glanced  at  his  colleague  and  drawled: 
"Governor,  you  don't  seem  to  enjoy  these  jokes.  What's  the  mat 
ter?"  "O,  I  laughed  at  them  twenty  years  ago,"  replied  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  quietly.  The  whole  party  was  convulsed  at  this  the  best  joke  of 
the  evening. 

The  hour  growing  late,  Mr.  Dingley  quietly  slipped  out  of  the 
room  unobserved  bidding  adieu  to  the  host.  In  a  few  moments 
Mr.  Reed  noticed  Mr.  Dingley's  absence,  and  pulling  up  the  table 
cloth  he  peeped  under  the  table.  "Mr.  Speaker,  what  are  you  do 
ing?"  inquired  one  of  the  guests.  "Finding  out  what  became  of 
Dingley,"  replied  Mr.  Reed. 

Mr.  Dingley's  brief  comment  in  his  diary  on  this  notable  dinner 
was  that  "he  had  a  good  time." 

On  the  second  of  May  he  spoke  briefly  in  the  house  on  the 
bankruptcy  bill.  While  the  house  was  debating  the  deficiency  ap 
propriation  bill,  April  20,  the  leaders  of  the  minority  started  a  dis 
cussion  on  the  question  of  responsibility  for  the  deficit  and  the  in- 
'dustrial  conditions.  Mr.  Dockery  of  Missouri  taunted  the  Repub 

1 — See  Appendix. 


402  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

licans  with  having  done  nothing  to  cure  the  deficit.  Mr.  Dingley 
charged  l  a  large  share  of  the  decrease  in  the  revenue  to  the  change 
from  specific  to  ad  valorem  duties,  instituted  by  the  Wilson  bill  of 
1894.  He  defended  the  course  of  the  majority  in  the  house,  which, 
he  said,  passed  bills  to  increase  revenue  and  reduce  the  rate  of  in 
terest  on  bonds.  Both  these  measures  of  relief  were  met  by  the 
solid  opposition  of  the  Democrats  in  the  house  and  by  a  combi 
nation  of  Democrats  and  Populists  in  the  senate.  The  debate 
brought  out  very  clearly  that  not  only  was  the  Democratic  admin 
istration  responsible  for  deficiencies  and  the  issue  of  bonds,  but  for 
refusing  to  enact  the  emergency  revenue  and  bond  bills  which 
would  have  relieved  the  public  treasury  and  saved  the  people  mil 
lions  of  dollars. 

On  the  fifth  of  May,  the  house  had  passed  all  the  appropriation 
bills;  and  on  the  following  day,  Mr.  Dingley  reported  from  the 
committee  on  ways  and  means  a  concurrent  resolution  in  the  house, 
providing  for  the  final  adjournment  of  Congress  May  18.  The 
resolution  was  greeted  with  applause  and  agreed  to  at  once.  The 
record  of  this  house  in  the  prompt  passage  of  appropriation  bills 
was  excelled  by  no  previous  house ;  and  the  credit  was  largely  due 
to  the  industry  of  Mr.  Dingley  as  floor  leader  and  chairman  of  the 
ways  and  means  committee. 

The  intense  feeling  against  President  Cleveland  on  the  part  of 
the  members  of  congress  who  favored  the  free  coinage  of  silver, 
and  who  opposed  the  issue  of  gold  bonds,  manifested  itself  in  the 
house  May  23,  when  Mr.  Howard,  a  Populist  member  from  Ala 
bama,  offered  a  bill  of  impeachment  against  President  Cleveland 
for  selling  bonds  without  any  authority  of  law  ;for  misappropriating 
the  proceeds  of  the  bonds ;  for  disregarding  the  law  which  makes 
United  States  notes  redeemable  in  coin;  and  for  several  other  al 
leged  offenses.  This  attempt  to  impeach  the  president  created  a 
sensation;  and  Mr.  Dingley  by  raising  the  question  of  considera 
tion,  caused  the  house  to  refuse  to  consider  the  matter. 

The  financial  tendencies  of  a  majority  of  the  senate,  and  its  op 
position  to  President  Cleveland,  was  again  manifest  when  a  bill  was 
considered  in  the  senate  May  21,  to  prohibit  the  further  issue  of 
government  bonds  without  the  consent  of  congress.  After  a  long 
and  tedious  debate,  the  bill  was  passed  in  the  senate  by  a  vote  of  32 
to  25.  This  bill  came  over  to  the  house  and  was  referred  to  the  com 
mittee  on  ways  and  means.  Mr.  Dingley  was  the  commanding 
spirit  in  the  committee  discussion  of  this  bill ;  and  on  the  fifth  of 

1 — See  Appendix 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  403 

June  he  reported  the  bill  adversely  to  the  house.  The  accompany 
ing  report  *  written  by  Mr.  Dingley,  was  an  able  and  comprehen 
sive  discussion  of  the  question  of  interest-bearing  bonds.  In  it 
he  said  that  the  attempt  to  deprive  the  secretary  of  the  power  to 
borrow  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  redemption  fund,  when 
there  had  been  for  three  years  a  large  deficiency  of  revenue,  raised 
the  query  whether  it  is  not  the  deliberate  purpose  of  the  promoters 
to  plunge  the  government  into  repudiation  and  depreciated  green 
backs.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  so  many  members  of  the  house 
were  unwilling  to  go  on  record  at  this  critical  juncture  as  voting 
against  this  bill,  it  was  deemed  best  to  allow  it  to  remain  on  the 
calendar.  Mr.  Dingley  was  personally  opposed  to  such  a  course, 
but  out  of  deference  to  many  of  his  colleagues,  yielded. 

June  8,  Mr.  Dingley  secured  the  passage  through  the  house  of 
a  joint  resolution  authorizing  a  scientific  investigation  of  the  fur- 
seal  fisheries,  during  the  fiscal  years  of  1896  and  1897. 

The  closing  hours  of  this  session  were  full  of  excitement.  Party 
lines  were  closely  drawn,  and  party  speeches  made,  for  it  was  the 
eve  of  a  great  presidential  election.  The  veto  of  the  river  and  har 
bor  bill  by  President  Cleveland  and  its  passage  over  his  veto,  had 
given  the  minority  in  the  house  a  text  on  which  to  dwell  with 
partisan  bitterness.  On  the  zoth  of  June  Mr.  Dockery  of  Missouri, 
one  of  the  strongest  of  the  minority  in  the  house,  assailed  the  Re 
publican  majority  for  its  extravagance.  "This  congress,"  he  said, 
"is  the  most  recklessly  improvident  and  riotously  extravagant  con 
gress  since  the  establishment  of  the  government."  He  charged 
that  the  difficulty  with  the  country  was  the  inadequate  revenue  un 
der  the  McKinley  tariff,  and  the  reckless  extravagance  of  the  pres 
ent  congress.  He  added :  "I  arraign  the  do-nothing  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  announced  by  the  distinguished  speaker  of  the 
house  and  by  his  almost  equally  eminent  colleague,  Mr.  Dingley." 

Mr.  Dingley  replied  to  Mr.  Dockery  in  a  speech  of  great  force 
and  power.  l  He  analyzed  the  financial  condition  of  the  country 
and  made  it  clear  where  the  responsibility  rested.  He  reviewed  the 
disasters  following  the  tariff  of  1894  and  said  that  "we  have  had  a 
kindergarten  on  a  large  scale.  The  tuition  came  high  but  no  peo 
ple  ever  learned  so  much  in  so  short  a  time."  He  warned  the 
minority  that  "in  November  next  the  people  will  complete  the  work 
which  they  set  out  to  accomplish  in  1894.  Then  we  shall  re-estab 
lish  protection."  2 

1— See  Appendix. 

2— The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  wrote:  "It  is 
.seldom  indeed  that  one  can  find  in  three  pages  or  any  number  of  pages  of  the 


404  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

At  4  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  June  n,  the  house  with  the 
usual  confusion,  adjourned  without  day.  On  the  following  day, 
Mr.  Dingley  with  his  faithful  wife  left  Washington  for  his  home  in 
Maine,  where  he  was  warmly  greeted  and  congratulated  by  a  host 
of  admiring  friends. 

As  chairman  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  and  as  leader 
of  the  majority  on  the  floor  of  the  house,  Mr.  Dingley  was  a  pro 
nounced  success.  His  industry  and  perseverance  made  him  master 
of  the  details  of  the  tariff  and  everything  pertaining  to  the  customs 
and  revenue  department  of  the  government.  His  committee  room 
was  the  headquarters  of  all  who  desired  special  information  or  as 
sistance  in  the  way  of  legislation.  Always  patient  and  courteous. 
he  listened  to  the  stories  of  all,  encouraged  some  and  advised 
others.  He  was  known  throughout  the  capitol  as  a  walking  ency 
clopedia  of  information,  and  none  came  to  him  in  vain.  As  floor 
leader,  he  was  all  that  Speaker  Reed  or  his  colleagues  could  de 
sire.  Filled  with  accurate  information ;  always  fair  and  just ;  he  won 
the  respect  and  admiration  of  all  members  regardless  of  party. 
The  house  learned  to  have  complete  confidence  in  him,  and  his 
word  was  to  them  law.  An  incident  is  often  told  of  a  member  of 
this  house  who  was  exceedingly  deaf.  His  admiration  of  Mr. 
Dingley  amounted  to  almost  worship.  His  deafness  often  pre 
vented  him  hearing  the  questions  as  they  were  put  by  the  chair. 
Invariably  when  such  a  predicament  presented  itself  this  afflicted 
member  could  be  seen  edging  toward  Mr.  Dingley's  seat.  Then 

congressional  record  so  much  truth,  buttressed  by  facts  that  are  indisputable, 
as  may  be  found  in  today's  issue  of  that  publication  under  the  caption,  'The 
changed  conditions  of  the  country,  the  cause  and  remedy.'  This  is  the  title  of 
the  speech  that  Chairman  Dingley  of  the  ways  and  means  committee,  delivered 
in  the  house  of  representatives  Wednesday  in  reply  to  Mi-  Dockery  of  Missouri. 
In  the  course  of  his  career  in  congress  Gov.  Dingley  has  delivered  many  strong 
and  forcible  and  persuasive  speeches  on  economic  subjects,  which  have  gained 
for  him  an  enviable  reputation  as  a  statesman,  but  never  until  last  Wednesday 
was  he  able  to  marshall  such  an  overwhelming  and  impregnable  array  of  facts 
in  support  of  the  principles  which  he  has  always  advocated  since  he  first  became 
a  member  of  the  house  of  representatives.  The  speech  surprised  everybody — 
even  men  who  had  known  Mr.  Dingley  longest — and  it  surprised  nobody  more 
than  the  men  who  had  believed  that  the  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  com 
mittee  was  destitute  of  the  power  of  scarcasm  or  too  gentle  to  use  it  if  he  did 
possess  it.  'Who  would  have  supposed  that  Mr.  Dingley  had  ever  heard  of 
Josh  Billings  or  read  one  of  his  sayings?'  was  the  question  his  friends  asked  one 
another  in  amazement  as  he  opened  his  speech  with  the  remark  that  as  he 
listened  to  Dockery  he  was  reminded  of  the  quaint  saying  of  Josh  Billings  that 
'It  is  better  not  to  know  so  many  things,  than  to  know  so  many  things  that  ain't 
so.'  That  criticism  of  the  speech  to  the  preparation  of  which  the  Missourian 
had  devoted  weeks,  was  as  penetrating  and  merciless  as  it  was  unexpected,  but 
it  was  fully  justified  by  the  statements  with  which  Representative  Dingley  sup 
ported  it.'' 

Thte  speech  was  widely  circulated  as  a  campaign  document,  the  congressional 
committee  distributing  more  than  seven  hundred  thousand  copies  while  many 
more  thousands  were  ordered  printed  by  various  congressmen  and  distributed  in 
their  districts. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  405 

putting  his  left  hand  to  his  ear,  he  would  say  to  the  leader  in  a 
hoarse  whisper :  "Governor,  how  shall  I  vote  ?"  And  he  voted  just 
as  he  was  told  and  always  voted  right. 

Mr.  Dingley  guided  the  destinies  of  the  majority  by  his  kind 
ness,  fairness  and  respect  for  others.  He  was  throughout  this  ses 
sion,  beloved  by  all  his  colleagues.  Many  of  them  told  of  their  ex 
periences  with  this  modest,  quiet  leader — how  they  as  new  mem 
bers  went  to  him  for  advice,  and  how  kindly  they  were  always  re 
ceived.  Whatever  information  this  leader  had  acquired  by  hard 
work  and  close  application  he  freely  imparted  to  others.  Speaker 
Reed's  quick  wit  and  active  intellect  was  supplemented  and  guarded 
by  Mr.  Dingley's  accurate  information  and  unerring  judgment. 

The  Republican  national  convention  met  at  St.  Louis  June  16. 
It  was  destined  to  be  one  of  the  most  memorable  conventions  in  the 
history  of  the  party.  This  gathering  was  to  determine  a  second 
time  the  fixed  policy  of  the  Republican  party  on  the  money  ques 
tion.  The  greenback  and  fiat  money  craze  had  somewhat  disturbed 
the  equilibrium  of  political  parties  a  quarter  of  a  century  previous ; 
and  the  Republican  party  stood  for  sound  money.  So  in  this  con 
vention,  the  Republican  party  declined  to  be  led  astray  by  the 
"crime  of  1873,"  "the  gold  bugs,"  "the  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver  at  16  to  I  without  the  consent  of  any  other  nation  on 
earth."  The  national  convention  met  at  St.  Louis,  and,  as  Mr. 
Dingley  predicted,  stood  squarely  on  the  gold  standard — on  a  sound 
money  platform.  Many  Republicans  were  deceived  by  "16  to  I," 
but  the  correct  course  of  the  party  in  its  national  convention  was 
as  clear  as  noonday  to  those  who  were  familiar  with  the  financial 
history  of  the  country  and  the  financial  record  of  the  party.  Mr. 
Dingley's  firm  and  unyielding  position  on  the  money  question,  and 
his  increasing  hostility  to  the  doctrine  of  "16  to  i"  was  a  guide  and 
inspiration  to  the  leaders  in  that  convention  who  framed  the  finan 
cial  plank  in  the  national  platform. 

As  a  warm  personal  friend  and  admirer  of  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Reed,  he  was  friendly  to  Mr.  Reed's  presidential  aspirations;  but 
he  fully  realized  that  William  McKinley,  a  western  candidate,  was 
backed  by  practically  the  solid  west.  It  was  evident  to  Mr.  Dingley 
some  time  before  the  convention,  that  Mr.  McKinley  would  be 
nominated ;  and  he  hastened  to  say  to  all  inquiries  that  Mr.  Reed, 
if  he  failed  to  secure  the  nomination,  would  not  retire  from  public 
life  for  he  was  needed  in  congress.  William  McKinley  was  nomi 
nated  for  president  on  the  i8th,  and  Garrett  A.  Hobart  of  New  Jer 
sey  was  nominated  for  vice  president.  A  few  days  prior  to  the  con- 


4o6  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

vention  the  newspapers  reported  that  Mr.  Dingley' s  name  was 
mentioned  at  St.  Louis  for  the  vice  presidency.  His  laconic  com 
ment  recorded  in  his  diary  was :  "Probably  nothing  but  a  sugges 
tion,  as  I  have  heard  nothing  of  it  before."  He  could  not  have  been 
induced  under  any  consideration  to  accept  the  nomination  for  vice 
president. 

Of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  McKinley  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "We, 
in  Maine,  hoped  that  our  own  Thomas  B.  Reed  would  be  the  nom 
inee,  and  to  that  end  labored  until  the  votes  of  the  delegates  had 
been  registered.  We  gracefully  yield  to  the  preferences  of  a  ma 
jority  of  the  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  the  country,  just 
as  we  know  they  would  have  gracefully  yielded  and  joined  us  if  the 
man  from  Maine  had  been  the  chosen  one.  But  in  accepting  Mr. 
McKinley  as  our  standard  bearer,  we  have  the  satisfaction  of  know 
ing  that  he  is  a  worthy  nominee — able,  experienced,  wise  and 
patriotic,  and  that  in  his  hands  the  interests  of  the  nation  will  be 
safe.  While  our  candidate  for  president  has  failed  in  the  nomina 
tion,  yet  Thomas  B.  Reed  has  conducted  himself  with  such  dignity, 
such  manliness  and  such  courtesy  as  to  make  him  stronger  than 
ever  with  the  great  body  of  the  American  people.  Not  a  word  has 
been  uttered  by  him,  or  by  Mr.  McKinley,  in  the  canvass  just  closed 
which  reflects  on  either,  or  leaves  them  anything  but  the  strong 
personal  friends  they  have  always  been.  Speaker  Reed  has  done 
so  great  service  to  the  American  people  that  the  American  party 
will  not  willingly  have  him  retire  from  the  position  in  which  he  has 
served  with  such  credit  to  himself  and  honor  to  the  nation." 

Concerning  the  secession  from  the  Republican  ranks  of  the 
twenty-two  "free  silver"  delegates  to  the  national  convention,  Mr. 
Dingley  said :  "I  can  understand  the  intensity  of  the  desire  of  the 
silver  mine  owners  to  turn  every  fifty  cents  worth  of  their  silver 
into  dollars  without  paying  for  their  manufacture ;  I  can  under 
stand  how  the  environment  of  Teller  and  his  associates  has  influ 
enced  their  judgment;  but  I  cannot  understand  why  anybody  else 
should  follow  in  support  of  a  scheme  whose  end  would  be  such  un 
paralleled  evil." 

The  Democratic  national  convention,  held  in  Chicago  in  July, 
was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  political  gatherings  the  country 
had  ever  seen.  The  Democrats  were  turned  aside,  and  the  advo 
cates  of  1 6  to  I  free  silver  swept  the  convention  like  a  whirlwind 
and  nominated  William  J.  Bryan  of  Nebraska  for  president.  Mr. 
Dingley  said:  "Such  an  unexpected  nomination  of  a  man  whom 
probably  not  a  dozen  members  of  the  convention  would  have  re- 


D.  B.  HENDERSON.     S.  E.  PAYNE. 
J.  A.  TAWNEY,     J,  P,  DOLLIVER. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  407 

garded  as  suitable  for  such  a  position,  affords  another  illustration, 
not  only  of  the  uncertainties  of  politics,  but  also  of  the  volatile 
character  of  a  large  convention.  It  was  emphatically  a  nomination 
born  of  an  eloquent  speech." 

The  nomination  of  Arthur  Sewell  of  Bath,  Maine,  by  this  con 
vention,  on  a  1 6  to  i  free  silver  platform,  was  a  great  surprise  to 
Mr.  Dingley  and  the  people  of  Maine.  "Evidently  there  is  music 
ahead  in  the  Democratic  ranks  of  Maine,"  said  Mr.  Dingley. 

Of  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Chicago  convention  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  said :  "Taken  as  a  whole  it  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  of  a 
program  which,  when  fully  carried  out,  would  more  completely 
destroy  national  and  private  credit,  paralyze  trade  and  industries, 
diminish  wages  and  opportunities  for  labor,  and  turn  back  the  tide 
of  progress  in  this  country.  There  can  be  no  returning  prosperity 
until  this  assault  on  order,  law  and  a  sound  currency  is  repelled  and 
disposed  of." 

The  state  campaign  in  Maine  opened  about  the  middle  of 
August.  It  was  important  as  indicating  in  some  measure,  the  atti 
tude  of  the  Republican  party  on  the  doctrine  of  16  to  i  free  silver 
coinage,  which  was  the  corner  stone  of  the  Bryan  Democracy. 
Maine  had  experienced  the  vicissitudes  and  the  uncertainties  of  a 
greenback  campaign;  and  the  Republicans  were  somewhat  pre 
pared  for  this  new  financial  fallacy  which  was  sweeping  over  the 
country.  No  man  in  Maine  was  better  equipped  for  the  approach 
ing  discussion  of  financial  principles  than  Mr.  Dingley,  and  with 
voice  and  pen  he  sounded  the  keynote  and  fought  the  battles  of 
national  honor.  His  speeches  and  editorials  were  important  factors 
in  shaping  and  winning  this  state  campaign.  He  made  twenty 
speeches  in  his  own  district  and  illuminated  the  whole  subject  of 
finance,  so  that  when  the  votes  were  counted  Monday  night,  Sep 
tember  14,  it  was  found  that  he  had  been  re-elected  by  over  13,000 
plurality,  and  the  Republican  state  ticket  by  over  48,000  plurality. 
In  commenting  on  the  election  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "The  rural 
parts  of  the  state  have  shown  as  surprising  gains  as  the  cities  and 
manufacturing  towns.  The  farmers  have  been  as  solid  in  rejecting 
the  free  silver  heresy  as  the  manufacturers ;  and  the  workingman  is 
as  emphatic  in  that  direction  as  the  business  man.  All  alike  have 
declared  that  after  a  most  careful  discussion  of  the  new  issue 
the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i  meant  nothing  but 
silver  for  our  metallic  money  and  a  silver  basis,  and  a  depreciated 
dollar,  and  that  these  would  prove  a  calamity  for  all.  The  people 


408  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  Maine  declare  for  revenue  sufficient  to  run  the  government,  a 
return  to  the  policy  of  the  adjustment  of  duties  so  as  to  encourage 
our  own  industries  and  labor,  and  a  stable  currency  of  which  every 
dollar  shall  be  equal  in  value  to  gold." 

During  this  important  and  critical  state  campaign  Mr.  Dingley 
secured  some  rest  at  his  summer  home.  Here  he  wrote  many  of 
the  editorials  on  financial  questions  which  appeared  in  the  Lewis- 
ton  Journal  and  which  were  guides  to  all  doubtful  voters  in  the 
state.  Nor  was  he  ever  too  busy  to  listen  to  the  childish  stories  of 
his  grandchildren,  or  to  play  games  with  them.  He  even  recorded 
in  his  diary  the  birthdays  of  his  children  and  grandchildren,  so  firm 
was  his  grasp  of  details. 

At  the  urgent  request  of  the  Republican  national  committee, 
Mr.  Dingley,  on  the  last  day  of  September,  started  on  a  speaking 
tour  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  Michigan.  He  was  not  physi 
cally  able  to  undertake  this  task,  and  reluctantly  yielded.  He  spoke 
twice  in  Ohio,  four  times  in  Indiana,  four  times  in  Illinois  and  three 
times  in  Michigan — in  a  majority  of  cases  at  great  out  of  door  mass 
meetings  in  rural  sections  of  the  states,  and  also  in  several  large 
cities,  including  Cleveland  and  Chicago.  The  meeting  in  Chicago 
(October  10)  was  in  a  large  tent  with  an  audience  estimated  at 
twenty  thousand  people.  He  reached  his  home  in  Lewiston  Octo 
ber  20,  and  told  of  his  experiences.  "I  have  never  seen,"  he  said, 
"a  succession  of  so  large  political  meetings  in  any  campaign ;  and 
not  even  in  war  times  have  I  witnessed  greater  enthusiasm.  It  was 
noticeable  that  there  was  a  very  large  attendance  of  sound  money 
Democrats  at  each  meeting,  scores  of  whom  would  take  me  by  thj 
hand  after  each  meeting  and  say  to  me  that  they  proposed  this  year 
to  vote  the  Republican  ticket.  I  found  more  or  less  free  silver  sen 
timent  among  Republican  farmers,  particularly  those  who  were 
Greenbackers  in  1877-8;  but  at  every  point  I  learned  that  these  men 
were  rapidly  giving  up  the  free  silver  theory  and  returning  to  the 
Republican  fold.  The  conditions  of  all  the  states  in  which  I  spoke 
seemed  to  me  to  be  strikingly  similar  to  what  I  found  in  the  Maine 
campaign — so  similar  that  I  believe  they  foreshadow  a  Repub 
lican  triumph  in  the  west  far  more  decisive  than  is  generally  ex 
pected.  I  spent  several  hours  with  Major  and  Mrs.  McKinley  at 
Canton,  Ohio,  and  lunched  with  them.  I  found  Major  McKinley 
in  excellent  health  and  spirits,  notwithstanding  he  was  constantlv 
receiving  delegations  and  making  brief  speeches ;  and  entirely  con 
fident  that  he  would  be  triumphantly  elected." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  409 

Mr.  Dingley  was  very  much  exhausted  after  this  speaking  tour, 
and  aggravated  a  bronchial  difficulty  which  never  entirely  left  him, 
and  which  contributed  to  his  final  physical  collapse. 

The  result  of  the  presidential  election  in  November  justified  Mr. 
Dingley's  predictions.  William  McKinley  was  elected  president. 
The  country  breathed  freer.  The  business  and  industries  of  the 
land  felt  that  a  crushing  burden  had  been  removed.  The  dark 
clouds  which  had  hung  over  the  country  for  so  many  months 
showed  a  rift  through  which  the  golden  sunlight  streamed.  The 
distrust  which  had  so  long  paralyzed  business  and  industries  gave 
way  to  rising  confidence.  The  greatest  peril  with  which  the  coun 
try  had  been  threatened  since  the  close  of  the  civil  war  had  been 
overcome.  Mr.  Dingley  sent  a  telegram  of  congratulations  to 
Major  McKinley. 

He  was  confined  to  his  house  a  large  part  of  the  time  during 
the  remaining  weeks  of  November.  His  catarrh  caused  him  no 
little  annoyance,  and  it  was  a  long  time  before  the  trouble  yielded 
to  treatment.  On  the  23rd  of  November  he  received  a  letter  from 
President-elect  McKinley,  asking  Mr.  Dingley  to  visit  him  at  Can 
ton,  Ohio,  at  his  earliest  convenience,  before  the  assembling  of  con 
gress.  December  2nd  he  started  for  Canton,  Ohio,  reaching  there 
the  following  day.  1 

1 — Walter  Wellman,  the  well-known  correspondent,  wrote  in  November,  1896  r 
"President  -elect  McKinley  and  Mr.  Dingley  served  together  on  the  ways  and 
means  committee  when  the  famous  McKinley  law  was  framed.  They  know  one 
another  as  one  knows  a  member  of  his  own  family.  Their  friendship  is  close, 
strong  and  enduring.  "Governor  McKinley  will  make  one  of  the  greatest  presi 
dents  we  have  ever  had  in  the  White  House,'  said  Mr.  Dingley.  'He  has  grown 
remarkably  ever  since  he  left  congress.  He  has  had  the  wonderful  incentive  of 
fate— a  fate  that  was  drawing  him  nearer  great  responsibilities  and  honors. 
McKinley  is  a  perfectly  rounded  man.  His  knowledge  of  things  is  equal  to  his 
knowledge  of  men.  Some  presidents  know  one  and  some  the  other.  McKinley 
knows  both.  He  has  the  most  remarkable  faculty  to  bring  men  together  I  have 
ever  seen  in  public  life  and  that  is  a  great  quality  in  a  president.  Major  Mc- 
Kinley's  temper  is  well  nigh  perfect.  He  has  infinite  patience  and  tact.  I  used 
to  marvel  at  him  when  we  were  making  the  tariff  law  of  1890.  There  were  an 
noyances  then  such  as  you  could  not  dream.  Men  were  stubborn  and  selfish  and 
brutal  beyond  the  imagination.  I  do  not  speak  of  the  members  of  the  committee, 
for  in  the  committee  we  had  no  trouble,  but  of  outsiders.  McKinley's  conduct  to 
ward  them  was  patience  itself.  It  was  simply  phenomenal.  He  is  the  same 
today.  He  is  now  at  his  best.  He  is  in  his  very  prime.  He  is  equipped  for  the 
difficult  task  of  the  presidency  as  few  men  have  been  before  him.  He  will  make 
a  success.  He  will  be  his  own  president.  One  thing  I  cannot  understand,  and 
that  is  why  a  man  should  be  thought  weak  because  he  is  sweet  of  manner  and 
patient  and  considerate  of  others.  To  my  mind  these  are  marks  of  strength.  In 
McKinley's  case- 1  know  they  are.  I  have  studied  him  carefully  and  I  can  say 
that  he  will  have  peace  if  he  can.  He  will  preserve  harmony  by  yielding  in  non- 
essentials,  the  little  things  which  make  for  nothing  of  intrinsic  value.  But  when 
it  comes  to  principles,  the  great  things  to  the  end  in  view,  he  is  a  rock." 


CHAPTER  XXI. 
1896-1897. 

President  McKinley's  first  administration  really  began  immedi 
ately  after  the  national  election  of  November,  1896.  The  responsi 
bilities  placed  upon  him  by  the  deliberate  action  of  the  people  in 
that  memorable  contest,  forced  themselves  at  once  upon  the  newly 
chosen  executive.  He  summoned  to  his  home  the  ablest  and  wisest 
men  of  his  party  for  the  purpose  of  settling  upon  a  policy  to  be  pur 
sued,  and  selecting  a  cabinet  to  assist  in  promoting  that  policy. 

In  forming  his  ministry,  the  president-elect  was  not  guided  by 
geographical  consideration.  He  looked  for  men  who  could  aid  him 
in  making  a  successful  and  harmonious  administration.  It  was  the 
quality  of  the  men  that  counted. 

It  had  already  been  repeatedly  intimated  in  the  public  press  that 
the  president  would  probably  select  Mr.  Dingley  as  his  secretary  of 
the  treasury,  for,  in  the  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee 
the  president  saw  the  ideal  officer  who  harmonized  the  relations  be 
tween  the  cabinet  and  congress.  He  knew  very  well  that  there  was 
no  other  man  in  the  country  so  well  prepared,  by  natural  gifts  and 
training,  in  the  public  service,  for  this  arduous  task. 

Mr.  Dingley's  extreme  modesty  over  the  compliments  that  were 
showered  upon  him  by  the  newspapers  and  public  men,  was  char 
acteristic.  He  said  quietly  to  a  friend :  "Since  my  name  has  been 
so  much  mentioned  in  the  newspapers  as  a  possible  member  of  Mr. 
McKinley's  cabinet,  a  great  many  of  both  political  parties  have 
called  upon  me  to  extend  their  good  wishes.  I  do  not  know  any 
thing  at  all  about  the  cabinet  place  which  they  talk  of,  but  I  do 
know  that  I  have  been  touched  by  these  expressions  of  good  will 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  411 

from  so  many  of  my  associates.  They  are  worth  more  than  forty 
public  offices." 

Before  departing  for  President  McKinley's  home,  Mr.  Dingley 
conferred  with  many  of  his  close  political  friends  in  his  district, 
with  his  physician  and  with  members  of  his  family,  as  to  the  advis 
ability  of  his  accepting  the  position  of  secretary  of  the  treasury,  in 
case  he  should  be  asked  to  join  President  McKinley's  official 
family.  A  majority,  particularly  the  members  of  his  family,  advised 
against  it,  largely  on  account  of  his  health.  Folger  and  Manning 
and  Windom  had  succumbed  to  the  hard  and  exacting  duties  of  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury ;  and  Mr.  Dingley  while  doubtless  able  to 
perform  the  duties  of  the  office  with  comparative  ease,  would  have 
seriously  impaired  his  health. 

Mr.  Dingley  reached  Canton,  Ohio,  on  the  morning  of  Decem 
ber  3.  He  was  driven  at  once  to  Mr.  McKinley's  residence  where 
he  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  president-elect.  At  lunch  Presi 
dent  McKinley  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table,  Mrs.  McKinley  on  his 
left  and  Mr.  Dingley  on  his  right.  Senator  Thurston  of  Nebraska, 
Senator  Mason  of  Illinois,  and  a  son  of  Mr.  Dingley  were  also 
seated  at  the  table.  The  conversation  was  naturally  on  political 
topics,  and  through  it  all,  Mr.  Dingley's  accurate  and  marvelous 
memory  of  facts  and  figures  manifested  itself.  After  lunch,  Mr. 
McKinley  and  Mr.  Dingley  retired  to  an  upper  room,  where  a  long 
conference  was  held  in  private,  about  revenue  and  tariff  matters. 
Mr.  Dingley  urged  the  president-elect  to  call  an  extra  session  of 
congress  immediately  after  March  4th,  in  order  to  provide  the  pub 
lic  treasury  with  more  revenue.  "By  that  time,"  said  Mr.  Dingley, 
"a  tariff  bill  will  be  ready." 

Before  the  interview  closed,  the  president-elect  said :  "Gover 
nor,  I  always  said  that  if  I  were  ever  president,  I  would  make  you 
my  secretary  of  the  treasury.  The  time  has  now  come  and  I  want 
you  to  take  that  important  position.  You  are  the  man  for  the 
place.  Will  you  take  it?"  l 

Mr.  Dingley  thanked  Mr.  McKinley  sincerely  for  the  honor  and 
said :  "My  dear  governor,  I  have  no  desire  for  the  position.  I  pre 
fer  my  present  place  in  the  house.  I  think  I  can  do  you  and  your 
administration  more  service  there." 

1 — "He  was  offered  the  position  of  secretary  of  the  treasury  by  President 
McKinley  and  it  is  within  my  own  personal  knowledge  that  the  president  felt  a 
great  relief  when  he  had  brought  his  mind  to  the  suggestion  of  his  appointment, 
and  I  know  it  was  a  great  grief  and  disappointment  to  him  when  Mr.  Dingley  de 
clined  the  honor  upon  the  ground  of  his  impaired  health.  That  he  would  have 
made  a  model  secretary  of  the  treasury,  no  man  doubts.  That  it  would  have 
added  any  honor  to  him  I  cannot  conceive.''  Hon.  Chas.  H.  Grosvenor,  of  Ohio. 


412  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

"I  think  not,  governor,"  said  the  president-elect.  "I  am  anxious 
to  have  you  in  my  official  family  and  I  urge  you  to  accept  the  place. 
You  know  I  have  the  utmost  confidence  in  you;  and  the  whole 
country  will  approve  my  act." 

Finally  Mr.  Dingley  said :  "Well,  governor,  I  will  take  yout- 
tender  into  careful  consideration  and  return  answer  in  a  few 
weeks." 

On  account  of  a  severe  cold,  Mr.  Dingley  remained  all  night  at 
the  McKinley  home.  While  here,  absorbed  in  public  matters  of 
great  moment,  Mr.  Dingley  did  not  forget  that  this  was  the  birth 
day  of  his  dear  wife.  He  wrote  her  a  long  letter  of  love  and  con 
gratulation.  The  following  day,  after  calling  with  Mr.  McKinley 
on  his  aged  mother,  Mr.  Dingley  left  for  Washington,  arriving 
there  Saturday  morning,  December  5.  At  his  rooms  in  the  Hamil 
ton  house  he  was  besieged  all  day  long  by  newspaper  reporters 
eager  to  talk  with  the  man  who  had  been  offered  the  position  of 
secretary  of  the  treasury.  To  all  alike,  he  declined  to  talk  of  the 
matter ;  but  he  was  deeply  touched  by  the  compliments  paid  him  by 
the  members  of  the  press  in  Washington  who  had  learned  to  honor, 
respect  and  love  him.  1 

The  second  and  last  session  of  the  fifty-fourth  congress  met 
Monday,  December  7.  The  usual  interesting  scenes  were  enacted 
on  the  opening  day.  The  desks  of  many  members,  including  that  of 
Mr.  Dingley,  were  profusely  decorated  with  flowers.  Republicans 
and  Democrats  alike  congratulated  Mr.  Dingley  upon  his  probable 
selection  as  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Employes  of  the  house  who 
had  formed  a  warm  attachment  for  the  Republican  leader,  ven 
tured  to  add  their  modest  congratulations.  He  held  a  veritable  re 
ception  at  his  desk  for  an  hour  before  congress  met. 

President  Cleveland's  message  was  conspicuous  for  what  it  did 
not  say  on  the  tariff.  There  was  simply  an  apology  for  the  tariff 

1 — The  Washington  correspondent  to  the  Chicago  Times  Herald  wrote:  "He 
is  not  only  one  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  house,  but  is  also  one  of  the  most  admired 
and  respected.  During  his  long  career  in  that  body  he  has  not  made  a  single 
enemy,  while  it  is  also  true  that  he  has  won  the  warm  regard  of  his  fellow  leg 
islators  of  all  parties.  The  quality  of  his  politics  is  healthy,  and  the  philosophy 
of  his  statesmanship  is  profound.  When  he  speaks  both  sides  of  the  house  listen, 
not  because  he  is  a  great  orator,  but  because  what  he  says  always  adds  wisdom 
to  the  situation." 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Cleveland  Plain  Dealer  wrote:  "Mr. 
Dingley  is  a  remarkable  man.  He  gives  no  outward  physical  sign  of  the  great 
ability  he  possesses.  He  has  a  face  that  utterly  disguises  his  Anglo-Saxon 
blood,  yet  he  is  a  Yankee  of  the  Yankees,  pure  and  undefined.  Free  from  all  per 
sonal  contact  with  trusts,  from  all  corporations,  from  all  banks  and  banking, 
Governor  Dingley,  a  pronounced  single  standard  gold  man,  will  be  the  very 
strongest  soul  that  Mr.  McKinley  can  command,  to  carry  out  that  idea  success 
fully.  The  immense,  overwhelming  importance  of  having  a  man  at  the  head  of 
this  srreat  arm  of  the  government  who  can  act  and  make  the  fewest  mistakes,  is 
fully  understood  by  Mr.  McKinley.  Mr.  Dingley  as  such  a  man,  has  no  rival  in 
the  Republican  party." 


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NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  413 

which  he  allowed  to  become  a  law  without  his  signature.  The 
executive  ascribed  the  public  deficit  not  to  the  tariff  but  to  poor 
business.  He  did  not  allude  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  but  con 
tented  himself  with  urging  the  retirement  of  the  greenbacks.  On 
the  Cuban  question,  the  president  was  conservative,  much  to  the 
relief  of  the  whole  country.  He  simply  urged  home  rule  for  Cuba 
to  be  granted  by  Spain. 

Mr.  Dingley  carefully  and  thoughtfully  considered  Mr.  McKin- 
ley's  tender  of  a  cabinet  position.  He  conferred  with  Speaker  Reed 
and  other  party  leaders,  with  his  physicians  and  the  members  of  his 
family.  His  catarrh  not  only  troubled  him  but  deprived  him  of 
sleep  and  disturbed  his  whole  nervous  system. 

After  a  particularly  restless  night,  he  finally  and  irrevocably 
made  up  his  mind;  and  on  the  morning  of  December  22nd  wrote 
the  following  letter : 

"Washington,  D.  C,  December  22,  1896. 
"Hon.  William  McKinley.— 

"My  Dear  Governor :  I  have  been  carefully  considering  your 
very  kind  request  that  I  take  the  treasury  department  under  your 
administration,  and  have  consulted  with  Mrs.  Dingley,  my  physi 
cian  and  a  few  intimate  friends  in  my  district. 

"I  have  only  been  strengthened  in  the  conviction  which  I  ex 
pressed  to  you  when  the  suggestion  was  made  at  Canton,  that  I  can 
do  more  for  the  success  of  your  administration  where  I  am  than  in 
the  treasury,  and  as  I  said  to  you,  my  personal  tastes  are  in  the 
same  direction. 

"In  view  of  the  fact  that  I  want  to  do  everything  possible  to 
make  your  administration  a  success — as  I  believe  it  will  be — and 
for  that  reason  should  feel  inclined  to  subordinate  my  own  personal 
preferences  in  order  to  respond  to  your  own  desires  in  a  matter  of 
this  kind,  I  should  have  probably  reluctantly  replied  in  the  affirma 
tive  to  your  request,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  fact  that  a  severe  at 
tack  of  catarrh  induced  by  excessive  out-of-door  speaking  in  the 
campaign  has  persistently  continued  and  visibly  affected  my  ner 
vous  system,  in  consequence  of  which  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to 
consult  my  physician  as  to  my  probable  physical  ability  at  my  time 
of  life  to  meet  the  continuous  severe  burdens  imposed  on  the  head 
of  the  treasury  in  recent  years — greatly  increased  by  the  business 
depressions  of  the  past  three  years ;  and  he  informs  me  that  I  should 
run  a  very  serious  risk  of  breaking  down  under  such  a  load  which 
has  no  seasons  of  relief,  as  is  the  case  with  my  present  position. 
And  Mrs.  Dingley  is  so  much  impressed  with  the  advice  of  my  phy- 


4i4  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

sician,  and  the  present  condition  of  my  nervous  system  under  the 
existing  attack  of  catarrh,  that  she  fears  I  would  lose  my  life — as 
Manning  and  Windom  did  under  the  same  burden — if  I  should  un 
dertake  the  work  of  the  treasury. 

"In  this  situation,  therefore,  I  feel  constrained  to  decline  the 
high  honor — for  I  feel  it  such — which  you  proposed  to  tender  me, 
and  for  which  I  am  under  the  deepest  obligation  to  you.  At  the 
same  time,  I  assure  you  that  you  will  have  my  hearty  co-operation 
and  assistance  at  all  times  in  making  your  administration  a  great 
success.  With  the  best  wishes,  I  remain, 

"Sincerely  yours, 
"Nelson  Dingley  Jr." 

Thus  Mr.  Dingley  declined  the  office  of  secretary  of  the  treas 
ury.  His  letter  was  read  by  Mr.  McKinley  with  deep  regret;  but 
he  knew  that  under  no  circumstances  could  Mr.  Dingley  be  induced 
to  change  his  mind.  Later  he  fully  realized  that  Mr.  Dingley  was 
right  when  he  said  that  he  could  help  the  administration  and  the 
country  more  as  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  than 
as  secretary  of  the  treasury. 

This  positive  declination  was  not  publicly  known  until  January 
7,  when  Mr.  Dingley  confirmed  the  report  that  he  would  not  be 
secretary  of  the  treasury.  To  the  inquiries  of  friends  and  corres 
pondents  he  said:  "It  is  a  matter  of  sincere  regret  that  I  cannot 
be  intimately  associated  with  the  McKinley  administration,  for  I 
believe  it  is  going  to  be  a  successful  administration.  I  would  do  as 
much  for  Governor  McKinley  as  for  any  other  man,  but  upon  care 
ful  reflection,  I  cannot  see  my  way  to  accept  the  treasury  depart 
ment."  But  in  reluctantly  declining  this  high  honor,  Mr.  Dingley 
gave  to  the  country  his  rare  talents  and  ripe  experience  in  the 
preparation  of  a  protective  tariff  bill  that  arrested  depression  and 
restored  material  prosperity. 

The  preparation  of  the  Dingley  tariff  bill  began  on  the  evening 
of  December  10,  twelve  days  before  that  important  letter  to  Mr. 
McKinley  was  penned,  when  the  republican  members  of  the  ways 
and  means  committee  met  in  the  committee  room  and  voted  "to 
begin  a  tariff  bill  and  have  it  ready  for  an  extra  session  of  con 
gress." 

The  committee  on  ways  and  means  was  first  created  July  24, 
1789,  in  the  first  session  of  the  first  congress,  and  consisted  of  a 
member  from  each  state.  In  the  second  session  of  the  seventh  con 
gress,  (December  15,  1802)  the  committee  became  one  of  the 
standing  committees  of  the  house.  Until  1865  this  committee  con- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  415 

sidered  and  reported  all  appropriation  bills.  The  membership  of 
the  committee  has  always  been  composed  of  the  most  distinguished 
members  of  the  house.  Among  them  have  been,  John  Randolph, 
Millard  Fillmore,  Henry  Clay,  James  K.  Polk,  Robert  C.  Winthrop, 
John  C.  Breckenridge,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Justin  S.  Morrill,  John 
Sherman,  Israel  Washburn,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  James  A.  Garfield, 
Roscoe  Conkling,  William  B.  Allison,  John  A.  Logan,  William  D. 
Kelly,  Austin  Blair,  Henry  L.  Dawes,  William  R.  Morrison,  N.  P. 
Banks,  Roger  Q.  Mills,  John  G.  Carlisle,  William  P.  Frye,  William 
McKinley,  Thomas  B.  Reed,  William  L.  Wilson,  Julius  C.  Burrows, 
William  M.  Springer  and  William  J.  Bryan. 

The  room  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  in  the  National 
house  in  December  1896,  when  the  preparation  of  the  Dingley 
tariff  bill  was  begun,  was  the  largest  and  most  commodious  in  the 
capitol.  The  library  had  about  four  thousand  volumes  covering 
very  completely  the  subjects  of  tariff  and  finance.  An  open  fire 
place  and  inviting  easy  chairs,  made  this  committee  room  a  general 
reception  room  for  those  desiring  private  conferences  with  promi 
nent  members  of  congress.  Chairman  Dingley  was  sought  after 
more  than  any  other  member  of  congress,  unless  it  was  the 
speaker ;  and  he  always  received  all  with  uniform  courtesy.  In  the 
center  of  the  room  stood  a  large  table  around  which  were  arranged 
17  chairs.  Along  the  edge  of  the  table  directly  in  front  of  each 
chair,  was  a  small  silver  plate  on  which  was  engraved  the  name  of 
the  member  of  the  committee  occupying  the  seat.  Chairman  Ding- 
ley  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table  farthest  from  the  door  with  Sereno 
E.  Payne  of  New  York  on  his  right  and  John  Dalzell  of  Pennsyl 
vania  on  his  left.  The  other  members  of  the  committee  were :  Al 
ert  J.  Hopkins  of  Illinois,  Charles  H.  Grosvenor  of  Ohio,  Charles 
A.  Russell  of  Connecticut,  Jonathan  P.  Dolliver  of  Iowa,  George 
W.  Steele  of  Indiana,  Martin  N.  Johnson  of  North  Dakota,  Walter 
Evans  of  Kentucky,  James  A.  Tawney  of  Minnesota,  Henry  G. 
Turner  of  Georgia,  Charles  J.  Boatner  of  Louisiana,  Seth  W. 
Cobb  of  Missouri,  Benton  McMillin  of  Tennessee,  Joseph  Wheeler 
of  Alabama,  and  John  L.  McLaurin  of  South  Carolina.  ,»  . 

Mr.  Dingley  was  65  years  old  when  he  undertook  the  task  of 
guiding  to  a  successful  consummation,  the  framing  of  the  protec 
tive  tariff  bill  of  1897,  otherwise  known  as  the  Dingley  bill.  He  pos 
sessed  a  mind  logical  in  the  highest  degree.  He  had  a  wonderfully 
lucid  way  of  asserting  facts  and  of  going  at  once  to  the  heart  of 
things.  Apparently  not  of  robust  health,  he  was  nevertheless  of  a 
wiry  nature,  capable  of  intense  work  without  fatigue.  He  launched 


416  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

upon  his  arduous  task  with  a  confidence  and  assurance  born  of  long 
experience  and  close  study.  He  had  his  subject  well  in  hand  and 
was  able  to  do  an  enormous  amount  of  work  with  comparative 
ease.  In  fact,  while  burdened  with  the  responsibilities  of  his  posi 
tion  and  filled  with  the  cares  of  legislation,  this  busy  man  found 
time  to  answer  his  little  grandson's  letters.  In  the  course  of  one 
letter  dated  February  ist,  written  to  his  grandson,  he  said:  "When 
you  get  to  be  a  big  boy  we  want  you  to  come  and  visit  us  at  Wash 
ington  and  we  will  show  you  the  big  white  marble  building  in 
which  congress  meets  and  where  grandpa  works,  and  also  the  big 
white  house  in  which  the  president  lives." 

The  construction  of  a  new  tariff  along  the  lines  of  protection 
and  national  income  began. 

The  new  tariff  was  not  to  be  a  copy  of  any  previous  economic 
legislation,  because  the  American  economic  system  was  founded  on 
a  condition  and  theory,  not  a  theory  without  regard  to  a  condi 
tion.  The  protection  of  American  wages  was  the  basic  idea  of  the 
American  economic  system.  The  trouble  with  the  tariff  of 
1894  was  that  it  discriminated  against  the  agricultural  and  other 
important  American  interests,  while  giving  fair  protection  to  cer 
tain  other  domestic  interests.  The  task  of  devising  a  tariff  bill  to 
stay  a  national  deficit  and  adequately  protect  all  American  indus 
try,  was  no  holiday  affair.  But  it  was  committed  to  experts,  not 
novices.  The  capitalist  was  fast  ascertaining  that  his  profits  should 
not  come  out  of  an  abnormally  strong  position  secured  by  the 
artifices  of  unscientific  paternalism,  but  out  of  the  exploitation  of 
nature  by  machinery  run  by  well  paid  help,  protected  by  the  law  of 
humanity  embodied  in  a  tariff.  The  idea  had  gained  a  stronger 
position  in  this  country  year  by  year,  that  the  American  economic 
system  gives  to  capital  larger  profits  only  by  way  of  cheaper  wealth 
and  larger  production.  We  have  ascertained  that  advanced  tools 
depend  on  advanced  consumption,  and  advanced  consumption  on 
high  wages.  The  promotion  of  wages  and  the  standard  of  life  is 
not  sentimental  philanthrophy  but  scientific  humanity,  because  it 
co-ordinates  the  interests  of  those  who  make  to  sell  with  those  who 
buy  to  consume. 

Mr.  Dingley,  in  the  course  of  a  public  statement  said :  "We 
should  have  at  least  fifty  million  dollars  of  revenues,  and  it  would 
be  better  if  the  sum  were  seventy  million.  Besides,  the  treasury  re 
serve  should  not  be  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars 
instead  of  the  present  limit  of  one  hundred  million  dollars  in  gold. 
After  July  ist  there  must  be  more  revenue  or  serious  difficulty  will 


MAINE'S  BIG  SIX. 

WM.  P.  FRYE.     EUGENE  HALE. 

NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.     THOMAS.  B.  REED. 

CHARLES  A.  BOUTELLE.     SETH  L.  MILLIKEN. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  417 

arise.  Whatever  is  done  should  be  done  quickly  for  business  rea 
sons.  As  applied  to  politics,  delay  would  be  dangerous.  There  is 
only  one  plan  to  be  followed — that  is  for  President  McKinley  to 
call  an  extraordinary  session  of  congress.  It  is  my  judgment  that 
such  a  session  need  not  be  a  long  one,  unless  the  senate  purposely 
prolongs  debate.  If  the  two  bodies  composing  congress  confine 
themselves  to  the  work  in  hand,  six  weeks  ought  to  be  sufficient 
for  the  house.  There  are  objections  to  an  extra  session  unless  it 
becomes  imperative,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  exigencies 
of  the  treasury  are  under  that  head.  Part  of  the  wave  of  confidence 
that  has  swept  over  the  country  since  the  result  of  the  recent  elec 
tion  became  known,  arises  from  the  buoyant  hopes  of  most  of  our 
industrial  concerns  that  the  existing  tariff  injustices,  dangers  and 
incongruities  will  be  corrected.  Our  manufacturing  interests  are 
looking  forward  with  the  hope,  in  many  cases  born  of  desperation, 
of  relief  from  the  existing  ills  of  the  tariff  system.  We  have  now  an 
opportunity  to  obtain  from  fifty  to  seventy  million  dollars  addi 
tional  revenue,  and  at  the  same  time  to  build  up  some  of  our  na 
tional  industries  which  are  now  languishing.  Protection  is  a  prin 
ciple — not  a  matter  of  rates.  The  house  of  representatives  will 
maintain  the  principle  of  protection  but  with  iustice  and  modera 
tion." 

The  series  01  tariff  hearings  by  the  committee  on  ways  and 
means  began  December  28  and  closed  January  n.  The  committee 
room  was  crowded  at  every  hearing,  and  representatives  of  all  the 
leading  lines  of  industry  were  present.  Chairman  Dingley  pre 
sided  over  these  hearings,  listening  to  and  commenting  on  the  mass 
of  testimony. 

Wednesday,  January  13,  the  republican  members  of  the  com 
mittee  began  the  framing  of  the  tariff  bill,  in  rooms  they  had  en 
gaged  at  the  Cochran  hotel,  immediately  opposite  the  Hamilton 
house, — centrally  located  and  convenient  to  the  chairman. 

It  took  two  weeks  and  two  days  to  complete  the  first  draft  of 
the  Dingley  tariff  bill,  and  get  the  printed  copies  ready  for  con 
gress.  The  republican  members  of  the  committee  worked  almost 
uninterruptedly  during  this  period  in  the  preparation  of  the  bill.  It 
was  a  tremendous  task.  Schedule  by  schedule,  paragraph  by  para 
graph,  the  entire  bill  was  constructed  with  great  care  and  pre 
cision.  Mr.  Dingley  was  the  guiding  spirit,  l  all  yielding  to  his 

1 — "Gov.  Dingley  was  largely  the  stimulating  and  controlling  influence.  The 
review  of  the  work,  however,  discloses  to  all  who  participated  in  it,  or  were  in 
any  way  acquainted  with  it,  the  remarkable  ability,  the  conscientious  applica 
tion  and  the  unselfish  disposition  which  Governor  Dingley  possessed.  It  dis 
closed  further  the  grasp  of  industrial  situations  and  the  necessities  and  the  pur- 


4i8  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

judgment,  knowledge  and  tact.  During  these  conferences  various 
interests  often  clashed,  but  the  chairman  was  always  ready  with 
some  compromise  or  plan  of  procedure  that  seemed  to  satisfy  all. 
With  rare  shrewdness  he  succeeded  in  adjusting  all  differences  and 
in  harmonizing  the  several  parts  of  this  important  measure.  His 
associates  had  implicit  confidence  in  him  and  regarded  him  as  stu 
dents  regard  a  wise  and  noble  instructor. 

Many  amusing  events  transpired  during  the  preliminary  prepa 
ration  of  the  Dingley  tariff  bill,  some  of  them  at  the  expense  of  the 
chairman,  who  was  always  so  absorbed  in  the  seriousness  of  his 
work  as  to  forget  the  humorous  side  of  life.  Mr.  Dingley,  it  is  re 
lated,  was  very  anxious  to  have  a  duty  on  kindling  wood.  Most  of 
the  members  associated  kindling  wood  with  their  wood  piles  at 
their  back  doors  and  were  inclined  to  poke  fun  at  the  chairman. 
They  were  not  aware  of  the  fact  that  in  many  of  the  northern  states 
there  was  a  regular  industry  of  manufacturing  kindling  wood  and 
putting  it  on  the  market  in  bundles.  Mr.  Dingley  proceeded  to 
argue  in  favor  of  a  duty  on  this  article  and  took  seriously  the  ob 
jections  raised  by  some  of  the  members  who  objected  in  a  spirit  of 
pure  fun.  But  the  duty  on  kindling  wood  was  agreed  to. 

Shortly  afterwards,  Mr.  Tawney  of  Minnesota,  became  inter 
ested  in  a  duty  on  enameled  shoe  strings.  So  one  morning  he 
asked  to  have  the  schedule  which  he  had  prepared,  considered  by 
the  Republican  members.  The  chairman,  who  was  overwhelmed 
with  requests  and  anxious  to  complete  the  first  draft  of  the  bill, 
said,  perhaps  with  some  haste :  "We  have  no  time  now  for  such 
trifling  matters."  Mr.  Tawney  with  more  spirit  than  he  now  wishes 
he  had  displayed,  replied :  "Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  shoe  strings  are 
as  important  as  kindling  wood."  The  other  members  including  the 
chairman  joined  in  a  hearty  laugh  and  proceeded  to  consider  other 
sections  of  the  bill. 

Chairman  Dingley  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table,  Mr.  Payne  on 
his  right  and  Mr.  Dalzell  on  his  left.  These  three  men  were  the 
Republican  triumvirate  in  the  preparation  of  the  first  draft  of  the 
bill.  So  great  was  the  chairman's  confidence  in  the  judgment  of 
these  two  men,  that  he  unconsciously  conferred  with  them  alone, 
and  in  a  low  voice  on  the  rates  to  be  agreed  upon,  and  in  a  quiet 
way  would  say :  "If  there  is  no  objection  it  will  be  the  sense  of  the 
committee  that  the  rate  of  dutv  on  such  and  such  an  article  shall  be 
so  and  so." 

pose  of  dealing  with  them  broadly,  patriotically  and  equitably,  which  were  the 
lines  on  which  the  Dingley  tariff  law  was  drawn."  Hon.  Chas.  A.  Russell  of 
Connecticut. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  419 

Some  of  the  younger  Republican  members  of  the  committee  at 
the  foot  of  the  table,  while  having  implicit  confidence  in  the  chair 
man  and  his  two  leading  associates,  conspired  to  play  a  mild  joke 
on  the  chairman.  They  agreed  to  object  and  vote  down  the  chair 
man  on  some  minor  matter  the  next  time  the  chairman  talked  in  a 
low  tone  to  Messrs.  Payne  and  Dalzell,  and  put  the  question.  The 
three  heads  came  together  in  close  consultation  and  the  chairman 
in  his  accustomed  manner  without  looking  up  from  the  table  said : 
"If  there  is  no  objection  the  committee  will  agree  upon  a  duty  of  60 
per  cent."  Mr.  Tawney  said :  "Mr.  Chairman,  we  object  and  ask 
for  a  vote."  "Well,  well,"  said  the  chairman,  looking  over  the  top 
of  his  eye  glasses  with  a  surprised  look  on  his  face, — "of  course  we 
can  take  a  vote  if  it  is  so  desired."  ,  "We  desire  it,"  said  Mr.  Taw 
ney.  The  vote  was  taken  and  the  motion  defeated,  much  to  the 
chairman's  amazement.  The  mischievious  members  of  the  commit 
tee  laughed  and  explained  their  joke  with  the  suggestion  that  the 
triumvirate  occasionally  take  cognizance  of  the  physical  presence 
of  the  other  Republican  members. 

When  the  hosiery  schedule  was  under  consideration,  Mr.  Steele 
of  Indiana,  was  suddenly  called  from  the  room ;  and  upon  returning 
inquired  as  to  the  progress  made  and  was  informed  that  the  sched 
ule  had  been  completed.  "Well,"  he  said,  wearily,  "having  dis 
posed  of  the  sock  question  we  will  now  proceed  to  other  topics." 

When  the  matter  of  imposing  a  duty  on  Angora  goat  hair  v/as 
completed  the  chairman  heaved  a  sigh  of  relief  and  said :  "There, 
that  disposes  of  the  goat."  "Yes,"  said  Mr.  Dolliver,  "but  the  im 
porters  in  six  months  will  make  another  goat." 

Mr.  Dingley's  accurate  knowledge  of  tariff  schedules,  rates  and 
classifications  was  the  marvel  of  his  associates ;  and  of  all  who  con 
ferred  with  him  relative  to  proposed  duties.  His  mind  was  a  reser 
voir  of  facts  and  figures  which  he  marshaled  as  a  general  marshals 
his  soldiers — by  companies  and  batallions.  Thousands  of  sugges- 
gestions,  verbally  and  by  letter  were  given  him,  and  figures  and  per 
centages  and  claims  were  presented  until  any  ordinary  mind  would 
have  been  hopelessly  confused.  But  from  this  mass  he  was  able  to 
discern  unerringly  the  true  and  the  false,  and  to  pluck  out  the  ker 
nel  of  the  whole  thing.  His  parlor  at  the  Hamilton  house  was  the 
headquarters  of  all  interested  in  tariff  legislation.  His  desks  and 
tables  were  covered  with  books,  papers,  pads  with  figures,  official 
documents  and  newspapers.  Experts  in  certain  lines  of  business 
called  upon  him  to  make  suggestions,  and  were  amazed  to  learn 


420  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

that  the  chairman  of  the  committee  knew  all  about  their  particular 
industry — the  process  of  manufacture  and  the  technical  terms. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  seriously  troubled  with  catarrh  throughout 
the  winter  and  the  arduous  labors  incident  to  the  preparation  of  a 
tariff  bill  told  on  him.  He  looked  careworn  and  at  times  pale.  He 
was  continually  wrapped  in  deep  thought,  oblivious  of  his  sur 
roundings  and  almost  unconscious  of  what  he  ate,  or  what  he  wore. 
When  in  his  private  parlor,  he  was  either  figuring  on  a  piece  of 
paper,  watching  the  fire  abstractedly  and  trimming  his  whiskers 
with  a  pair  of  pocket  scissors,  or  pacing  the  floor  and  humming 
some  familiar  tune  in  a  half  audible  tone.  All  this  gave  evidence  of 
his  supreme  appreciation  of  the  serious  problem  before  him  and 
the  great  responsibility  that  rested  on  his  shoulders.  The  whole 
country  was  awaiting  his  action  and  looking  to  him  for  relief.  It 
was  the  crisis  of  his  public  career.  But  with  a  wonderful  mental 
equipoise  and  a  conscious  confidence  in  his  own  powers,  he  faced 
the  work  before  him.  Fortunately  he  was  an  excellent  sleeper ;  and 
at  10  o'clock  or  thereabouts,  he  laid  aside  his  work  and  in  half  an 
hour  was  sleeping  peacefully.  This  happy  faculty  of  throwing  off 
cares  at  bed-time  was  the  only  thing  that  sustained  him  during 
these  months  of  work  and  anxiety. 

While  preparing  with  his  associates  the  first  draft  of  the  tariff 
bill,  Mr.  Dingley  did  not  attend  the  sessions  of  the  house  regularly. 
February  10,  he  went  to  the  house  for  the  first  time  for  nearly  a 
month  and  was  loudly  cheered  as  he  took  his  seat.  On  that  day  the 
electoral  votes  were  counted  and  Mr.  McKinley  declared  elected 
president.  That  evening  Mr.  Dingley  attended  a  dinner  at  Senator 
Merrill's  with  the  members  of  the  senate  committee  on  finance. 
Here  the  plan  of  operation  was  settled  upon — the  date  of  the  meet 
ing  of  congress  in  extra  session — the  length  of  debate  in  the  house 
and  the  probable  date  for  the  final  passage  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  Dingley  was  sixty-five  years  old  on  the  I5th  day  of  Febru 
ary.  It  was  a  marvel  to  his  associates  l  how  he  could  endure  so 

1 — Mr.  Dolliver,  one  of  his  colleagues  said:  "For  many  months  prior  to  the 
extraordinary  session  of  congress,  Mr.  Dingley  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table  sur 
rounded  by  the  ten  members  of  the  ways  and  means  committee,  belonging  to  his 
own  party,  conducting  the  investigations  which  resulted  in  the  original  draft  of 
the  Dingley  tariff  bill.  They  were  months  of  labor,  without  a  day  of  recreation 
and  without  an  hour  of  leisure.  The  chairman  of  the  committee,  even  then  to  all 
appearances,  frail  and  uncertain  in  strength,  brought  to  the  business  in  hand 
that  wealth  of  accurate  information,  that  vast  store  of  definite  knowledge,  that 
unflagging  zeal  of  personal  attention  which  left  his  colleagues  in  daily  astonish 
ment  as  Jthey  came  to  see  the  fulness  of  his  equipment  in  the  field  of  practical 
legislation.  The  minute  details  of  previous  legislation  from  the  first  tariff  law 
to  the  last,  and  the  history  of  American  industries,  great  and  small,  in 
cluding  the  vicissitudes  of  the  business  world  seemed  to  be  within  easy  reach 
of  his  infallible  memory,  so  that  he  could  not  be  deceived  by  the  petitions  of 
those  who  sought  to  reduce  them  to  a  point  unnecessarily  low.  In  this  he- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  421 

much  uninterrupted  mental  labor,  work  all  day  and  far  into  the 
night  over  schedules,  figures  and  percentages,  and  not  break  down. 
Having  the  appearance  of  an  invalid,  and  lacking  that  physical 
vigor  which  seemed  essential  to  success  in  the  political  arena,  Mr. 
Dingley  so  regulated  his  work  and  so  conserved  his  energy  as  to 
outstrip  all  in  mental  endurance. 

On  the  26th  of  February  the  senate  bill  for  the  creation  of  an 
international  monetary  conference  was  being  considered  in  the 
house.  The  position  of  the  Republican  party  on  this  important 
matter  had  not  been  publicly  taken  since  the  declaration  in  the  St. 
Louis  platform  was  written.  While  the  discussion  was  in  progress, 
Mr.  Dingley  entered  the  hall  and  took  his  seat.  His  appearance  on 
the  floor  aroused  the  Republicans  to  unusual  interest,  for  the  floor 
leader  did  not  attend  the  sessions  unless  something  important  was 
being  considered.  As  he  rose  to  speak  1  there  was  a  hush  all  over 
the  house ;  and  in  unmistakable  language  he  pronounced  the  atti 
tude  of  the  party.  His  words  thrilled  the  members,  and  there  was 
an  outburst  of  applause  at  the  conclusion  of  nearly  every  sentence. 
He  advocated  the  passage  of  the  bill  first,  because  of  the  pledge  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  second,  because  its  defeat  would  result 
in  injury  to  the  sound  money  cause.  The  bill  was  passed  by  practi 
cally  a  unanimous  vote. 

President-elect  William  McKinley  reached  Washington  March 
2nd.  Mr.  Dingley  called  on  him  shortly  after  his  arrival  and  paid 
his  respects  to  the  incoming  executive.  The  inauguration  of  the 
president  March  4th  was  a  memorable  occasion.  Mr.  Dingley, 
modest  and  retiring,  witnessed  the  inauguration  ceremonies  and 
shared  with  the  incoming  president  the  responsibilities  of  the  hour. 
The  president's  inaugural  address  was  well  received  by  the  whole 
country.  It  recommended  a  restoration  of  protection  ;  a  monetary 
conference,  and  economy  in  public  affairs.  From  his  parlors,  Mr. 
Dingley  viewed  the  long  and  imposing  procession  in  the  afternoon 
and  the  display  of  fireworks  in  the  evening.  His  thoughts,  how 
ever,  were  dwelling  upon  the  tariff  bill.  That  evening  he  discussed 
with  his  family  and  a  party  of  friends  the  proposed  tariff  bill — what 

wildering  mass  of  statistics,  official  reports,  price  lists  and  personal  statements, 
Mr.  Dingley  moved  about  like  a  man  peerfectly  at  home,  never  failing  to  get 
at  the  facts;  never  hesitating  to  cast  aside  hearsay  from  whatever  quarter; 
and  when  the  work  was  over  and  the  bill  approved  by  the  house  without  an 
amendment  not  suggested  by  the  committee,  every  man  associated  with  him, 
in  addition  to  admiration  for  the  statesman,  found  in  his  heart  a  sincere  affec 
tion  for  the  man  himself,  for  the  unostentatious  colleague  who°e  greatness  as  a 
leader  only  emphasized  his  kindness  and  generosity  as  a  friend." 

1 — See  Appendix. 


422  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

he  expected  it  would  accomplish  and  what  it  would  do  for  the  coun 
try.  His  conversation  was  delightful  and  inspiring. 

The  following  day  he  rested  in  his  rooms  and  on  March  6th  with 
his  republican  associates  resumed  the  work  of  framing  the  tariff 
bill.  The  following  week,  from  Monday  morning  until  Saturday 
night,  he  labored  almost  incessantly  on  the  details  of  the  bill.  The 
strain  was  terrific,  and  when  Saturday  night  came  and  the  first  print 
of  the  bill  was  received,  he  was  exhausted.  But  even  Sunday  af 
forded  him  no  real  rest.  It  was  the  eve  of  the  extraordinary  ses 
sion  of  the  55th  congress. 

Saturday,  March  6th,  President  McKinley  issued  his  proclama 
tion  calling  congress  to  assemble  in  extra  session  March  15.  This 
had  been  anticipated  for  some  time — in  fact  the  date  was  deter 
mined  by  the  probable  completion  of  the  tariff  bill. 

The  house  of  representatives  was  crowded  long  before  noon 
March  15.  Admission  was  by  ticket  alone.  The  audience  in  the 
galleries  saw  the  most  extraordinary  display  of  flowers  ever 
brought  into  the  chamber. 

After  the  election  of  Mr.  Reed  as  speaker,  the  interesting  pro 
cess  of  chosing  seats  began.  Mr.  Wadsworth  of  New  York,  whose 
name  was  called  early  in  the  drawing  of  seats,  courteously  sur 
rendered  his  seat  to  Mr.  Dingley,  while  Mr.  Wilson  of  Brooklyn, 
who  had  a  seat  one  row  nearer  the  front,  and  who  was  not  to  be 
outdone  in  generosity,  then  changed  with  Mr.  Dingley,  bringing 
the  Republican  leader  into  a  very  desirable  position/four  seats  from 
the  front.  President  McKinley's  short  message  was  listened  to  with 
marked  attention.  It  was  devoted  exclusively  to  the  tariff,  and  the 
deficit  under  the  Wilson  law.  "With  the  unlimited  means  at  our 
command,"  he  said,  "we  are  presenting  the  remarkable  spectacle  of 
increasing  a  public  debt  by  borrowing  money  to  meet  the  ordinary 
outlays  incident  upon  even  an  economical  and  prudent  administra 
tion  of  the  government.  Not  only  are  we  without  a  surplus  in  the 
treasury,  but,  with  an  increase  in  the  public  debt,  there  has  been  a 
corresponding  increase  in  the  interest  charged.  Congress  should 
promptly  correct  the  existing  conditions.  Ample  revenues  must  be 
supplied  not  only  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  government,  but 
for  the  prompt  payment  of  liberal  pensions  and  the  liquidation  of 
the  principal  and  interest  of  the  public  debt.  *  *  *  The  im 
perative  demand  of  the  hour  is  the  prompt  enactment  of  such  a 
measure,  and  to  this  object  I  earnestly  recommend  that  congress 
should  make  every  endeavor." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  423 

The  president's  message  was  received  with  applause,  but  the 
climax  of  the  day's  memorable  events  was  reached,  when  Mr.  Ding- 
ley,  standing  in  his  place  in  the  house,  rose  and  "in  response  to  the 
message  which  has  just  been  read,"  introduced  the  Dingley  tariff 
bill.  l  The  Republican  leader  was  loudly  cheered,  while  handker 
chiefs  were  waved  in  the  galleries  above.  The  modest  man  from 
Maine,  who  through  years  of  hard  toil  and  study  had,  round  by 
round  climbed  the  ladder  of  fame,  now  stood  in  the  national  house 
of  representatives  the  central  figure  in  a  great  nation.  It  was  in 
deed,  an  hour  of  triumph ;  but  in  the  midst  of  the  applause  and 
cheers  he  stood  unmoved,  apparently  oblivious  of  himself. 

The  speaker  immediately  appointed  the  members  of  the  com 
mittee  on  ways  and  means — Messrs.  Dingley,  Payne,  Dalzell, 
Hopkins,  Grosvenor,  Russell,  Dolliver,  Steele,  Johnson,  Evans, 
Tawney,  Bailey,  McMillin,  Wheeler,  McLaurin,  Robertson  and 
Swanson.  The  full  committee  organized  and  began  the  considera 
tion  of  the  tariff  bill  the  following  day. 

Chairman  Dingley  made  a  statement  to  the  public  respecting 
the  provisions  and  probable  effects  of  the  new  tariff  bill.  He  said : 
"The  bill  has  two  purposes,  namely,  to  raise  additional  revenue,  and 
to  encourage  the  industries  of  the  United  States.  On  the  basis  of 
the  importations  of  the  last  fiscal  year,  the  bill  will  increase  the 
revenue  about  one  hundred  and  twelve  million  dollars.  The  de 
duction  of  revenue  due  to  anticipatory  importations  will  leave  a 
probable  increased  revenue  for  the  first  year  of  about  seventy-five 
million  dollars,  and  for  the  second  year  about  one  hundred  million 
dollars.  The  estimates  are  below  the  probable  result,  unless  a  con- 

1 — "It  was  only  lacking  a  few  minutes  of  12  o'clock  when  the  slight  figure  of 
Gov.  Dingley  was  seen  to  enter  the  hall  from  the  lobby  door  at  the  right  of  the 
speaker's  desk.  He  entered  as  he  did  everything  else,  quietly,  and  his  counte 
nance  bore  that  usual  grave  and  thoughtful,  but  not  unpleasant,  expression.  His 
entrance  seemed  to  be  the  first  expected  event  of  the  session  and  was  quickly 
noted  and  he  was  recognized  with  applause  on  the  floor  and  in  the  galleries.  As 
he  briskly  walked  across  the  semi-circle  in  front  of  the  speaker's  desk  and  up 
the  aisle  to  the  lef  I  of  the  center  to  the  seat  he  had  conspicuously  occupied  in  the 
previous  congress  it  was  generally  observed  that  he  carried  under  his  left  arm 
a  package  enveloped  in  brown  paper— a  package  of  considerable  size  and  sug 
gestive  of  importance  as  bearing  upon  the  purpose  for  which  the  congress  was 
about  to  assemble.  Almost  immediately  there  was  a  murmur  on  the  floor, 
'There's  the  bill.'  I  shall  always  retain  most  vividly  in  memory  this  appearance 
of  Gov.  Dingley;  his  recognition  by  those  assembled  in  the  hall  of  the  house  of 
representatives  on  that  memorable  Monday  and  the  scenes  of  the  accomplish 
ment  of  benefit  to  our  country  and  the  people  which  at  that  moment  seemed  to 
pervade  the  atmosphere  of  the  place.  *  *  *  The  interest  which  had  signalized 
Gov.  Dingley's  entrance  into  the  house  was  intensified  when  he  arose  to  address 
the  members.  He  seemed  modestly  oblivious  to  that  interest  and  there  was  as 
usual  in  his  action  the  absence  of  any  pose  or  dramatic  bearing,  calculated  to 
draw  to  himself  or  the  occasion  unusual  show  or  uncommon  remark.  On  this 
occasion,  perhaps  the  most  important  in  which  he  had  figured,  he  seemed  to 
shrink  from  the  notoriety  of  the  incident  and  to  be  bent  on  the  purpose  only 
of  quietly  and  effectively  doing  the  business  in  hand.''  Hon.  Chas  A.  Russell, 
of  Connecticut. 


424  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

siderable  delay  in  the  enactment  of  the  bill  should  greatly  enlarge 
the  opportunity  for  imports  of  articles  on  which  duties  are  to  be 
raised.  Undoubtedly  any  delay  beyond  the  first  of  May  in  placing 
the  bill  upon  the  statute  books  would  result  in  a  large  loss  of  reve 
nue.  In  framing  this  new  tariff  the  aim  has  been  to  make  the  duties 
specific,  or  at  least  partly  specific,  so  far  as  possible,  to  protect  the 
revenue  and  also  to  protect  our  own  industries.  It  is  a  wise  policy 
to  encourage  home  production  and  manufacture,  and  thus  provide 
employment  at  good  wages  for  the  laborers  of  our  people,  upon 
whose  purchasing  power  depends  the  market  for  our  products." 

The  tariff  bill  was,  on  the  whole,  favorably  received  by  the 
Republicans  and  the  protection  newspapers.  The  prompt  work  of 
Chairman  Dingley  and  his  associates  was  heartily  commended.  The 
party  had  undertaken  to  redeem  its  pledge  made  at  St.  Louis — the 
restoration  of  protection.  President  McKinley  and  the  other  Re 
publican  leaders  had  implicit  faith  in  Mr.  Dingley  and  left  every 
thing  to  him.  It  was  a  tremendous  responsibility  which  this  physi  • 
cally  frail  man  faced,  but  he  did  not  flinch. 

The  settlement  of  the  sugar  schedule  in  the  preparation  of  the 
first  draft  of  the  Dingley  tariff  bill  was  a  vexed  problem.  The  Mc 
Kinley  tariff  placed  raw  sugar  on  the  free  list,  and  provided  for  the 
payment  of  a  bounty  in  order  to  encourage  a  few  struggling  do 
mestic  sugar  industries.  It  was  charged  that  the  sugar  schedule 
in  the  tariff  of  1894  was  arranged  for  the  benefit  of  the  sugar  trust. 
Therefore  the  public  was  more  than  usually  interested  in  the  action 
of  the  Republican  members  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  on 
the  sugar  schedule. 

December  28,  Chairman  Dingley  received  the  following  per 
sonal  letter  from  John  E.  Searles,  secretary  and  treasurer  of  the 
American  Sugar  Refining  company : 

117  Wall  St.,  New  York,  December  28,  1896. 

Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Chairman, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
My  Dear  Sir: 

I  note  in  the  public  prints  the  schedule  of  hearings  on  tariff 
questions  and  that  an  opportunity  will  be  given  on  the  3Oth  inst.  to 
representatives  of  the  sugar  industry  to  present  their  views  regard 
ing  the  tariff  on  sugar.  A  public  hearing  of  the  character  proposed 
will  not  furnish  the  opportunity  for  a  full  and  careful  discussion  of 
this  many-sided  question.  If  agreeable  to  you,  I  should  be  very 
glad  of  an  opportunity  to  confer  with  you  on  the  subject  at  your 
convenience,  after  the  public  hearings  are  over  and  when  you  are  in 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  425 

possession  of  the  information  they  may  furnish.     Awaiting  your 
pleasure  in  the  matter,  I  remain, 

Yours  very  respectfully, 

John  E.  Searles,  Treasurer. 

American  Sugar  Refining  Co. 

The  following  day  Mr.  Dingley  replied  as  follows : 

Washington,  D.  C,  December  29,  1896. 
John  E.  Searles,  Esq., 
Dear  Sir : 

I  am  in  receipt  of  your  note  of  yesterday  relative  to  the  duty  on 
sugar.  We  should  be  pleased  to  receive  from  you  a  statement  from 
the  refiners'  point  of  view  covering  both  the  question  of  duty  on 
raw  sugar  and  on  the  refined  product,  and  presenting  such  facts  as 
will  aid  the  committee  in  revising  the  sugar  schedule.  This  state 
ment  should  be  presented  by  the  middle  of  next  week  in  order  that 
we  may  have  it  printed  for  the  use  of  the  committee.  Should  any 
explanation  further  be  required  the  committee  will  be  pleased  to 
call  upon  you  and  other  refiners  hereafter. 

Yours  truly, 
Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  Chairman. 

Mr.  Dingley  thus  declined  to  give  the  representative  of  the 
American  Sugar  Refining  company  a  private  hearing.  This  corpo 
ration  had  no  better  opportunity  to  present  its  case  than  any  othei 
corporation  or  private  individual.  All  conferences  and  all  argu 
ments  were  in  public.  The  so-called  sugar  trust  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  framing  of  the  original  sugar  schedule  of  the  Dingley  tariff 
bill.  The  refusal  of  Chairman  Dingley  to  fix  a  higher  differential 
duty  on  refined  sugar  in  the  new  bill  was  bitterly  resented  by  the 
American  Sugar  Refining  company.  Every  effort  was  made  to 
force  Mr.  Dingley  to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  refiners ;  but  Mr. 
Dingley  insisted  upon  a  specific  duty  to  insure  the  actual  collection 
of  the  duty.  The  duty  on  sugar  was  increased  for  the  purposes  of 
revenue  and  to  encourage  the  production  of  sugar  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  duty  was  made  specific  instead  of  ad  valorum. 

On  the  1 8th  of  March  the  ways  and  means  committee  by  a  part} 
vote  ordered  the  chairman  to  report  the  tariff  bill.  That  evening 
before  the  fire  in  his  private  apartments  at  the  Hamilton  house,  Mr. 
Dingley  with  remarkable  speed,  wrote  with  a  pencil  on  a  pad,  the 
famous  report  which  accompanied  the  tariff  bill  on  the  following 
day.  In  this  report,  Mr.  Dingley  pointed  out  that  "for  nearly  four 
years  the  revenue  has  been  inadequate  to  meet  the  current  expendi 
tures  and  pay  the  interest  on  the  war  debt.  This  clearly  justifies  the 


426  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

convention  of  congress  to  devise  a  prompt  and  adequate  remedy. 
Nearly  two  hundred  and  three  million  dollars  of  the  two  hundred 
and  ninety-three  million  dollars  of  borrowed  gold  have  been  used  to 
supply  an  insufficiency  of  revenue."  He  showed  how  the  tariff  of 
1890  was  practically  nullified  by  anticipated  reduction  of  duties  in 
1892  and  1893.  He  added  that  "an  imperative  duty  resting  on  this 
congress  is  to  so  adjust  duties  in  a  revision  of  the  tariff  as  to  secure 
needed  revenue  to  carry  on  the  government  and  to  protect  the 
many  industries  which  have  so  seriously  suffered  in  the  past  three 
years  from  unequal  foreign  competition,  and  from  the  consequent 
loss  of  purchasing  power  of  the  masses  of  the  people  upon  which 
the  demand  for  products  and  the  prosperity  of  every  citizen  de 
pends." 

Mr.  Dingley  was  loudly  applauded  when  on  the  following  day 
he  reported  the  tariff  bill  to  the  house.  It  was  agreed  to  begin  de 
bate  March  22  and  to  have  the  final  vote  March  31. 

The  memorable  tariff  debate  of  1897  began  March  22,  Mr. 
Dingley  opening  the  discussion  for  the  Republicans.  The  galleries 
were  crowded  with  visitors  and  every  member  was  in  his  seat  as  the 
Republican  leader  on  the  floor  began  his  speech.  When  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  rose,  the  house  was  all  attention  and  the  noise  of  conversation 
ceased.  A  whole  nation  was  listening  to  this  modest  man  from 
Maine.  Dressed  in  an  ordinary  black  frock  coat,  his  thin  hair 
combed  over  his  high  and  intellectual  forehead,  his  face  bearing  the 
unmistakable  marks  of  a  student,  and  his  shoulders  having  a  dis 
tinct  scholar's  stoop,  Mr.  Dingley  was  the  central  figure  in  this  na 
tional  drama.  He  began  speaking  in  a  low  tone,  but  so  unusually 
quiet  were  the  members  that  every  word  could  be  distinctly  heard. 
He  was  not  an  orator,  but  the  house  listened  attentively  and  re 
spectfully  as  he  proceeded  with  his  luminous  statement  of  the  pro 
visions  of  the  bill  and  the  reasons  why  it  should  be  enacted  into 
law.  After  calling  attention  to  the  chronic  deficiency  of  revenue, 
he  declared  that  "our  problem  is  to  provide  adequate  revenue 
from  duties  on  imports  to  carry  on  the  government  and  to  pro 
vide  more  abundant  opportunities  for  our  labor."  He  caused  great 
laughter  by  saying  that  "we  have  been  attending  a  kindergarten  on 
a  gigantic  scale.  The  tuition  has  come  high,  but  no  people  ever 
learned  so  much  in  so  brief  a  time."  He  predicted  that  the  addi 
tional  revenue  the  first  year,  provided  the  bill  should  become  a 
law  by  May  I,  would  reach  seventy-five  million  dollars.  For  the 
second  year  he  believed  the  proposed  bill  would  yield  one  hundred 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  427 

million  dollars  of  increased  revenue.  He  spoke  l  for  an  hour,  and 
was  greeted  with  long  continued  applause.  It  was  the  beginning  of 
an  important  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  country. 

March  26  debate  on  the  tariff  bill  began  under  the  five  minute 
rule,  and  here  Mr.  Dingley  displayed  his  rare  tact,  skill  and  judg 
ment  in  rejecting  mischievous  amendments.  The  Democrats  at 
tacked  the  bill  at  every  point  and  sought  to  discredit  it  before  the 
people.  There  was  much  confusion  and  lack  of  united  action 
among  the  Democrats,  while  the  Republicans  presented  a  solid  and 
united  front.  During  this  running  debate,  which  lasted  five  days, 
Mr.  Dingley  was  constantly  at  his  post  watching  with  more  than 
his  usual  sharpness  and  shrewdness,  the  movements  of  the  oppo 
nents  of  the  measure.  On  questions  of  facts  and  figures,  percent 
ages,  tariff  history  and  party  record,  he  was  infallible.  His  state 
ments  were  not  questioned.  He  met  the  objections  of  the  tariff- 
for-revenue-only  men;  the  incidental-protection  men;  the  low- 
tariff  men  and  the  absolute  free  traders.  His  logic  was  unanswer 
able — his  conclusions  irresistable.  He  was  in  short,  complete  mas 
ter  of  the  situation.  In  the  midst  of  ridicule,  scorn,  sharp  stories 
and  catch-questions  he  was  calm,  cool  and  collected.  Like  a  gen 
eral  on  the  field  of  battle  he  directed  and  guided  and  led  the  Re 
publican  majority.  He  was  on  his  feet  speaking  briefly  many  times 
a  day.  He  was  the  master  spirit.  Party  feeling  ran  high  during  the 
last  days  of  the  debate,  and  political  speeches  were  wedged  in  at 
every  opportunity.  And  there  were  constant  manoeuverings  for  po 
litical  advantage ;  but  Mr.  Dingley  kept  his  forces  unbroken. 
On  the  3Oth  and  31  st,  several  amendments  offered  by  the  commit 
tee  on  ways  and  means  were  adopted — all  others  rejected.  The 
Democratic  minority  assaulted  the  Republican  lines  again  and 
again  but  Mr.  Dingley  parried  all  attacks  with  consummate  skill. 
His  superior  knowledge  of  parliamentary  law  saved  the  bill  from 
temporary  defeat  at  many  points. 

Long  before  the  house  met  on  the  last  day  of  March,  the  cor 
ridors  and  lobbies  of  the  capitol  were  thronged  with  eager  specta 
tors,  anxious  to  secure  admission  to  the  house  at  any  cost.  The 
galleries  were  crowded  when  Speaker  Reed  called  the  members  to 
order.  The  last  few  hours  of  the  debate  were  the  most  exciting  of 
all.  Mr.  Grosvenor  of  Ohio  offered  an  amendment  putting  into 
operation  immediately  the  rates  provided  in  the  bill.  The  inten 
tion  was  to  prevent  an  excess  of  importations  while  the  measure 
was  pending  in  the  senate.  A  point  of  order  was  made  that  the 

1— See  Appendix. 


428  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

amendment  had  not  been  considered  by  the  ways  and  means  com 
mittee.  This  point  being  sustained,  the  chairman  at  once  sum 
moned  his  committee  together,  and  a  few  minutes  later  the  propo 
sition  was  again  in  the  house  and  was  adopted.  Mr.  Dockery  of 
Missouri  sought  to  nullify  the  whole  bill  by  offering  an  amendment 
placing  all  so-called  "trust-made"  articles  on  the  free  list.  Mr. 
Dingley  did  not  even  raise  a  point  of  order  against  this,  but  im 
mediately  demanded  the  previous  question  on  the  amendment 
which  was  ordered,  and  without  debate  or  explanation  it  was  voted 
down. 

Mr.  Dingley  then  took  the  floor  and  closed  the  debate  in  a  ten 
minute  speech.  In  calm  words,  he  spoke  of  the  extraordinary  cir 
cumstances  which  produced  the  exigency  congress  had  been  called 
upon  in  extra  session  to  meet.  The  ways  and  means  committee,  he 
said,  had  labored  faithfully  for  months  to  adjust  duties  to  present 
conditions.  There  might  be  some  little  dissatisfaction  with  rates ; 
but  he  assured  his  colleagues  and  the  country  that  he  felt  confident 
the  bill  would  accomplish  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  framed. l 

When  the  gavel  fell  at  exactly  three  o'clock  the  Republicans 
gave  their  leader  a  ringing  round  of  applause  which  was  taken  up 
by  the  galleries.  It  continued  for  several  minutes.  The  house 
passed  the  bill  by  a  vote  of  205  to  122,  21  present  and  not  voting. 
Not  once  were  the  Republican  lines  broken.  The  rumored  impend 
ing  disaffection  failed  to  materialize.  On  the  other  hand  five  Dem 
ocrats,  three  from  Louisiana,  and  two  from  Texas,  especially  inter 
ested  in  sugar,  broke  from  their  party  and  voted  for  the  bill.  So 
did  one  Populist,  Mr.  Howard,  of  Alabama.  Speaker  Reed  gave  a 
dramatic  climax  to  the  ten  days  struggle  in  the  house  by  directing 
his  name  to  be  called. 

"Mr.  Reed,"  shouted  the  clerk. 

"Aye,"  said  the  speaker,  in  tones  equally  audible,  and  the  Re 
publicans  applauded  vigorously.  When,  a  moment  later,  it  was  an 
nounced  that  the  bill  had  passed,  the-  Republicans  rose  en  masse 
and  cheered  their  leader.  The  crowds  in  the  galleries  joined  in  the 
demonstration.  Hearty  congratulations  were  showered  on  Mr. 
Dingley.  It  was  an  hour  of  triumph. 

Thus,  after  three  months  of  hard  labor,  Mr.  Dingley  and  his  as 
sociates  saw  the  result  of  their  labors  approved  by  the  Republicans 
of  the  bouse. 

One  of  the  wonders  connected  with  the  passage  of  the  bill  was 
the  amount  of  work  that  Mr.  Dingley  was  able  to  do,  and  live.  Be- 

1 — Amos  J.  Cummings  in  a  letter  wrote:  "Governor  Dingley's  opening-  and 
closing  was  cool,  impassionate  and  argumentative.  The  Republicans  hung  upon 
his  utterances  as  if  spellbound.'' 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  429 

ginning  early  in  December  with  preparation  for  the  hearings,  then 
two  weeks  of  hearings  beginning  December  28,  then  day  and  night 
sessions  of  the  Republican  members,  a  season  of  constant  unre 
mitting  brain-destroying  and  body-wearying  toil,  beset  with 
throngs  of  representatives  of  various  conflicting  interests;  and  to 
come  out  of  it  all  apparently  in  better  trim,  in  body  and  mind,  than 
when  the  enormous  task  was  begun — this  was  one  of  the  most  as 
tonishing  facts  in  connection  with  the  formulation  of  the  Dingley 
tariff  bill.  During  the  exciting  debates  on  some  of  the  paragraphs, 
Mr.  Dingley  was  compelled  to  meet  with  what  appeared  to  be  seri 
ous  opposition  in  his  own  ranks ;  but  such  was  his  skill  and  diplom 
acy,  that  he  succeeded  in  quieting  all  discontent.  Many  Republi 
can  members  who  openly  differed  with  the  chairman,  followed  him 
out  of  personal  love  and  devotion.  His  control  over  his  colleagues 
was  marvelous.  As  the  leader  of  his  side  of  the  house,  he  was  a 
success. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Mr.  Dingley  was  greatly  relieved  at  the 
successful  conclusion  of  the  tariff  struggle  in  the  house.  He  rested 
in  his  rooms  the  following  day,  and  on  the  evening  of  April  ist, 
dined  with  President  McKinley  and  other  invited  guests  at  the 
White  House.  Here  the  exciting  incidents  of  the  pas't  few  months 
were  rehearsed  and  plans  laid  for  the  future.  On  the  evening  of 
April  3rd,  the  Republican  members  of  the  ways  and  means  com 
mittee  gave  Mr.  Dingley  a  complimentary  dinner.  It  was  a  rare 
occasion,  where  the  modest  chairman  was  showered  with  compli 
ments  and  good  wishes. 

The  news  of  the  passage  of  the  tariff  bill  by  the  house  was  fav 
orably  received  by  a  large  majority  of  the  newspapers,  manufac 
turers  and  business  men.  Mr.  Dingley  received  messages  and  let 
ters  from  all  over  the  country  congratulating  him  and  the  Repub 
lican  party. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

.-  •  ^  '•         1897.      •    -          '    ;• 

While  the  senate  was  struggling  with  the  tariff  bill,  the  house 
rested.  Mr.  Dingley  sought  recreation  by  visiting  the  battlefield 
of  Gettysburg,  the  naval  academy  at  Annapolis,  a  Zeta  Psi  banquet 
in  New  York  city,  and  the  Grant  memorial  exercises  on  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson.  The  house  reconvened  May  3rd  and  was  at  once 
plunged  into  a  controversy  with  the  speaker  over  the  failure  to  ap 
point  committees.  Mr.  Dingley  sought  to  save  the  time  of  the 
house  by  protesting  against  Mr.  Simpson's  remarks,  whereupon 
the  member  from  Kansas  characterized  the  Republican  leader  as 
"one  of  the  dependants  of  plutocracy,  who  was  hastening  to  defend 
the  interests  of  his  friends."  The  house  decided  that  the  speaker 
and  Mr.  Dingley  were  right,  and  Mr.  Simpson  subsided  with  a  part 
ing  growl  about  the  "brutal  majority." 

On  the  morning  of  the  sixth  of  May,  the  president's  carriage 
drove  up  in  front  of  the  Hamilton  house,  and  a  message  was  sent 
to  Mr.  Dingley's  rooms  that  the  president  desired  to  confer  with 
him.  Mr.  Dingley  put  on  his  hat  and  coat  and  was  driven  off  in 
company  with  the  chief  executive,  in  the  direction  of  the  Soldier's 
Home.  It  was  a  very  warm  day,  and  the  president  chose  this 
method  of  advising  with  the  Republican  leader  in  the  house. 
Speaker  Reed  had  never  conferred  with  the  president  nor  the  pres 
ident  with  Speaker  Reed,  since  the  president  took  up  his  residence 
in  the  White  House.  If  the  president  desired  to  obtain  the  views  of 
the  speaker  and  the  other  house  leaders,  he  conferred  with  Mr. 
Dingley. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  431 

The  changes  in  the  house  tariff  bill  *  proposed  by  the  senate, 
were  topics  of  public  comment  by  the  tenth  of  May;  and  on  the  fol 
lowing  day  Mr.  Dingley  made  a  public  statement.  Among  other 
things  he  said :  "While  the  amendments  to  the  house  bill  recom 
mended  to  the  senate  finance  committee  (about  700)  appear  to  be 
multitudinous,  yet  about  200  of  them  are  mainly  verbal.  There  are 
however,  many  amendments  which  are  important,  not  only  on 
revenue  but  other  grounds.  The  fact  that  the  senate  finance  com 
mittee  recommend  an  ad  valorem  duty  on  sugar  apparently  a  little 
higher  than  the  specific  duty  of  the  house  bill  does  not  insure  a 
larger  revenue,  as  past  experience  with  ad  valorem  duties  has 
shown."  Mr.  Dingley  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  commit 
tee  on  ways  and  means  had  predicted  a  large  falling  off  in  revenue 
under  the  house  bill,  if  the  bill  did  not  become  a  law  by  May  I.  He 
expressed  much  disappointment  at  the  delay  which  was  resulting 
in  large  importations.  There  was  much  public  comment  on  the 
action  of  the  senate  in  substituting  ad  valorem  for  specific  duties 
on  sugar. 

Mr.  Dingley  stoutly  defended  the  house  bill  and  its  provisions, 
publishing  in  the  New  York  Independent  an  able  article  in  which 
he  replied  to  some  of  his  critics.  z 

During  the  last  week  in  May  one  of  Mr.  Dingley's  sons  and 
a  granddaughter  visited  him  in  Washington.  On  the  last  day  of 
the  month  he  called  on  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley,  and  with 
manifest  pride  introduced  his  small  granddaughter  to  the  execu 
tive  and  his  wife.  Mrs.  McKinley  received  the  congressman's 
granddaughter  with  extreme  cordiality,  saying:  "You  know  I 
have  no  little  girls  of  my  own."  That  same  day  Mr.  Dingley  also 
presented  his  granddaughter  to  Speaker  Reed.  The  speaker  was 
exceedingly  fond  of  his  colleague,  but  never  lost  an  opportunity  to 
joke  him ;  and  the  governor's  evident  pride  gave  Mr.  Reed  another 
chance. 

"Governor,"  drawled  Mr.  Reed,  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "I 
have  for  the  first  time  discovered  a  flaw  in  your  character  and  I 
must  confess  you  have  fallen  in  my  estimation.  I  perceive  that  you 
are  consumed  with  pride.  Take  my  advice,  governor,  and  correct 
it."  And  the  speaker's  sides  shook  with  laughter.  Mr.  Dingley 

1 — There  was  great  fun  at  the  Gridiron  club  dinner  in  Washington.  A  hug-e 
scroll  was  brought  in  labeled  "The  Dingley  tariff  bill,"  and  a  member  was  in 
structed  to  take  it  over  to  the  senate.  When  the  member  returned  with  his  bill 
it  was  in  shreds;  his  coat  was  torn,  and  his  hat  was  battered  into  an  unrecog 
nizable  shape.  The  member  simply  but  eloquently  reported  back  to  the  house: 
"Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  been  there."  President  McKinley,  Speaker  Reed  and  Mr. 
Dingley  witnessed  this  burlesque  and  were  convulsed  with  laughter. 

2 — See  Appendix. 


432  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

joined  in  the  merriment  but  made  no  comment,  for  he  knew  the 
speaker's  weakness,  which  was  manifested  on  other  occasions.  Mr. 
Dingley  was  exceedingly  fond  of  apples  and  cider.  There  happened 
to  be  a  place  on  Pennsylvania  avenue,  about  four  squares  from  the 
capitol  grounds,  where  cider  was  made  fresh  every  day.  Nothing 
but  cider  and  apples  were  sold  there,  and  yet  the  place  looked  like 
a  bar  room.  Mr.  Dingley  discovered  this  place  and  began  to  stop 
there  occasionally  to  get  a  glass  of  sweet  cider.  As  the  story  goes, 
one  day  some  of  Mr.  Dingley's  friends,  including  Speaker  Reed, 
discovered  the  former  in  there  drinking  a  glass  of  cider.  The 
speaker  told  of  the  incident  as  a  joke ;  the  story  was  published 
broadcast  in  the  newspapers  and  Mr.  Dingley  was  very  much  an 
noyed.  He  failed  to  see  the  funny  side  of  it. 

The  senate  began  consideration  of  the  tariff  bill  May  25,  Sena 
tor  Aldrich  opening  the  debate.  While  this  discussion  was  pro 
ceeding,  Mr.  Dingley  decided  to  make  a  flying  visit  to  Maine  and 
secure  a  short  rest  in  the  pine  woods.  In  company  with  his  wife, 
President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  and  others,  he  went  to  Philadelphia 
June  2,  where  he  attended  a  banquet  given  by  the  Manufacturers' 
club.  President  McKinley's  address  on  this  occasion  was  full  of 
wisdom.  "A  tariff  bill  half  made,"  he  said,  "is  of  no  practical  use 
except  to  indicate  that  in  a  little  while  a  whole  tariff  law  will  be 
done;  and  it  is  making  progress.  It  is  reaching  the  end  and  when 
the  end  comes  we  shall  have  confidence  and  industrial  activity." 

Mr.  Dingley  received  marked  attention  while  in  Philadelphia. 
Two  days  later,  in  company  with  his  good  wife,  he  was  once  more 
at  home.  June  7  they  went  to  Rangeley  lakes  on  a  short  fishing 
trip,  returning  three  days  later.  The  happy  couple  celebrated  their 
fortieth  wedding  anniversary  June  n.  Mr.  Dingley's  father  and 
his  beloved  brother  Frank,  together  with  a  son  and  daughter 
helped  to  make  the  occasion  merry.  "These  forty  years  have  been 
happy  ones!"  he  recorded  in  his  diary.  June  15  he  returned  alone 
to  Washington  to  be  ready  for  the  tariff  bill  as  it  same  from  the 
senate.  He  resumed  his  duties  much  rested  after  his  hard  winter's 
work. 

While  debate  was  dragging  along  In  the  senate,  importations 
of  wool,  tobacco,  sugar,  and  all  kinds  of  manufactured  goods,  the 
duty  on  which  was  to  be  raised,  increased  enormously.  Customs 
revenues  increased  far  beyond  the  receipts  of  the  preceding  year. 
The  senate  gradually  receded  from  many  of  its  amendments  to  the 
original  house  bill.  It  surrendered  its  proposed  ad  valorem  duty 
on  sugar  and  restored  the  specific  duty  of  the  house  with  a  seven 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  433 

and  a  half  cents  per  hundred  increase  on  refined  sugar.  The  clos 
ing  debate  on  the  sugar  schedule  gave  the  Democrats  an  oppor 
tunity  to  charge  that  the  sugar  trust  had  dictated  the  sugar  sche 
dule.  Mr.  Dingley's  only  comment  was :  'The  house  conferees  will 
do  their  best  to  secure  the  retention  of  the  original  house  schedule." 

One  day  the  members  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means 
were  gathered  in  the  committee  room.  It  was  after  the  tariff  bill 
had  run  the  gauntlet  of  the  senate  and  had  been  amended  rather 
freely.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  members  of  the  committee 
were  not  pleased  with  it.  During  the  conversation,  Speaker  Reed 
sauntered  in  and  stood  listening.  As  usual,  Mr.  Dingley  was  busy 
at  his  work,  taking  no  part  in  the  universal  clamor  against  the 
senate,  although  he  was  the  one  most  concerned.  Finally  Mr. 
Reed  spoke  up  and  drawled:  "Governor,  I've  been  here  ten 
minutes  and  I've  heard  Dalzell  and  Tawney  and  Dolliver  swear  and 
most  of  the  rest  of  them  swear.  Governor,  won't  you  please  swear 
a  little  ?  We  shall  need  you  very  much,  governor,  where  we  are  go 
ing.  Dingley,"  continued  the  speaker,  "you're  too  good.  There's 
such  a  thing  as  average  goodness,  and  you  have  run  it  up  so  high 
in  this  congress  that  I  know  six  members  who  lay  their  ruin  to  your 
door  for  making  it  so  hard  to  bring  the  average  down  to  the  proper 
level" 

From  the  eighteenth  to  the  twenty-ninth  of  June,  Mr.  Dingley 
together  with  Mr.  Payne  and  Mr.  Dalzell,  the  "tariff  triumvirate" 
as  they  were  called,  examined  the  senate  amendments  to  the  house 
bill.  These  three  men,  it  was  thought,  would  be  the  conferees  on 
the  part  of  the  house.  Thus  the  work  in  conference  was  anticipated 
several  days.  It  was  decided  to  stand  by  the  house  bill,  particularly 
the  sugar  schedule.  Mr.  Dingley  thought  this  was  of  great  impor 
tance  and  his  ideas  prevailed — in  fact,  Mr.  Payne  and  Mr.  Dalzell, 
able  men  themselves,  yielded  respectful  deference  to  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  views.  Mr.  Dingley  said  that  the  house  sugar  schedule  gave 
the  domestic  refiner  twelve  and  one-half  cents  protection  on  each 
one  hundred  pounds  of  refined  sugar,  while  the  senate  raised  this 
protection  to  twenty  cents.  "In  fact,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  "the  dis 
cussion  in  the  senate  shows  that  even  many  grave  senators  fail  to 
comprehend  the  question." 

The  three  months  discussion  of  the  Dingley  tariff  bill  in  the 
senate,  cost  the  United  States  treasury  $200,000  a  day.  Therefore 
the  whole  country  was  rejoiced,  when,  on  the  seventh  of  June,  the 
bill  (amended)  passed  the  senate  by  a  vote  of  38  to  28.  The  senate 
asked  for  a  conference  and  Messrs.  Allison,  Aldrich,  Platt,  Bur- 


29 


434  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

rows,  Jones  01  Nevada,  Vest,  Jones  of  Arkansas,  and  White  were 
appointed  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  senate.  On  the  following 
day  Mr.  Dingley  moved  that  the  house  non-concer  in  the  senate 
amendments  to  the  tariff  bill.  A  conference  was  agreed  to  and 
Messrs.  Dingley,  Payne,  Dalzell,  Hopkins,  Grosvenor,  Bailey,  Mc- 
Millin,  and  Wheeler  were  appointed  conferees  on  the  part  of  the 
house.  The  Republican  members  were  made  five  instead  of  three 
at  Mr.  Dingley's  suggestion. 

The  conferees  met  that  same  afternoon  in  the  room  of  the  sen 
ate  finance  committee  and  in  the  evening  the  Republican  members 
met  at  Mr.  Grosvenor's  residence.  l  The  conferences  of  the  Repub 
lican  members  were  continued  for  four  days  in  the  finance  commit 
tee  room  with  satisfactory  results.  The  conferees  spent  eleven 
hours  each  day  in  conference.  It  was  a  notable  gathering  of  states 
men  and  both  houses  of  congress,  as  well  as  the  whole  country 
awaited  the  result  with  intense  interest. 

The  practical  triumph  of  Mr.  Dingley's  principles  and  the  cli 
max  of  his  success  was  in  this  conference  committee  in  which  he 
prevailed  by  his  great  knowledge  of  the  subject  and  his  unique  hold 
upon  the  details  of  the  bill.  2  One  incident  is  called  to  mind  in  re 
lation  to  Mr.  Dingley  that  illustrates  not  only  his  cleverness,  but 
also  his  peculiar  humor  and  his  control  of  the  situation.  In  the 
great  mass  of  inconsequential  amendments  to  the  bill,  as  it  passed 
the  senate,  no  single  amendment  was  of  more  interest  or  made  a 
greater  amount  of  public  comment  than  the  senate  amendment  to 
the  word  "asbestos"  which  that  august  body  changed  to  "asbestus" 
to  the  great  amusement  of  the  public. 

1 — "In  the  management  of  his  great  life  work,  the  Dingley  tariff  law  of  to 
day,  upon  the  floor  of  the  house  no  man  ever  exhibited  higher  elements  of  leader 
ship.  He  had  worked  in  the  committee  room  at  the  Cochran  hotel  all  winter  long, 
by  day  a.nd  by  night  upon  every  detail  of  that  bill.  While  others  slept,  he 
worked.  While  others  went  the  round  of  Washington  life,  he  delved  and  figured. 
He  was  the  first  man  in  his  seat  at  the  council  table  in  the  morning  and  the  last 
one  to  leave  it  at  night.  I  shall  always  believe  that  much  of  the  trouble  that 
came  to  him  and  which  terminated  his  valuable  life  was  caused  by  his  incessant 
labor  during  the  winter  of  1896-7  and  in  the  struggle  in  congress  which  did  not 
terminate  until  way  in  mid  summer.  I  served  with  him  on  the  conference  com 
mittee  that  had  in  charge  the  Dingley  tariff  bill  with  the  senate  amendments. 
His  conduct  was  the  illustration  of  genius.  His  power  to  meet  and  answer  the 
arguments  of  those  holding  other  and  different  views  from  him  was  wonderful. 
His  patience  and  long  suffering  were  admirable  and  in  the  end  the  members  of 
that  conference  committee  came  out  of  that  confrence  room  with  an  estimate  of 
the  character  and  ability  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  far  greater  and  more  compli 
mentary  to  him  that  when  they  had  entered  it."  Hon  Chas.  H.  Grosvenor  of 
Ohio. 

2 — "When  the  Dingley  bill  was  in  conference  between  the  two  houses,  the 
ability  and  information  of  Mr.  Dingley  were  quite  as  apparent  as  they  were 
among  the  members  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  and  it  was  to  his  wise 
statesmanship  in  a  large  measure  that  can  be  attributed  the  success  of  the  con 
ference  and  the  agreement  of  the  conference  committee  upon  the  provisions  of 
the  bill  as  they  are  now  found  in  the  law."  Hon.  A.  J.  Hopkins  of  Illinois. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR., 
CHAIRMAN  OF  WAYS  AND  MEANS  COMMITTEE. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  435 

In  the  course  of  business  the  conferees  came  to  the  word  "as- 
bestus." 

"We  are  now  approaching,"  said  Congressman  Dingley,  "a 
most  important  amendment,  possibly  the  most  important  on  the 
list.  I  refer  to  the  word  asbestos." 

At  this  the  members  of  the  committee  all  looked  at  Senator 
Allison. 

"Senator  Allison,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye, 
"what  do  you  understand  to  be  the  derivation  of  the  word  asbes 
tos?  Do  you  consider  that  it  came  from  the  Greek — "  and  here 
Mr.  Dingley  gave  the  derivation  which  he  had  carefully  ascer 
tained. 

Senator  Allison  was  not  a  student  of  Greek.  He  knew  less  of 
Greek  than  of  anything  else  on  the  curriculum  of  the  United  States 
senator. 

"Dingley,"  said  Allison,  "I  am  sick  of  this  word  asbestos.  I 
don't  know  anything  about  it.  I  don't  want  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  it.  Let's  call  it  done.  Let's  settle  that  forever." 

"All  right,"  said  Mr.  Dingley,  amid  the  roars  of  laughter  from 
the  committee.  "I'll  tell  you  what  I'll  do.  There's  one  cent  a 
pound  on  mackerel  that  you  took  off  in  the  senate.  You  give  me 
the  cent  on  mackerel  and  I'll  give  you  your  spelling  of  the  word 
asbestus." 

On  the  fourteenth  of  January  Mr.  Dingley  recorded  in  his 
diary:  "We  have  been  through  the  bill  twice  and  now  have  the 
knotty  problems  to  solve." 

The  conference  had  now  reached  an  acute  stage,  struggling 
with  the  wool  and  the  sugar  schedules.  There  was  danger  of  a 
deadlock  over  the  sugar  schedule,  and  many  members  of  the  house 
declared  they  would  vote  against  the  conference  report  altogether, 
rather  than  adopt  the  senate  sugar  schedule.  Mr.  Dingley  con 
ferred  with  Speaker  Reed  and  enlisted  the  aid  of  the  latter  in  the 
fight  against  the  senate  sugar  rates.  Finally  on  the  sixteenth  of 
July,  after  an  all  day  conference  an  agreement  was  reached.  The 
senate  surrendered  and  adopted  practically  the  house  rates. 

The  persistency  of  some  of  the  senate  conferees  in  demanding 
the  adoption  of  the  senate  sugar  rates,  was  a  matter  of  no  little 
comment.  The  presence  of  agents  of  the  American  Sugar  Refining 
company  added  to  the  suspicion  and  made  the  house  Republican 
conferees  all  the  more  determined  to  stand  firm.  It  was  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  position  in  this  matter  that  finally  won  the  day.  It  was  his  ac 
curate  •'knowledge  of  the  technicalities  of  the  sugar  trade  and  the 


436  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

practice  of  the  treasury  department,  that  enabled  him  to  cope  with 
the  subtle  propositions  of  the  agents  of  the  so-called  sugar  trust. 
Mr.  Dingley  insisted  that  the  differential  of  twelve  and  a  half  cents 
to  a  hundred  pounds  was  enough  protection  for  the  refiners. 
Furthermore,  he  gave  protection  to  the  growers  of  beet  and  cane 
sugar  in  the  United  States  by  declining  to  reduce  the  duty  on  low 
grade  sugar. 

On  the  afternoon  of  July  17,  a  final  agreement  was  reached  on 
all  disputed  points,  and  the  preparation  of  the  report  was  begun 
that  evening  in  the  senate  appropriations  committee  room.  Mr. 
Allison  and  Mr.  Dingley  were  the  chief  compilers  of  the  report; 
and  with  the  aid  of  efficient  clerks,  it  was  completed  by  midnight. 
Mr .•  Dingley  retired  that  night  worn  out  physically  and  mentally, 
but  relieved  over  the  final  agreement.  However,  he  slept  peace 
fully  and  arose  the  next  morning  much  refreshed  and  ready  for  the 
final  act.  The  completed  report  was  laid  before  the  Democratic 
conferees  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  after  a  sharp  contest  it 
was  voted  to  report  it  to  both  houses. 

The  labor  of  getting  the  conference  report  printed,  of  securing 
printed  copies  of  the  revised  bill  showing  the  original  provisions, 
the  senate  amendments  and  the  action  of  the  conference  commit 
tee,  was  enormous ;  but  before  noon  of  the  nineteenth  a  copy  was 
on  the  desk  of  every  member  of  the  house.  Every  preparation  had 
been  made  so  that  the  house  might  proceed  immediately. 

July  19  was  a  memorable  day  in  the  history  of  the  fifty-fifth 
congress.  Long  before  noon  the  corridors  and  the  galleries  about 
the  house  were  thronged  with  people.  The  floor  of  the  house  pre 
sented  an  animated  appearance  before  the  speaker  called  the  mem 
bers  to  order.  The  blind  chaplain  in  his  prayer  invoked  a  blessing 
on  the  day's  work.  "May  the  history  of  this  day,"  he  prayed,  "be 
worthy  of  this  great  nation  and  redound  to  the  good  of  all  its  citi 
zens." 

After  some  preliminary  business  was  disposed  of,  Mr.  Dingley 
arose  from  his  seat.  Holding  aloft  the  report  and  a  great  mass  of 
papers,  he  said  in  a  calm  voice :  "Mr.  Speaker,  I  desire  to  present 
the  conference  report  on  the  tariff  bill."  The  announcement  was 
received  with  great  applause  on  the  Republican  side. 

Mr.  Dingley  took  the  floor  to  secure,  if  possible,  an  agreement 
with  the  minority  as  to  the  length  of  debate.  Mr.  Bailey  said  the 
minority  would  like  three  days,  whereupon  Mr.  Dingley  replied  that 
this  agreement  could  not  be  made.  "I  hope,"  said  the  chairman, 
"that  a  vote  can  be  reached  today."  At  this  the  Republicans  again 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  437 

broke  into  loud  and  long  applause.  "Talk  at  this  time,"  added  Mr. 
Dingley,  "is  expensive.  It  costs  the  treasury  one  hundred  thous 
and  dollars  a  day." 

"Not  so  expensive  as  the  ten  days  you  spent  in  arranging  the 
sugar  schedule  with  the  sugar  trust,"  retorted  Mr.  Bailey. 

Mr.  Dingley  calmly  pointed  out  that  no  tariff  bill  had  been  in 
conference  such  a  short  time. 

"I  suggest  that  we  wait  until  sugar  stock  goes  up  a  little 
higher,"  retorted  Mr.  Bailey.  "It  has  gone  up  six  dollars  per  share 
since  the  agreement  was  reported." 

To  these  taunts  Mr.  Dingley  did  not  reply.  He  preferred  to 
save  his  energy  for  a  more  favorable  time.  Failing  to  reach  an 
agreement  with  the  minority  as  to  the  limit  of  debate.  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  proceeded  with  his  speech.  1  He  showed  few  signs  of  the  extra 
ordinary  and  severe  physical  strain  which  he  had  undergone.  His 
face  was  a  little  whiter  than  usual,  but  his  brain  was  as  clear  and 
his  mind  as  alert  as  ever.  His  grasp  of  all  the  details  of  his  sub 
ject  was  as  firm  as  ever.  It  was  fortunate,  for  he  was  a  target  for 
questions  from  every  side.  Reports  from  Wall  street,  set  afloat  to 
embarrass  the  Republicans  and  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  the  con 
ference  report,  did  not  disturb  Mr.  Dingley's  perfect  calm  and  self 
control.  He  was  master  of  his  subject,  and  master  of  the  house. 
He  became  a  prophet  when  he  declared  that  the  customs  revenue 
from  the  bill  during  the  first  year  would  be  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
five  million  dollars,  and  from  internal  revenue  about  one  hundred 
and  eighty  million  dollars ;  2  and  "after  this  fiscal  year,  when  this 
bill  shall  have  become  a  law,  the  revenue  will  be  increased  to  that 
point  where  every  expenditure  will  be  met,  and  there  will  be  a  sur 
plus  left  with  which  can  be  resumed  the  reduction  of  the  principal 
of  the  public  debt."  This  statement  was  greeted  with  loud  ap 
plause  on  the  Republican  side.  His  thorough  mastery  of  the  sugar 
schedule  and  the  intricate  questions  involved,  amazed  the  house; 
and  caused  a  volley  of  questions  as  much  for  information  as  for 
criticism.  He  was  surrounded  by  half  a  hundred  members  who 
listened  attentively  to  the  questions  and  answers.  The  scene  had 
the  appearance  of  a  master  instructing  his  pupils.  In  conclusion 
Mr.  Dingley  received  round  after  round  of  applause  from  his  Re- 

1 — See  Appendix. 

2— The  receipts  of  the  treasury  for  the  fiscal  years  ending-  June  30,  1898,  and 
June  30,  1899,  were: 

Internal  revenue  Customs. 

1898  $170,900,641.49  $149,575,062.35 

1899  273,437,161.51  206,128,481.75 

The  receipts  from  internal  revenue  in  1899  include  receipts  from  th£  war 
revenue  tax  of  April,  1898. 


438  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

publican  colleagues,  by  predicting  as  a  result  of  the  enactment  of 
the  bill  the  rise  of  prices  and  a  restoration  of  prosperity.  The  de 
bate  continued  until  six  o'clock  when  a  recess  was  taken  until 
eight. 

The  light  from  the  great  lantern  on  the  dome  of  the  capitol, 
streaming  out  over  the  city,  gave  notice  that  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives  was  holding  an  extraordinary  session.  Long  before 
eight  o'clock  crowds  began  to  gather  at  the  capitol.  In  the  gal 
leries  were  many  distinguished  people — members  of  the  cabinet, 
members  of  the  supreme  court  and  members  of  the  diplomatic 
corps.  Altogether  it  was  a  brilliant  setting  for  the  close  of  a 
memorable  struggle. 

The  Republicans  still  pursued  their  policy  of  silence,  compelling 
the  minority  to  put  forward  their  speakers.  As  a  result  the  minor 
ity  leaders  soon  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  among  themselves. 
The  controversy  between  Mr.  Bailey  and  Mr.  McMillin  consumed 
much  of  the  time  of  the  night  session  and  bordered  on  the  acri 
monious.  Mr.  Dingley  stoutly  claimed  that  the  sugar  schedule 
agreed  to,  gave  less  protection  to  refined  sugar  than  did  the  tariff 
of  1894.  In  reply  to  denunciations  as  to  the  so-called  sugar  trust, 
he  said  that  the  trusts  could  not  be  eradicated  by  epithets.  "The 
way  to  break  down  the  sugar  trust,"  he  said,  "is  to  establish  a  beet 
sugar  factory  in  every  congressional  district  in  the  country  and 
make  competition.  That  is  the  way  to  clip  the  wings  of  the  trust." 
This  declaration  was  greeted  with  exclamations  of  favor  on  the 
republican  side.  Debate  closed  shortly  before  midnight;  and 
amid  a  storm  of  cheering  Mr.  Dingley  moved  the  previous  ques 
tion  on  the  adoption  of  the  conference  report.  Attempts  were 
made  to  obtain  the  recognition  of  the  speaker  and  delay  action, 
but  all  failed.  Excitement  was  at  fever  heat,  but  the  demand  for 
the  previous  question  was  sustained.  The  roll  was  then  called  on 
the  adoption  of  the  conference  report;  and  when  the  speaker  an 
nounced  the  result — 189  ayes  and  115  nays — the  Republicans  broke 
into  loud  cheers.  As  the  clock  pointed  to  half  after  midnight,  a 
great  crowd  of  Republican  congressmen  gathered  on  the  floor  of 
the  house  singing  "America"  to  celebrate  the  final  vote  after  four 
months  of  dreary  delay ;  and  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  delay 
was  the  fault  of  the  senate,  the  members  of  the  house  marched  over 
to  the  north  wing  of  the  capitol  and  there  woke  the  echoes  with 
the  national  anthem.  Throughout  this  dramatic  incident,  Mr. 
Dingley,  the  hero  of  the  hour,  stood  calm  and  unmoved,  receiving 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  439 

with  characteristic  modesty  the  congratulations  that  were  show 
ered  upon  him. 

There  was  great  rejoicing  throughout  the  country  over  the 
tariff  victory ;  and  the  scene  of  action  was  transferred  to  the  senate. 
Here  five  days  later,  the  conference  report  was  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  36  ayes  to  20  noes.  Senatorial  dignity  was  overruled  by  ap 
plause  in  the  galleries. 

The  crowds  which  filled  the  senate  galleries  when  the  vote  was 
taken  at  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  now  flocked  to  the  house 
side,  and  every  inch  of  space  in  the  galleries  was  taken,  when  the 
house  re-assembled  at  half  past  three.  When  it  was  announced 
that  the  senate  had  adopted  the  conference  report  on  the  tariff 
bill,  the  Republican  side  of  the  house  broke  into  a  storm  of  ap 
plause  that  swept  over  the  floor  and  galleries.  As  Speaker  Reed 
signed  the  bill  the  applause  and  cheers  continued.  Mr.  Dingley 
then  presented  a  resolution  from  the  committee  on  ways  and  means 
for  the  final  adjournment  of  congress  at  9  o'clock  at  night,  the 
senate  leaders  having  previously  agreed  upon  this  hour.  The  reso 
lution  was  agreed  to.  In  the  meantime  a  message  had  been  sent 
from  the  executive  mansion  recommending  the  appointment  of  a 
currency  commission.  In  obedience  to  this  message,  a  bill  pro 
viding  for  the  appointment  was  introduced  and  briefly  discussed. 
Mr.  Dingley  spoke  in  favor  of  the  bill  because  the  president  had 
requested  the  action,  because  the  business  men  urged  it,  and  be 
cause  the  information  would  be  valuable  to  congress.  The  bill  was 
finally  passed. 

As  soon  as  the  speaker  had  affixed  his  signature  to  the  tariff 
bill,  Mr.  Hager,  chairman  of  the  house  committee  on  enrolled  bills, 
in  company  with  Mr.  Dingley  at  once  drove  to  the  executive  man 
sion  where  the  president  awaited  their  arrival.  A  few  minutes  be 
fore  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Mr.  Dingley  and  party  appeared. 
The  president  and  members  of  the  cabinet  had  assembled  in  the 
cabinet  room  to  witness  the  signing  of  the  bill.  The  president  sat 
at  the  end  of  the  long  cabinet  table  with  Secretary  Gage  and  At 
torney  General  McKenna  on  one  side,  and  Postmaster  General 
Gary  and  Secretary  Wilson  on  the  other  side.  The  president 
greeted  Mr.  Dingley  cordially.  Secretary  Porter  turned  to  the  last 
sheet  of  the  bill  and  laid  the  document  before  the  president.  The 
latter  had  several  pens  at  hand,  the  owners  of  which  had  begged 
that  they  might  be  used  to  sign  the  tariff  bill ;  but  Mr.  Dingley, 
quickly  taking  a  case  from  his  pocket,  produced  a  beautiful  mother- 
of-pearl  handled  pen,  dainty  enough  for  a  woman's  use,  and  re- 


440  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

quested  that  it  be  used  for  the  signature.  The  president  recognized 
the  right  of  Mr.  Dingley,  although  he  laughingly  commented  on 
the  diminutive  size  of  the  pen.  Dipping  this  pen  into  the  ink  well, 
he  appended  his  signature  to  the  bill,  asked  the  date  and  wrote: 
"July  24,  1897,  approved,"  and  the  Dingley  bill  was  a  law.  There 
was  a  burst  of  applause  from  the  spectators.  Everybody  in  the 
room  except  the  president  was  standing;  and  as  the  president 
moved  the  pen,  Attorney  McKenna  said :  "It  is  just  four  minutes 
past  four."  The  president  congratulated  Mr.  Dingley  on  the  suc 
cessful  ending  of  his  arduous  task,  and  the  members  of  the  cabinet 
did  likewise.  Mr.  Dingley  acknowledged  the  kind  words  with 
thanks,  and  after  carefully  putting  away  the  pen,  left  the  room. 
At  9  o'clock  congress  adjourned  and  the  special  session  of  the  fifty- 
fifth  congress  was  at  an  end. 

Mr.  Dingley's  great  work  was  done.  The  tariff  bill  which  was 
destined  to  be  his  great  monument,  was  completed.  Day  and  night, 
month  after  month,  with  patience,  skill  and  perseverance,  he  pre 
pared  and  put  through  the  great  bill  which  made  his  country  pros 
perous  and  his  name  famous  forever.  He  was  not  borne  out  on  the 
shoulders  of  a  few  demonstrative  politicians  as  was  Mr.  Wilson  in 
1894,  but  a  loyal  and  grateful  people  paid  homage  to  his  attain 
ments  and  the  breadth  and  virility  of  his  statesmanship.  Of  the 
nation's  illustrious  sons,  none  ever  more  truly  won  his  way  by  gen 
uine  merit  than  this  industrious,  courageous,  unpretending  man.  l 

The  country  was  not  forgetful  of  its  great  debt  to  Mr.  Dingley. 
A  man  of  capacity,  of  thoroughness,  of  conscientiousness  and  large 
experience,  he  brought  to  the  task  which  Speaker  Reed  assigned 
him  as  fine  a  character  and  as  full  an  equipment  as  the  country 
could  have  desired.  2  The  nation  applauded  Mr.  Reed's  selection, 

1 — May  26,  1901,  General  Joseph  Wheeler  of  Alabama  wrote  the  author  of  this 
volume  as  follows:  "I  came  across  the  enclosed  paper.  It  was  an  effort  to  show 
our  high  regard  for  Mr.  Dingley."  The  paper  reads  as  follows:  "We,  the  under 
signed,  members  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means,  in  order  to  express  our 
hi<rh  regard  for  Hon  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  chairman  of  the  committtee,  rejquest 
that  the  Hon.  Sereno  E.  Payne,  Hon.  John  Dalzell  and  Hon.  Benton  McMillin, 
act  as  a  committee  to  select  and  purchase  a  suitable  testimonial  to  be  presented 
by  the  committee  to  its  honored  chairman,  each  of  the  undersigned  subscrib 
ing  ten  dollars  to  carry  out  its  purpose.  (Signed)  Joseph  Wheeler,  S.  W.  Cobb,  C. 
J.  Boatner,  John  L.  McLaurin,  George  W.  Steele,  John  Dalzell,  S.  E.  Payne,  Wal 
ter  Evans." 

2 — Henry  McFarland,  the  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Herald, 
wrote  under  date  of  January  13,  1899:  "In  the  judgment  of  his  colleagues  Mr. 
Dingley  was  the  best  chairman  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  in  its  his 
tory,  and  besides  that,  was  one  of  the  most  tactful,  sagacious,  recourceful  and 
thorough  parliamentary  leaders  ever  known  in  the  house.  'Thorough'  was  his 
motto.  His  peculiar  abilities  for  dealing  with  all  tariff  and  financial  questions, 
and  for  everything  coming  under  the  head  of  business,  were  developed  by  the 
most  intense  application,  which  enriched  him  with  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
most  varied  and  extensive  character.  His  memory  for  facts,  and  especially  for 
statistics,  was  marvelous.  Apparently,  he  carried  in  his  mind  at  least  the  in 
dexes  of  all  the  voluminous  publications  of  the  ways  and  means  committee,  the 
senate  finance  committee  and  the  house  committees  on  banking  and  currency 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  441 

and  Mr.  Dingley  justified  that  selection.  The  tariff  bill  of  1897  bore 
on  every  page,  the  imprint  of  his  knowledge  and  sound  judgment. 

The  Dingley  tariff  law  was  received  favorably  by  a  large  ma 
jority  of  the  people.  To  the  few  critics  he  replica:  "The  fact  is 
that  this  bill  is  drawn  on  national,  not  sectional  lines,  and  that  it 
applies  the  policy  of  protection  without  impartiality  all  along  the 
line.  It  is  a  bill  in  the  interests  of  all  parts  of  our  common  coun- 
try." 

Throughout  this  period,  Mr.  Dingley  was  a  prolific  source  from 
which  newspaper  and  magazine  caricaturists  drew  their  inspira 
tion.  Democratic  newspapers  exaggerated  his  personal  appear 
ance  often  to  a  shocking  degree.  A  New  York  paper  published 
a  grotesque  colored  picture  of  "Uncle  Sam's  Easter  Parade."  Mr. 
Dingley  in  the  garb  of  a  Turkish  attendant  was  perched  on  a  huge 
elephant,  vigorously  fanning  President  McKinley  with  a  large 
ostrich  feather  labeled  "Tariff  bill."  Another  paper  pictured  him 
as  conferring  with  the  president  who  was  pouring  over  the  treas 
ury  books.  Beneath  the  picture  were  these  words :  "Yes,  Ding- 
ley,  the  protection  is  all  right,  but  where's  the  revenue?"  A  Wash 
ington  paper  pictured  him  in  a  boy's  sailor  suit  launching  a  toy 
boat  labeled  "Tariff  bill."  Another  paper  published  a  comical  pic 
ture  of  Speaker  Reed  in  the  chair  pounding  the  desk  vigorously, 
while  Mr.  Bailey  and  Mr.  Dingley  were  in  the  foreground  engaged 
in  the  exercise  of  hair  pulling.  Beneath  were  these  laconic  words : 
"What  we  want  is  protection  for  our  wool !"  When  the  tariff  bill 
was  returned  from  the  senate  with  several  hundred  amendments, 
a  Democratic  paper  appeared  the  next  day  with  a  cartoon  pictur 
ing  Mr.  Dingley  as  Falstaff,  and  beneath  were  the  words  of  that 
historic  character  in  King  Henry  IV. :  "That  thou  art  my  son,  I 
have  partly  thy  mother's  word,  partly  my  own  opinion ;  but  chiefly, 
a  villianous  trick  of  thine  eye,  and  a  foolish  hanging  of  thine  nether 
lip,  that  doth  warrant  me." 

An  amusing  incident  which  happened  while  the  tariff  bill  was 
under  discussion,  was  cartooned  by  a  New  York  paper.  The 

and  coinage,  and  knew  just  where  to  turn  in  the  ten  thousand  pages  of  printed 
matter  published  monthly  by  congress,  but  by  the  executive  department,  on  his 
special  subjects  for  the  particular  things  he  needed.  At  the  same  time  he  was 
familiar  with  the  decisions  of  the  supreme  court  and  of  other  important  courts 
on  these  questions,  and  also  with  the  chief  governmental  and  other  publicationa 
abroad  bearing  upon  them.  In  hearings  before  his  committee,  in  the  debates  on 
the  floor  of  the  house,  and  in  the  more  intense  debates  of  the  conference  commit 
tees  of  the  two  houses,  Representative  Dingley  often  astonished  his  associates 
with  his  technical  learning.  Many  a  congressional  orator  has  been  furnished  the 
material  for  his  speeches  by  Mr.  Dingley,  who  was  always  generous  with  his 
knowledge.  He  had  an  almost  unlimited  capacity  for  work.  He  had  almost  as 
much  to  do  with  the  McKinlev  tariff  bill  in  its  making  as  Mr.  McKinley  himself, 
and  the  latter  realized  that  Go~v.  Dingley  was  just  the  man  to  make  an  ideal  sec 
retary  of  the  treasury." 


442  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

speaker  found  the  house  in  confusion  and  thought  it  best  to  force 
an  adjournment.  While  several  members  were  shouting  for  recog 
nition,  the  speaker  said  calmly :  "The  gentleman  from  Maine  has 
the  floor."  But  Mr.  Dingley  kept  on  writing  at  his  desk.  "The 
gentleman  from  Maine  has  the  floor,"  shouted  the  speaker.  Still 
Mr.  Dingley  wrote.  "The  gentleman  from  Maine  moves  that  the 
house  adjourn."  And  the  house  was  adjourned  before  Mr.  Ding- 
ley,  absorbed  in  work,  had  uttered  a  word. 

Republican  papers  cartooned  him  kindly  but  often  ridiculously. 
In  one  picture  he  was  pulling  the  tariff  oar  in  a  boat  that  was  cross 
ing  the  Delaware  of  dull  times.  In  another  he  was  pictured  as  the 
good  Samaritan  reviving  the  helpless  and  weary  form  of  "Indus 
try."  In  still  another  his  bust  was  placed  on  a  pedestal  and  above 
were  the  words :  "A  public  benefactor." 

July  25  he  left  Washington,  the  scene  of  his  recent  triumph,  and 
sought  rest  at  his  island  home  on  the  shore  of  Maine.  Here  he 
quietly  received  the  homage  of  not  only  admiring  constituents  but 
a  whole  nation.  Congratulations  followed  him  to  his  quiet  sum 
mer  home,  where  he  watched  with  deep  interest  the  initial  opera 
tions  of  his  great  law.  He  was  gratified  at  the  commendation  of 
American  manufacturers  and  producers,  and  amused  at  the  criti 
cism  of  foreigners  and  importers.  He  was  firmly  convinced  that 
the  tariff  law  bearing  his  name,  and  being  a  definite  and  deliberate 
embodiment  in  law  of  a  policy  receiving  national  support,  would 
in  time  vindicate  its  authors  and  justify  their  action.  He  was  sure 
it  would  mark  the  beginning  of  a  new  and  prosperous  era  in  the 
history  of  the  country.  He  waited  patiently  and  confidently  for 
the  verdict  of  time. 

Mr.  Dingley's  gratification  over  his  public  triumph  was  sad 
dened  by  the  death  of  his  venerable  father,  August  3,  at  the  age  of 
87  years.  His  distinguished  son  was  the  idol  of  Nelson  Dingley, 
Sr.,  and  up  to  the  very  last  the  father  watched  with  keen  interest 
and  parental  pride,  his  son's  successful  career.  Mr.  Dingley 
reached  the  bedside  of  his  father  at  his  brother  Frank's  in  Auburn, 
Maine,  before  the  end  came  early  in  the  morning.  He  recorded  in 
his  diary :  "At  9 120  a.  m.  dear  father  passed  away  as  peacefully  as 
possible.  As  the  last  heart  beats  came,  tears  came  to  all  our  eyes, 
for  dear  father  had  gone  to  another  existence,  no  more  to  be  with 
us  on  earth.  His  memory  remains  to  us  as  a  precious  legacy.  He 
was  spared  long  to  us  and  came  to  feel  as  if  he  desired  to  go  hence 
and  join  dear  mother  in  heaven.  We  doubt  not  he  is  with  her  now. 
Blessed  reunion !" 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  443 

At  the  funeral  two  days  later,  the  old  family  horse,  which  the 
venerable  man  loved,  led  the  way  to  the  last  resting  place.  Here, 
beside  his  beloved  wife,  who  had  passed  beyond  twenty-six  years 
before  and  whom  he  longed  to  join,  he  was  laid  away  by  two  loving 
sons  in  his  last  resting  place.  The  loss  of  his  father  was  a  heavy 
blow  to  Mr.  Dingley. 

The  months  of  September  and  October  were  for  the  most  part 
months  of  rest  for  this  busy  man.  In  the  quiet  of  his  home,  sur 
rounded  by  his  devoted  family,  he  found  joy  and  comfort,  for  no 
man  loved  home  more  than  he.  His  domestic  peace  was  broken 
one  day  in  September  by  the  appearance  of  an  energetic  woman  at 
the  door,  announcing  herself  a  representative  of  a  New  York  paper, 
who  had  come  to  Lewiston  to  interview  him  about  the  clause  in  the 
tariff  bill  permitting  persons  coming  from  abroad  to  bring  back 
free  of  duty  only  one  hundred  dollars  worth  of  goods  made  abroad. 
This  enterprising  woman,  "in  behalf  of  outraged  women,  deter 
mined  to  go  to  Maine  and  talk  this  matter  over  with  the  fountain 
head  of  this  tariff  iniquity."  Mr.  Dingley  received  the  lady  hospi- 
ably  and  sympathetically. 

"Mr.  Dingley,"  said  the  young  lady,  "I  have  come  to  Maine  to 
plead  for  the  freedom  of  the  American  woman.  Once  she  loved 
her  country  and  its  laws,  now  she  no  longer  respects  the  laws — 
indeed  she  is  forced  to  break  them  or  lose  her  own  self  respect." 

"What's  that,  what's  that?"  exclaimed  Mr.  Dingley  in  surprise. 
"What  has  the  American  woman  to  complain  of?  What  does  she 
want  that  she  hasn't  got?" 

"She  wants  more  than  one  hundred  dollars  worth  of  Paris  rib 
bons  and  laces  and  hats  and  she  wants  them  free,"  exclaimed  the 
woman. 

"If  the  American  women  complain  of  that  clause,"  said  Mr. 
Dingley  quietly,  "we  will  have  to  take  it  out,  and  not  allow  the 
women  to  bring  back  anything  more  than  they  took  over.  After 
all,  why  should  women  who  are  able  to  go  abroad,  have  the  privi 
lege  of  buying  one  hundred  dollars  worth  of  goods  and  landing 
them  free  of  duty,  while  those  who  remain  at  home,  if  they  want 
the  same  things,  pay  the  duty  to  the  shop  keeper,  in  the  shape  of 
high  prices?  Now,  I  am  going  to  tell  you  a  secret,"  said  Mr. 
Dingley  as  he  wrinkled  his  nose  and  put  on  a  half  serious  air. 
"Ever  since  the  tariff  bill  went  into  effect  I  have  had  frequent  re 
curring  twinges  of  conscience  in  regard  to  that  one  hundred  dollar 
clause.  I  am  convinced  that  it  is  unjust  to  those  who  stay  at  home, 
and  should  be  taken  out  of  the  bill." 


444  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Mr.  Dingley  watched  keenly  the  effect  of  this  remark. 
"Really,  Mr.  Dingley,"  said  the  woman  in  amazement,  "do  you 
intend  to  do  this?" 

"I  can't  tell  what  I  shall  do,"  replied  Mr.  Dingley  mysteriously; 
"but  you  need  not  be  surprised  if  I  should  come  to  that.  Why,  I  am 
almost  ashamed  of  the  American  women  if  what  you  say  of  them  is 
true.  They  don't  appreciate  their  blessings." 

The  reporter  declared  that  the  women  would  become  smugglers 
and  defy  the  law. 

"I  have  a  higher  opinion  of  your  sex,"  said  Mr.  Dingley  gal 
lantly,  "than  you  seem  to  have.  They  will  not  be  dishonest  and 
smuggle." 

Mr.  Dingley  pointed  out  that  the  tariff  gave  the  women  of  the 
country  higher  wages  and  better  opportunities,  and  that  the  "one 
hundred  dollar"  dause  had  the  effect  only  of  keeping  our  rich  peo 
ple  from  buying  goods  abroad  instead  of  in  America. 

The  entire  interview  was  crisp  and  sparkling.  It  was  a  contest 
between  a  woman's  wit  and  charm  and  a  statesman's  courtesy  and 
gallantry.  Mr.  Dingley  was  victorious,  and  the  young  newspaper 
woman  departed,  with  a  new  idea  of  the  tariff  law  and  its  chief  au 
thor,  Mr.  Dingley. 

In  September  a  Boston  newspaper  1  published  a  signed  article 
from  Mr.  Dingley  in  which  he  gave  his  opinion  of  the  part  the  new 
tariff  bill  was  playing  in  the  revival  of  business.  Among  other 
things  he  said :  "There  seems  to  be  a  concession  on  all  sides  that 
a  genuine  revival  of  business  has  set  in  during  the  past  two  months, 
which  promises  a  gradual  but  solid  improvement  until  the  coun 
try  reaches  the  great  prosperity  of  the  period  from  1879  to  1893. 
It  is  evident  that  a  policy  which  involves  either  the  transfer  to  for 
eign  countries  of  the  production  or  manufacture  of  many  articles 
heretofore  made  here,  with  the  consequent  idleness  of  the  labor 
employed  on  the  same,  or  the  reduction  of  our  wages  of  labor  to 
the  European  standard  must  result  as  it  did,  in  the  diminution  of 
the  purchasing  power  of  the  masses,  with  the  inevitable  falling  off 
of  the  consumption  of  products  by  our  people,  and  the  resultant  de 
pression  which  we  have  experienced.  And  it  is  inevitable  that  the 
change  from  such  a  policy  to  the  policy  of  encouraging  home  pro 
duction  and  manufacture,  determined  upon  at  the  recent  session 
of  congress,  must  tend  to  dispel  distrust  and  establish  confidence  in 
the  future,  start  idle  industries,  open  up  new  opportunities  for 
labor,  increase  the  purchasing  power  of  the  masses,  enlarge  the 

1 — Sunday  Globe,  September  19,  18./7 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  445 

demand  for  products,  raise  or  at  least  tend  to  raise,  prices,  to  a  pay 
ing  point,  and  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  all  classes.  *  *  * 
There  is  no  good  reason  to  believe  that  we  shall  have  another  tariff 
agitation  to  disturb  the  business  of  the  country  for  many  years. 
In  the  first  place  the  protective  tariff  bill  just  passed  has  been  en 
acted  so  early  in  President  McKinley's  administration  that  any  at 
tempt  to  repeal  it  would  be  useless  for  years  to  come.  In  the  sec 
ond  place,  the  industrial  and  business  interests  of  the  country,  af 
ter  the  experience  of  tariff  agitation  which  they  have  had  the  past 
four  years,  will  demand  tariff  repose.  In  the  third  place,  before  any 
effective  steps  could  be  taken  to  revolutionize  the  tariff,  our  indus 
tries  and  business  will  be  so  thoroughly  adjusted  to  the  new  tariff, 
and  will  have  before  them  so  complete  a  demonstration  of  its 
beneficence  in  comparison  with  the  results  of  the  tariff  of  1894,  that 
any  attempts  to  carry  an  election  against  protection  will  be  futile. 
Whatever  isolated  amendments  may  be  necessary  to  correct  possi 
ble  errors  in  a  measure  of  so  many  details,  or  to  adjust  items  to 
changed  conditions,  will  be  in  accord  with  the  objects  of  the  law, 
as  stated  in  the  title — 'To  provide  revenue  for  the  government  and 
to  encourage  the  industries  of  the  United  States.'  *  *  *  * 
There  is  a  disposition  in  some  quarters  to  criticise  the  Republican 
majority  of  the  house  of  representatives  for  resolutely  confining  its 
work  at  the  recent  extra  session,  to  the  revision  of  the  tariff.  The 
reason  for  this  course  is  obvious  and  the  result  has  justified  the 
policy  pursued.  The  Republican  party  had  pledged  itself  to  a 
prompt  revision  of  the  tariff  on  protective  lines.  It  was  felt  that  in 
order  to  secure  such  a  revision,  it  was  necessary  to  hold  the  atten 
tion  of  congress  and  the  country  for  the  time  being  to  the  one  ques 
tion  of  tariff  revision,  and  to  avoid  any  opportunity  for  the  raising 
of  other  diverting  issues.  This  course  was  absolutely  necessary  in 
order  to  clear  the  path  for  even  currency  legislation." 

The  November  elections  of  1897  were  conducted  by  the  Demo 
cratic  leaders,  not  on  the  issues  raised  the  year  before  by  the  Chi 
cago  platform,  but  on  such  local  and  temporary  issues  as  could  be 
seized  upon  in  the  different  states.  Mr.  Dingley  said:  "It  is  evi 
dent  that  Mr.  Bryan  still  retains  his  hold  on  the  Democratic  party 
and  will  be  its  candidate  for  the  presidency  in  1900.  It  is  doubtful, 
however,  if  he  keeps  the  silver  issue  so  prominently  to  the  front. 
*  *  *  While  it  is  evident  that  the  Democratic  party  is  to  re 
main  for  the  next  few  years  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Bryan,  and 
to  make  its  contests  on  the  lines  of  the  Chicago  platform,  except 
that  silver  is  to  be  made  less  prominent,  yet  it  is  not  probable  that 


446  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

under  his  guidance  it  again  will  come  any  nearer  to  carrying  the 
country  than  in  1896.  The  Democrats  who,  even  under  the 
pressure  of  regularity,  refused  to  support  Bryan,  will  still  refuse  to 
do  so,  and  although  their  numbers  may  not  be  formidable,  yet  their 
character  and  influence  will  most  effectively  tell  against  the  Demo 
cratic  party  so  long  as  it  is  committed  to  so  mischievous  principles 
as  those  maintained  by  the  Chicago  convention." 

Mechanic's  hall,  Boston,  was  the  scene  of  a  brilliant  gathering 
on  the  evening  of  November  n.  It  was  the  occasion  of  a  notable 
dinner  given  by  the  Home  Market  club.  Nearly  1,000  persons 
were  seated  at  the  tables,  while  fifteen  hundred  spectators  were  in 
the  galleries  and  on  the  stage.  The  hall  was  tastefully  decorated, 
portraits  of  Republicans  in  history  adorning  the  walls.  A  large 
bulletin  was  suspended  over  the  stage,  on  which  were  printed  the 
Republican  and  Democratic  majorities  in  the  states  in  which  the 
elections  had  taken  place  that  year  (1897).  The  speakers  of  the 
evening  were  Mr.  Dingley,  Mr.  Russell,  a  member  of  congress 
from  Connecticut,  and  Senator  Lodge  of  Massachusetts.  Mr. 
Dingley  was  received  with  cheers  and  an  abundance  of  applause  as 
he  was  presented  by  the  chairman  of  the  evening.  His  address  l 
was  scholarly  and  forcible.  He  defended  the  tariff  law  which  bore 
his  name  and  predicted  that  it  would  be  a  success.  Mr.  Dingley 
was  the  hero  of  the  hour,  and  was  referred  to  as  a  man  "whose  mas 
tery  of  the  tariff  is  admitted  everywhere  throughout  the  country." 

November  27  Mr.  Dingley  conferred  with  Speaker  Reed  at  his 
home  in  Portland  on  important  legislation  to  come  before  con 
gress,  and  on  the  second  of  December  left  for  Washington  to  re 
sume  his  public  duties.  Shortly  before  leaving  home  he  was  asked 
if  Cuban  affairs  were  likely  to  lead  to  action  by  congress.  He  re 
plied  :  "I  have  no  doubt  that  there  will  be  a  strong  effort  to  induce 
congress  to  take  the  solution  of  the  Cuban  question  from  the  hands 
of  the  president  and  secretary  of  state  to  whom  the  conduct  of  dip 
lomatic  matters  properly  belongs,  and  have  congress,  which  from 
the  nature  of  the  case  is  ill-fitted  to  direct  our  delicate  relations 
with  other  nations,  undertake  to  solve  them  by  resolutions  and 
campaign  speeches.  Speaking  for  myself,  I  think  that  sound  policy 
and  the  best  interests  of  Cuba  require  that  the  management  of  this 
matter  be  left  with  the  president  who  has  already  done  much  for  the 
Cuban  cause.  At  the  same  time  the  pressure  for  some  kind  of 
action  by  congress  may  lead  congress  to  pass  a  belligerency  resolu 
tion.  The  people  of  the  United  States  are  in  sympathy  with  the 

1— See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  447 

Cuban  insurgents  and  ready  to  extend  whatever  aid  can  be  prop 
erly  given  their  cause  without  inviting  war.  We  are  not  ready  to 
get  into  war  to  help  any  cause  either  in  Cuba  or  in  America." 

He  arrived  in  Washington   December  4   and   again   resumed 
Washington  life  in  his  apartments  at  the  Hamilton  house. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 
1898. 

President  McKinley  in  his  message  paid  tribute  to  the  Dingley 
tariff  law  by  saying  that  "while  its  full  effect  has  not  been  realized, 
what  it  has  already  accomplished  assures  us  of  its  timeliness  and 
wisdom.  To  test  its  permanent  value  further  time  will  be  required, 
and  the  people,  satisfied  with  its  operations  and  results  thus  far, 
are  in  no  mind  to  withhold  from  it  a  fair  trial." 

During  the  first  days  of  this  session  attempts  were  made  to  pro 
duce  the  impression  that  the  Republican  members  of  the  ways  and 
means  committee  had  become  disheartened  on  account  of  the  com 
paratively  small  receipts  of  revenue  from  customs  during  the  first 
four  months  under  the  new  tariff  law.  Already  the  impression  had 
gained  ground  that  supplementary  legislation  would  be  needed  to 
secure  to  the  government  needed  revenue.  While  the  pension  ap 
propriation  bill  was  under  discussion,  Mr.  Dingley  took  occasion 
to  make  an  interesting  and  timely  statement, l  removing  at  once  all 
apprehension.  He  considered  and  discussed  the  probable  receipts 
of  revenue  from  customs  in  considerable  detail,  and  fully  and  fairly 
answered  the  criticisms  made  at  the  beginning  of  the  session.  The 
loss  of  revenue  through  anticipatory  importations  were,  he  said, 
not  the  fault  of  the  new  law,  but  due  to  the  long  delay  in  its  final 
passage,  and  also  to  the  failure  of  the  retrospective  provision  which 
had  been  incorporated  in  the  bill  when  it  passed  the  house.  He  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  in  the  last  four  months  of  the  current  fiscal 
year,  the  federal  treasury  would  support  itself.  Towards  the  close 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  449 

of  his  speech  he  was  plied  with  questions  by  the  leaders  of  the 
Democratic  side,  which  were  fully  and  pertinently  answered.  That 
the  statements  and  explanations  were  satisfactory  to  the  majority, 
was  clearly  shown  by  the  frequent  applause  on  the  Republican  side. 

Mr.  Dingley's  facts  and  figures,  carrying  all  the  weight  of  ex 
pert  knowledge  and  the  endorsement  of  the  executive  branch  of  the 
government,  cleared  the  atmosphere  and  renewed  public  confi 
dence.  The  indications  were  that  the  revival  of  trade  and  industry, 
then  so  marked,  was  but  the  healthy  beginning  of  a  larger  growth  \ 
and  that  the  Dingley  tariff  law  as  a  source  of  revenue,  was  destined 
to  be  a  success. 

The  statement  of  the  treasury  department  on  the  last  day  of 
December,  was  exceedingly  encouraging  and  gratifying,  indicating 
that  the  period  of  monthly  deficits  was  at  an  end.  Mr.  Dingley's 
estimates  and  predictions  thus  far  had  been  so  accurate,  that  his 
opinion  that  the  receipts  of  the  last  half  of  the  current  fiscal  year 
would  exceed  the  expenditures,  was  received  with  great  confidence. 
While  he  felt  a  reasonable  degree  of  confidence  that  under  existing 
laws  the  revenue  of  the  succeeding  fiscal  year  would  equal  expendi 
tures,  if  the  latter  were  kept  within  reasonable  bounds,  he  was  not 
unmindful  of  the  possibility  that  an  emergency  might  arise  which 
would  require  a  speedy  addition  to  the  income  of  the  government. 
He  said :  "We  know  where  we  can  get  from  twenty-five  to  thirty 
million  dollars  of  revenue  at  any  time  the  necessity  arises,  and  there 
is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  needful  legislation  could  be  promptly 
enacted  if  an  emergency  should  demand  it.  However,  there  is 
nothing  to  indicate  that  such  legislation  will  be  necessary.  On  the 
contrary,  everything  promises  a  period  of  rest." 

Mr.  Dingley  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  gratifying  features  of 
the  government's  financial  condition,  the  fact  that  during  the  six 
months  ending  December  31,  thirty-eight  million  dollars  in  gold 
had  come  into  the  treasury  and  only  eighteen  million  gone  out. 
"This  is  as  good  proof  of  the  restoration  of  confidence  as  I  desire," 
he  said.  "We  have  money  in  the  treasury — greenbacks,  treasury 
notes,  gold,  silver  and  silver  certificates  and  national  bank  notes, 
and  all  of  them  are  good  to  pay  any  of  our  debts.  People  do  not 
stop  to  see  what  sort  of  currency  they  receive ;  it  is  all  good.  The 
endless  chain  is  broken  and  it  cannot  be  welded  together  again  so 
long  as  the  revenues  of  the  government  are  sufficient  to  meet  its 
current  expenditures." 


450  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

The  reduction  of  wages  by  employers  and  the  strike  among  the 
operatives  in  the  cotton  mills  of  New  England,  afforded  the 
enemies  of  protection  and  the  Dingley  tariff  law,  an  opportunity  to 
call  attention  to  what  they  characterized  the  failure  of  the  Republi 
can  policy  of  protection.  During  the  discussion  of  the  diplomatic 
appropriation  bill,  Mr.  Dingley  took  occasion  to  speak  l  upon  this 
question.  He  called  attention  to  the  decline  in  the  price  of  cotton 
and  cotton  cloth,  and  the  absence  of  labor  laws  in  the  south,  re 
stricting  the  hours  of  labor  and  giving  the  south  an  immense  ad 
vantage.  He  said  that  wages  in  the  New  England  mills  must  come 
down  to  the  level  of  wages  in  the  south  until  the  south  should  bring 
its  standard  of  labor  up  to  the  level  of  labor  in  the  north.  2 

The  adoption  of  the  Teller  resolution  by  the  senate,  declaring 
that  the  government  bonds  are  payable  in  gold  or  silver  and  "that 
to  restore  to  its  position  such  silver  coins  as  are  legal  tender  in  the 
payment  of  said  bonds  is  not  in  violation  of  the  public  faith  nor  in 
derogation  of  the  rights  of  the  public  creditor,"  was  a  distinct  blow 
to  the  credit  of  the  United  States  and  a  check  to  the  rapid  restora 
tion  of  confidence  already  near  at  hand.  The  proposition  plunged 
the  senate  into  another  tedious  and  mischievous  debate  on  the  sil 
ver  question,  when  financial  peace  and  industrial  prosperity  were  so 
much  needed.  The  resolution  was  sent  to  the  house  and  was  re 
ferred  to  the  committee  on  ways  and  means.  On  the  morning  of 
the  last  day  of  January  the  committee  met  and  ordered  an  adverse 
report  on  the  resolution. 

There  was  great  activity  among  the  leaders  on  both  sides  for  an 
hour  before  the  house  met  January  31,  in  anticipation  of  an  excit 
ing  debate  on  the  resolution.  There  was  a  full  attendance  on  the 
floor  and  in  the  galleries.  The  struggle  began  as  soon  as  the  jour 
nal  was  read,  when  Mr.  Dingley  reported  back  the  resolution  with 
the  recommendation  that  it  do  not  pass.  A  special  order,  provid 
ing  for  the  immediate  consideration  of  the  resolution  was  adopted, 
precipitating  a  bitter  partisan  debate,  and  throwing  the  house  into 

1 — See  Appendix. 

2— Mr.  Dingley  received  the  following  letter:  New  York,  January  22,  1898. 
My  Dear  Sir:  I  hasten  to  congratulate  you  on  your  recent  speech  in  the  house 
on  the  New  England  industrial  situation.  Reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor,  or  in 
other  words,  the  extension  of  the  New  England  laws  through  the  south  is  the 
true  way  of  approaching  that  question.  It  is  in  reality  the  only  means  of  ap 
plying  the  principles  of  protection  to  the  cotton  industry  of  New  England,  by  de 
manding  higher  competitive  conditions.  If  it  is  contrary  to  public  policy  and  as 
inimical  to  national  welfare  to  permit  industries  to  be  transferred  from  New 
England  to  the  south  bv  means  of  long  hours  and  low  wage  barbarism  as  it  is 
to  have  American  industries  transferred  to  Europe  by  the  same  means.  Frotm 
the  meager  reports  in  the  daily  press  you  have  struck  the  right  key.  Very  cor 
dially  yours,  George  Gunton. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  451 

confusion.  Mr.  Dingley  opened  the  debate  with  a  carefully  pre 
pared  speech  l  sounding  the  keynote  of  the  opposition.  He  de 
clared  that  the  last  clause  of  the  resolution  was  in  reality  a  dis 
guised  declaration  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  He  said:  "No 
one  denies  that  this  or  any  other  nation  has  the  power  to  pay  in  full 
or  in  part  or  none  of  its  obligations,  in  gold,  or  silver,  or  paper,  or 
copper  according  to  its  pleasure.  Payment  cannot  be  enforced 
against  a  sovereign  nation.  Its  obligations  are  measured  by  its 
own  sense  of  honor  and  good  faith.  But  even  if  this  sense  of  honor 
is  at  any  time  blinded,  as  was  Shylock's,  by  dwelling  on  a  narrow 
view  of  the  letter  rather  than  the  spirit  of  the  obligation,  the  intel 
ligent  self  interest  of  a  nation  which  is  to  live  not  simply  for  a  gen 
eration  but  for  centuries,  ought  to  lead  it — and  \vherever  a  nation  is 
wisely  governed  does  lead  it — to  so  scrupulously  maintain  its 
pledges  in  both  letter  and  spirit  as  to  preserve  its  credit  untar 
nished,  and  thereby  not  only  make  it  possible  to  borrow  at  the  low 
est  rate  of  interest,  but  also  to  make  it  easy  to  obtain  loans  in 
exigencies,  which  are  sure,  sooner  or  later,  to  come  to  every  nation. 
A  nation's  honor  and  credit  are  among  its  most  priceless  posses 
sions — aye,  its  title  deed  to  permanence  and  prosperity."  l 

He  appealed  to  the  members  of  the  house  "to  keep  all  our  cur 
rency,  whether  silver  or  paper,  as  good  as  gold,  and  preserve  in 
violable  the  public  faith  and  credit."  Contrary  to  his  usual  custom, 
Mr.  Dingley  read  this  speech ;  and  the  intense  interest  in  his  utter 
ances  caused  the  Democratic  side  of  the  chamber  to  be  deserted  by 
members  who  crowded  the  aisles  around  the  speaker  in  their  effort 
to  catch  every  word  that  fell  from  his  lips.  The  debate  which  fol 
lowed  was  heated  and  at  times  sensational ;  and  after  five  hours  of 
discussion,  the  resolution  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  182  to  132. 
This  decisive  action  and  the  declarations  of  Mr.  Dingley  on  the 
floor  immediately  strengthened  the  credit  of  the  nation  and  re 
stored  public  confidence  in  the  financial  centers.  Mr.  Dingley  was 
warmly  congratulated. 

February  third,  with  Secretary  Gage,  Postmaster  General 
Gary  and  others,  he  attended  a  banquet  at  Baltimore  given  by  the 
Merchants'  and  Manufacturers'  association.  He  spoke  briefly  on 
"Our  Industrial  and  Business  Future,"  predicting  that  the  United 
States  would  soon  reach  that  measure  of  prosperity  which  was  hers 

1 — See  Appendix. 

2— The  New  York  Sun  said  of  this  speech:  "It  touches,  perhaps,  the  highest 
level  of  statesmanship  ever  reached  by  this  conscientious,  painstaking,  indus 
trious  legislator,  whose  long  and  distinguished  services  to  •'his  party  and  his 
country,  have  brought  him  to  the  leadership  of  the  majority  in  the  house.'' 


452  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

from  1879  to  1893.     Confidence,  he  said,  was  rapidly  taking  the 
place  of  distrust  and  uncertainty. 

Mr.  Dingley  always  dressed  plainly  and  modestly.  His  clothes 
were  invariably  of  domestic  manufacture.  One  day  early  in  Febru 
ary,  Mr.  Simpson  of  Kansas,  who  was  personally  very  fond  of  Mr. 
Dingley,  discovered  in  the  latter's  silk  hat,  what  appeared  to  be  a 
London  maker's  name.  In  a  spirit  of  pure  fun,  the  member  from 
Kansas  made  known  this  discovery  in  the  course  of  debate,  draw 
ing  exaggerated  and  fanciful  conclusions  from  what  he  was  pleased 
to  call  the  shortcomings  of  the  great  apostle  of  protection  and  de 
fender  of  home  industries.  Mr.  Dingley  was  momentarily  embar 
rassed,  but  took  the  joke  good  naturedly,  explaining  it  by  saying 
that  he  had  never  seen  the  London  mark  in  his  hat,  and  that  the 
hat  was  probably  made  in  New  York  and  a  London  mark  put  in  it, 
to  please  those  who  always  preferred  the  English.  Mr.  Dingley, 
goaded  by  the  member  from  Kansas,  retorted  to  the  latter's  insin 
uations,  that  Mr.  Simpson  was  given  to  "talking  through  his  hat." 
The  episode  caused  much  amusement  in  the  house  but  Mr.  Dingley 
proved  equal  to  the  occasion. 

February  twenty-fifth,  while  the  house  had  under  consideration 
the  sundry  civil  appropriation  bill,  Mr.  Moody  of  Massachusetts 
made  an  unwarranted  attack  upon  Mr.  Dingley.  The  Massa 
chusetts  member  in  the  course  of  a  sharp  speech  created  a 
sensation  by  calling  attention  to  the  appropriation  of  $300,000  car 
ried  in  the  bill  for  Rockland,  (Maine)  harbor.  With  great  sarcasm 
he  referred  to  this  "vast  appropriation  for  an  insignificant  harbor 
on  the  Maine  coast."  The  village  and  harbor,  he  said,  could  be 
buried  in  the  harbor  of  Boston. 

A  member  inquired,  "whose  district  is  Rockland  in?"  Mr. 
Moody  replied,  waving  his  hand :  "I  do  not  care  to  state,  but  we 
all  know."  This  caused  the  Democrats  to  laugh,  and  Mr.  Moody 
proceeded.  "I  am  ready  to  submit  to  a  regime  of  rigid  economy," 
declared  Mr.  Moody  with  great  vehemence,  "if  such  is  necessary; 
and  to  submit  to  honest  leadership,  but  I  for  one  propose  to  be 
against  such  discrimination." 

The  charge  that  Mr.  Dingley  urged  economy  in  public  and 
sought  large  appropriations  for  his  own  district  in  private,  caused 
no  little  consternation  among  the  members.  They  waited  breath 
lessly  for  the  Republican  leader  to  speak.  Rising  in  his  place,  per 
haps  slightly  paler  than  usual,  his  eyes  giving  evidence  of  mingled 
temperance  and  indignation,  he  addressed  the  house.  He  ex 
plained  with  considerable  vigor  that  the  work  at  Rockland  was  the 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  453 

construction  of  a  harbor  of  refuge,  precisely  such  a  harbor  of 
refuge  as  was  contemplated  for  Sandy  Bay  in  Mr.  Moody's  district. 
"Personally,  I  care  nothing  about  it,"  said  Mr.  Dingley.  "The 
work  was  placed  under  the  contract  system  not  by  me  but  by  the 
river  and  harbor  committee  at  the  suggestion  of  the  board  of  en 
gineers."  Then,  looking  Mr.  Moody  squarely  in  the  face  and 
speaking  slightly  louder  and  more  deliberately  than  usual,  he  said : 
"I  repudiate  the  intimation  that  personally  I  interested  myself  in 
it  or  asked  for  it.  I  appeal  to  the  members  of  the  committee  on 
appropriations  to  bear  me  out  when  I  say  that  I  have  not  made  to 
any  of  them  an  intimation  or  suggestion  on  the  subject." 

Mr.  Stone  and  Mr.  Cannon,  members  of  the  committee  on  ap 
propriations  both  stated  that  Mr.  Dingley  had  never  said  a  word 
to  them  concerning  the  appropriation.  Mr.  Stone  said  with  much 
vigor:  "A  member  might  as  well  allege  that  the  chaplain  of  the 
house  has  lobbied  for  legislation  as  to  intimate  that  the  gentleman 
from  Maine  was  going  about  interesting  and  besieging  commit 
tees  for  projects  for  his  own  district."  This  declaration  was  greeted 
with  loud  applause,  and  Mr.  Moody  subsided.  Rarely  had  the 
house  witnessed  a  personal  attack  more  skillfully  and  successfully 
refuted.  And  what  was  more,  Mr.  Dingley  exhibited  a  temperate 
spirit,  refusing  to  indulge  in  personalities. 

When  congress  reassembled  on  the  sixth  day  of  December, 
1897,  the  members  from  the  various  states,  south  as  well  as  north, 
brought  reports  of  a  strong  public  sentiment  against  the  course 
pursued  by  Spain  in  the  island  of  Cuba.  The  special  session  had 
been  devoted  exclusively  to  economic  questions  and  the  Cuban 
question  was  kept  in  the  background.  But  the  pressure  of  public 
opinion  now  increased  and  action  was  demanded.  The  president 
was  flooded  with  petitions  and  waited  upon  by  delegates  urging 
immediate  action.  With  his  usual  frankness  he  explained  his  plans 
and  his  aspirations  for  a  peaceful  settlement.  The  extra  session 
adjourned  without  action,  because  it  trusted  the  president  and  his 
advisers.  To  withstand  the  now  increasing  pressure,  to  continue 
to  enforce  the  laws  of  neutrality  in  the  face  of  a  hostile  public  senti 
ment,  imposed  upon  the  president  duties  which  called  for  the  ex 
ercise  of  the  highest  executive  ability.  His  message,  was,  there 
fore,  awaited  with  intense  interest ;  and  when  in  that  notable  docu 
ment,  he  temperately  discussed  the  situation,  counseled  peaceful 
negotiations,  put  aside  the  recognition  of  the  belligerency  of  or 
the  independence  of  the  Cuban  republic,  and  declared  that  Spain 
had  promised  a  new  order  of  things  in  Cuba,  public  sentiment  was 


454  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

not  quite  satisfied.  At  the  same  time  he  added  these  significant 
words :  "If  it  shall  hereafter  appear  to  be  a  duty  imposed  by  our 
obligations  to  ourselves,  to  civilization  and  humanity,  to  intervene 
with  force,  it  shall  be  without  fault  on  our  part  and  only  because 
the  necessity  of  such  action  shall  be  as  clear  as  to  command  the 
support  and  approval  of  the  civilized  world." 

On  the  night  of  February  15,  eleven  weeks  after  the  assembling 
of  congress,  the  United  States  battleship  Maine,  while  on  a  friendly 
visit  to  the  harbor  of  Havana,  and  lying  at  a  mooring  especially 
assigned  to  her  by  the  captain  of  the  port,  was  destroyed  by  a  sub 
marine  mine,  and  in  this  catastrophe  two  of  her  officers  and  264  o! 
her  crew  perished. 

When  Mr.  Dingley  read  tne  news  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Maine,  he  foresaw  serious  trouble.  When  he  reached  the  house 
about  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  was  besieged  with  members 
who  demanded  an  immediate  declaration  of  war.  He  was  sum 
moned  to  the  White  House  by  the  president,  where  the  critical  con 
dition  was  privately  discussed.  President  McKinley  and  Mr. 
Dingley  were  of  the  same  mind — war  must  be  averted  if  possible. 
The  country  was  not  ready  for  war ;  and  on  the  Republican  leader; 
in  the  house  the  president  relied,  to  avert  if  possible  the  awful  al 
ternative  of  a  conflict  of  arms. 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  the  Maine,  Mr.  Dingley 
believed  that  war  with  Spain  would  be  averted  through  peaceable 
pressure  brought  to  bear  on  the  Spanish  ministry,  and  conse 
quently  no  preparations  for  an  armed  conflict  were  entered  upon. 
While  the  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  continued  to  be  entertained 
by  Mr.  Dingley,  pending  the  inquiry  into  the  blowing  up  of  the 
Maine,  nevertheless  he  informed  the  president  that  appropriations 
would  be  forthcoming  when  required.  A  caucus  of  the  house  of 
representatives,  confined  to  no  one  political  party  but  representing 
only  the  war  party,  declared  almost  unanimously  for  an  immediate 
declaration  of  war. 

Excitement  so  increase^  in  consequence  of  rumors  that  the 
naval  inquiry  board  would  probably  report  that  the  Maine  was 
destroyed  by  external  agencies,  that  on  the  seventh  of  March 
the  president  summoned  to  the  White  House  the  chairmen  of 
the  finance  committee  and  committee  on  appropriations  of  the 
senate,  and  the  chairmen  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means 
and  committee  on  appropriations  of  the  house,  with  several  other 
leading  members  of  both  houses,  to  confer  with  him  and  his  cabinet 
on  the  critical  condition  of  affairs.  Mr.  Dingley  realized  that 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  455 

public  sentiment  demanded  immediate  action.  He  opposed  a 
declaration  of  war,  hoping  that  the  excitement  would  subside  and 
the  difficulty  be  solved  without  actual  hostility.  It  was  finally  sug 
gested  by  the  president  that  congress  appropriate  immediately 
fifty  million  dollars  "for  national  defense,"  to  be  expended  by  the 
president.  The  object  of  this  appropriation  was  to  put  the  coun-1 
try  measurably  in  a  position  to  enter  into  an  armed  conflict,  in 
case  one  could  not  be  avoided. 

Great  crowds  were  in  the  galleries  of  the  house  long  before  the 
session  began  March  8.  The  bill  appropriating  fifty  million  dol 
lars  for  national  defense  passed  the  house  by  a  unanimous  vote 
amid  intense  excitement.  The  speeches,  mostly  by  Democratic 
members,  were  all  patriotic.  Speaker  Reed,  who  seldom  voted 
except  in  case  of  a  tie,  asked  to  have  his  name  called,  and  he  voted 
"aye."  The  bill  passed  the  senate  the  following. day  without  de 
bate  and  without  a  dissenting  vote. 

With  great  difficulty  the  armed  conflict  was  averted  for  six 
weeks,  and  during  this  time  every  effort  was  put  forth  to  prepare 
the  country  for  war,  so  far  as  coast  defences  and  military  and 
naval  supplies  were  concerned.  During  these  weeks  Mr.  Dingley 
received  many  letters  urging  him  to  stand  by  the  president  in  his 
efforts  to  avert  war  if  possible.  So  great  was  the  alarm  in  Mr. 
Dingley's  own  district  that  many  citizens  of  Bath  asked  the 
government  that  a  monitor  be  sent  to  the  Kennebec  river  for  the 
protection  of  property.  A  constituent  in  Newcastle,  Maine,  wrote : 
"I  do  hope  that  in  the  interest  of  humanity  you  will  use  all  youf 
power  with  the  president  to  avert  this  threatening  calamity."  A 
leading  banking  house  in  Boston  wrote :  "Our  relations  with  busi 
ness  men  all  over  New  England  are  close,  and  we  find  a  practical 
unanimity  in  favor  of  a  cordial  support  of  the  policy  of  President 
McKinley.  We  feel  that  your  influence  with  other  members 
of  congress  is  of  great  importance  in  bringing  them  to  a  recogni 
tion  of  this  sentiment."  A  Philadelphian  wrote  him:  "We  believe 
if  you  hold  and  ponder  you  will  save  us  the  horrors  of  war.  It  will 
be  the  triumph  of  the  nineteenth  century."  From  a  prominent 
member  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  Mr.  Dingley  learned 
that  "there  is  no  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  war  with  Spain  upon 
our  own  account  because  there  is  no  belief  in  the  existence  of  even 
the  most  remote  cause  for  such  a  war." 

On  the  twelfth  of  March  Mr.  Dingley  called  on  President  Mc 
Kinley  at  the  White  House  and  talked  over  the  situation  with  the 
executive.  Congress  had  the  constitutional  right  to  declare  war, 


456  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

but  the  president  wanted  no  war,  nor  did  Mr.  Dingley;  and  at  this 
conference  the  question  how  to  avert  war  was  discussed.  T*hese 
two  leaders  agreed  first  that  the  question  should  be  solved  by 
diplomacy  if  possible ;  second,  that  the  Cuban  insurgent  govern 
ment  should  not  be  recognized  by  this  government.  When,  on  the 
23rd  of  March,  the  naval  board  of  inquiry  made  its  report,  the  days 
of  diplomacy  were  over.  Mr.  Dingley  then  admitted  that  war  with 
Spain  was  apparently  inevitable.  The  whole  country  was  aroused. 
Public  sentiment  was  unmistakable  for  war.  President  McKin- 
ley  faced  the  critical  situation  with  calmness  and  composure.  To 
him  the  most  immediate  danger  was  an  ill-considered  declaration 
of  war  by  congress ;  but  with  Mr.  Dingley  and  other  cool  heads  at 
the  helm  in  the  house  he  felt  sure  nothing  would  be  done  to  make 
the  situation  more  trying. 

It  required  the  firm  and  united  efforts  of  Speaker  Reed,  Mr. 
Dingley,  Mr.  Hitt  and  other  old  and  wise  heads  in  the  house,  to 
keep  in  check  the  "insurgent"  members  as  they  were  called.  Se 
cret  caucuses  were  held  by  this  coterie  of  members,  and  committees 
were  appointed  to  wait  on  the  speaker  and  his  lieutenants  to  de 
mand  immediate  action. 

The  president's  message,  accompanying  the  report  of  the  court 
of  inquiry,  did  not  satisfy  the  war  element  in  congress,  the  Demo 
crats  particularly  showing  their  impatience  March  30  by  springing 
a  resolution  in  the  house  recognizing  the  independence  of  Cuba. 
Under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Dingley  the  Republicans  held  to 
gether  and  sustained  the  speaker  in  ruling  that  the  resolution  was 
not  privileged. 

The  impatience  of  the  people  was  evidenced  daily  by  the  crowds 
in  the  house  galleries,  and  their  frequent  outbursts  of  applause. 
Several  times  the  speaker  threatened  to  clear  the  galleries.  The 
strain  upon  Mr.  Dingley,  the  recognized  leader  of  the  conserva 
tives,  and  the  representative  of  the  administration  in  the  house, 
was  severe.  It  was  owing  to  his  firmness  and  his  great  influence 
over  the  Republicans  that  the  house  consented  to  wait  patiently 
for  the  final  result  of  the  president's  diplomacy. 

Washington  was  the  scene  of  unparalleled  excitement  during 
the  month  of  April.  War  was  talked  of  in  and  out  of  congress. 
The  president  was  openly  censured  for  delay;  Mr.  Dingley  was 
likewise  censured  by  many  in  the  house,  for  standing  with  the 
president  in  his  policy  of  delay.  The  crisis  was  expected  April  6 
and  great  rrowds  flocked  to  the  capitol  to  hear  the  president's 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  457 

4 

gress,  including  Mr.  Dingley,  were  hastily  summoned  to  the  White 
House  where  the  safety  of  General  Lee  and  other  American  citi 
zens  in  Cuba  was  discussed,  and  a  delay  agreed  upon.  The  coun 
try  was  momentarily  angry,  but  quickly  subsided. 

In  the  mean  time  the  president  informed  Mr.  Dingley  that  war 
was  inevitable,  and  that  funds* to  conduct  the  .conflict  would  be 
needed.  With  a  heavy  heart  but  with  a  patriotic  sense  of  duty, 
on  the  evening  of  April  8,  Mr.  Dingley  began  the  preparation  of 
a  war  revenue  bill.  For  several  weeks  he  had  been  in  consultation 
with  the  other  Republican  members  of  the  ways  and  means  com 
mittee  and  with  the  treasury  department  forecasting  a  reasonable 
course  of  action  for  the  emergency  at  hand. 

Undaunted  by  the  disappointment  of  the  week  previous,  a 
multitude  again  besieged  the  capitol  on  the  morning  of  April  n, 
even  before  the  doors  were  open.  Many  camped  out  on  the  marble 
terraces  all  night  and  others  arrived  at  early  dawn.  The  day  waa 
dark  and  gloomy,  but  the  thousands  were  undismayed. 

The  scene  in  the  house  was  memorable,  as  the  eye  swept  the 
banked  galleries  and  animated  groups  of  members  on  the  floor 
below.  As  the  hands  of  the  clock  pointed  to  noon  the  speaker  en 
tered,  the  hubbub  waned,  and  an  impressive  silence  followed  as  the 
chaplain  invoked  divine  assistance  in  the  crisis.  Then  the  presi 
dent's  message  was  read  and  a  murmur  of  approval  swept  over  the 
house  as  the  words  of  the  chief  executive  were  read :  "I  ask  the 
congress  to  authorize  and  empower  the  president  to  take  meas 
ures  to  secure  a  full  and  final  termination  of  hostilities  between  the 
government  of  Spain  and  the  people  of  Cuba,  and  to  secure  in  the 
island  the  establishment  of  a  stable  government  capable  of  main 
taining  order,  and  observing  its  international  obligations,  insuring 
peace  and  tranquility  and  the  security  of  its  citizens  as  well  as  our 
own,  and  to  use  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States 
as  may  be  necessary  for  these  purposes.  The  issue  is  now  with 
congress.  It  is  a  solemn  responsibility.  I  have  exhausted  every 
effort  to  relieve  the  intolerable  condition  of  affairs  which  is  at  our 
door.  Prepared  to  execute  every  obligation  imposed  upon  me  by 
the  constitution  and  the  law,  I  await  your  action." 

The  die  was  cast.  War  was  inevitable.  Two  sets  of  resolu 
tions  were  introduced  in  both  houses  representing  the  views  of  the 
conservative  and  radical  factions.  Leadership  of  the  Republican 
majority  in  the  house  during  these  trying  times  required  a  cool 
head  and  an  alert  mind.  The  radicals  in  the  house,  including  many 
Republicans,  openly  denounced  Speaker  Reed  and  Mr.  Dingley , 


458  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

particularly  the  latter.    On  several  occasions  Mr.  Dingley  held  se 
cret  conferences  with  the  leading  radicals  in  the  room  of  the  com 
mittee  on  ways  and  means,  and  it  was  his  strong  influence  that  held 
them  in  check.     Excitement  in  and  about  the  house  was  at  white 
heat ;  but  a  firm  hand  guided  by  a  strong  head  was  at  the  helm. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  April  the  house  unanimously  agreed  to  a 
resolution  for  armed  intervention  in  Cuba,  an  amendment  recog 
nizing  the  Cuban  government  being  defeated.  The  conservative 
faction  in  the  house  led  by  Mr.  Dingley  and  Speaker  Reed 
triumphed.  Mr.  Hitt,  chairman  of  the  committee  on  foreign  af 
fairs,  was  absent  on  account  of  illness,  and  Speaker  Reed  took  the 
matter  in  hand.  He  summoned  the  Republican  leaders,  including 
Mr.  Dingley,  to  his  private  room  and  there  mapped  out  the  plan  of 
operation.  Mr.  Adams,  second  on  the  foreign  affairs  committee 
was  expected  to  handle  the  resolution  on  the  floor.  It  was  bluntly 
suggested  by  one  member  that  the  resolution  be  offered  by  some 
other  member.  Mr.  Adams  flushed  and  replied  hotly:  "I  yield 
only  to  my  acknowledged  superior,  Gov.  Dingley."  The  senate 
late  on  the  evening  of  the  sixteenth,  after  a  fierce  struggle, 
amended  the  resolution  so  as  to  recognize  the  Cuban  government. 
Upon  the  question  of  recognition,  the  two  houses  disagreed  and 
the  struggle  began. 

Mr.  Dingley  displayed  to  great  advantage  his  splendid  general 
ship  and  rare  leadership,  throughout  the  memorable  contest  over 
the  Cuban  resolution,  April  18.  The  recognition  by  the  senate  of 
the  government  of  Cuba,  strengthened  the  cause  of  the  radicals  in 
the  house,  and  there  were  mutterings  and  threats  of  rebellious 
spirits  who  declared  they  would  no  longer  follow  the  leadership  of 
the  conservative  member  from  Maine.  It  was  a  critical  moment. 
Mr.  Dingley  felt  the  heavy  responsibility  and  realized  the  serious 
complications  that  would  follow  the  official  recognition  of  the  gov 
ernment  of  Cuba.  He  said :  "Mr.  Speaker,  it  has  been  my  hope, 
and  I  may  add  my  expectation  until  a  recent  period,  that  the 
earnest  desires  and  reasonable  demands  of  the  American  people 
for  an  amelioration  of  the  fearful  condition  of  affairs  in  the  island 
of  Cuba,  might  be  secured  by  the  friendly  offices  or  mediation  of 
our  government  and  the  progress  of  events.  While  recent  occur 
rences  have  now  seemed  to  make  hopeless  a  peaceable  solution  o$ 
the  Cuban  problem,  yet  it  will  be  a  satisfaction  to  the  people  of 
this  country  when  the  history  of  these  days  shall  be  written,  that 
our  government  under  the  wise  leadership  of  President  McKinley 
has  exhausted  every  effort  to  secure  a  peaceable  solution — even  in 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  459 

the  face  of  the  impatient  criticism  of  many  of  our  citizens  who  have 
not  fully  weighed  the  importance  not  only  of  making  that  clear  to 
the  civilized  world,  but  also  of  gaining  needed  time  for  preparation 
for  the  inevitable.  While  it  is  untimely  now  to  discuss  the  ques 
tion  as  to  whether  any  step  short  of  armed  intervention,  whether 
the  recognition  of  the  belligerent  rights  or  the  independence  of  the 
Cuban  insm  gents,  if  either  had  been  taken  alone  earlier,  would 
have  permanently  solved  the  Cuban  problem,  yet  I  think  the  pro 
gress  of  events  has  made  it  clear  that  either  step  would  not  have 
materially  changed  the  current  of  events,  and  would  have  left  the 
Cuban  sore  practically  the  same  as  it  now  exists.  The  facts  and 
arguments  presented  by  the  president  make  it  conclusive  that  any 
committal  of  the  United  States  at  this  time  to  a  recognition  of  the 
insurgents  in  Cuba,  and  the  so-called  military  government  which 
it  is  claimed  they  have  established  as  the  government  which  repre 
sents  the  people  of  Cuba  and  which  this  country  must  blindly  fol 
low,  would  not  fulfill  the  requirements  of  international  law,  and 
would  be  unwise  in  the  extreme  and  at  the  same  time  would  utterly 
fail  to  bring  to  an  end  the  sad  condition  in  Cuba  of  which  we  com 
plain. 

"It  must  be  remembered  that  recognition  first  and  armed  in 
terference  afterwards  are  impossible  unless  the  interference  is  at 
the  request  of  the  government  which  has  been  recognized.  The 
resolution  which  has  been  suggested  looking  to  the  recognition  of 
the  insurgents  as  the  government  of  Cuba  and  then  authorizing 
and  directing  the  president  to  forcibly  intervene  in  Cuban  affairs, 
would  be  such  a  violation  of  international  law  as  was  never  before 
known.  The  United  States  may  recognize  the  insurgents  as  the 
de  facto  government  of  Cuba,  if  the  evidence  shows  (as  it  does  not 
yet  show)  that  they  have  established  a  civil  government  with  offi 
cials  discharging  governmental  duties,  with  courts  in  operation, 
with  a  capitol  and  other  evidences  indicating  the  operation  of  the 
machinery  of  a  government,  acknowledged  by  a  majority  of  the 
people ;  but  if  it  does  so  it  must  stop  there. 

"The  objects  which  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  had 
in  view  in  tendering  our  good  offices  to  bring  to  a  termination  the 
serious  conditions  which  have  so  long  existed  in  Cuba,  and  which 
they  still  have  in  view  in  any  more  potent  step,  have  been  to  put 
an  end  to  the  horrible  cruelties  which  have  been  and  are  still  per 
petrated  within  a  hundred  miles  of  our  shores,  to  protect  the  in 
terests  of  American  citizens  in  Cuba  and  secure  our  treaty  rights ; 
and  to  secure  these  ends  in  the  only  practical  way  that  will  give 


460  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

permanence,  that  is  by  ending  the  Spanish  misrule  which  has  so 
long  continued  on  the  island,  and  securing  to  the  people  of  Cuba 
the  right  of  self  government  and  independence.  In  other  words 
the  ultimate  object  we  have  had  and  still  have  in  view  is  indepen 
dence  for  all  the  people  of  Cuba,  the  recognition  of  the  right  of  the 
people  of  Cuba  to  determine  for  themselves  what  government 
they  will  have — whether  that  government  shall  be  the  Gomez  gov 
ernment  or  some  other  government  that  the  people  may  establish, 
and  not  the  imposition  of  a  particular  government  on  the  people  of 
Cuba  by  premature  recognition  by  the  United  States."  1 

However,  when  the  house  met  at  10  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
April  18,  he  faced  the  crisis  with  a  calm  and  resolution  that  as 
tonished  his  associates.  At  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Dingley,  a  re 
cess  was  at  once  taken  until  12  o'clock;  and  as  it  turned  out,  this 
recess  saved  the  day  for  the  conservatives.  When  the  house  re 
assembled,  practically  all  the  Republicans  had  been  brought  into 
line.  A  little  defiance  remained,  but  it  soon  vanished.  The  short 
recess  had  given  Mr.  Dingley  an  opportunity  to  make  his  position 
a  little  more  firm;  and  when  the  senate  resolutions  appeared  in 
the  house,  Chairman  Dingley  in  calm  superiority,  welcomed  them. 
On  Mr.  Dingley's  motion  to  concur  in  the  senate  amendments  ex 
cept  the  declaration  that  the  people  of  Cuba  are  independent,  the 
roll  call  began,  and  was  followed  with  deep  interest.  Only  four 
Republicans  voted  "no."  This  was  the  last  remnant  of  the  band 
that  gathered  in  excited  caucus  a  week  or  more  previous.  Mr. 
Dingley's  motion  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  179  to  156.  Thus  Mr. 
Reed  and  Mr.  Dingley  showed  their  mastery  of  the  house.  The 
senate  refused  to  concur  in  the  amendments  of  the  house,  and 
again  the  resolutions  were  in  the  latter  body.  Mr.  Dingley  again 
moved  to  non-concur,-  but  Mr.  Bromwell,  the  leader  of  the  radicals 
or  "insurgents"  interposed  a  motion  to  concur,  and  this  took  pre 
cedence.  The  house  was  thrown  into  a  fever  of  excitement  as  the 
roll  call  proceeded;  but  again  Mr.  Dingley  triumphed,  and  Mr. 
Bromwell's  motion  was  defeated.  Then  Mr.  Dingley  moved  that 
the  house  insist  upon  its  amendments  and  ask  for  a  conference. 
The  members  of  this  memorable  conference  were  Messrs.  Davis. 

1— April  20,  1898,  Mr.  Dingley  received  the  following  letter  from  Rev.  Lyman 
Abbott  of  Brooklyn,  New  York:  "In  all  the  circles  with  which  I  am  familiar, 
opposition  to  the  recognition  of  the  Cuban  republic  is  almost  unanimous.  While 
I  cannt  but  wish  that  the  original  house  resolution  could  have  been  passed  by 
both  parties,  will  you  allow  me  to  exercise  the  privilege  of  an  old  friend  in  ex 
pressing  to  you  my  congratulations  on  your  wisdom  in  securing  a  concession  of 
the  most  imoortant  point  at  issue  by  your  concessions  of  some  other  points 
which  seem  to  me  to  have  been,  not  without  significance,  but  of  secondary  im 
portance." 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  461 

Foraker  and  Morgan  on  the  part  of  the  senate,  and  Messrs. 
Adams,  Heathwole  and  Dinsmore  on  the  part  of  the  house.  For 
hours  they  struggled,  the  house  finally  taking  a  recess  until  8 

o'clock. 

The  hitch  in  the  conference  was  over  the  two  words  "are  and" 
in  the  senate  resolution  and  the  clause  in  the  senate  resolution  that 
"the  government  of  the  United  States  hereby  recognizes  the  re 
public  of  Cuba  as  the  true  and  lawful  government  of  that  island." 
The  senate  wanted  the  resolution  to  read:  "The  people  of  the 
island  of  Cuba  are  and  of  a  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent 
and  the  government  of  the  United  States  hereby  recognizes  the 
republic  of  Cuba  as  the  true  and  lawful  government  of  the  island." 
The  senate  conferees  insisted  that  this  clause  should  stand;  the 
house  conferees  insisted  upon  eliminating  the  words  "are  and"  and 
the  entire  clause  recognizing  independence.  The  disagreement 
was  reported  to  the  house  and  again  a  conference  was  ordered  and 
the  house  took  a  recess  from  1 1  to  1 1 130  p.  m.  At  1 1 :3O  still 
another  recess  was  taken  until  midnight.  In  the  meantime  a  con 
ference  of  some  thirty  leading  Republicans  had  been  held  in  the 
speaker's  room.  Here  the  speaker  and  Mr.  Dingley  urged  the 
conservative  Republicans  to  stand  by  their  colors.  Payne  and 
Cannon,  and  Dalzell  and  Grosvenor  and  all  the  old  war  horses,  de 
clared  they  would,  in  the  picturesque  language  of  Cannon,  "stand 
pat  till  hell  freezes  over."  At  midnight  the  house  recessed  until 
12:30  to  await  the  action  of  the  conferees.  During  this  recess 
many  members  congregated  in  the  lobby  in  the  rear  of  the  hall, 
and  led  by  several  of  the  younger  members  sang  many  popular 
songs  of  the  day.  In  the  early  morning  hours  came  the  final 
scene  which  was  to  precede  the  great  drama.  The  capitol  was 
brilliantly  lighted  and  the  galleries  filled  with  an  enthusiastic  crowd 
of  patriots.  The  house  conferees  sent  for  Speaker  Reed  and  Mr. 
Dingley ;  and  the  two  agreed  to  a  compromise  in  order  to  avoid  a 
complete  deadlock.  If  the  senate  would  give  up  the  clause  recog 
nizing  the  independence  of  Cuba,  the  house  would  insert  the  two 
words  "are  and."  The  senate  conferees  quickly  agreed  to  this  and 
the  compromise  was  reported  to  the  two  houses  and  agreed  to  b) 
the  house.  The  galleries  echoed  with  patriotic  cheers  as  the  reso 
lutions  were  read,  and  the  curtain  went  down  upon  the  first  act 
of  the  great  drama.  At  3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Dingley, 
exhausted  from  his  all  night  vigil,  but  well  satisfied  with  the  result 
of  his  labors,  sought  much  needed  rest.  On  the  2Oth,  President 
McKinley  signed  the  Cuban  resolution,  and  the  war  with  Spain 


462  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

began  although  a  formal  declaration  of  war  was  not  made  until 
five  days  later. 

The  preparation  of  the  war  revenue  bill  then  began  in  earnest. 
The  Republican  members  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  met  in 
Mr.  Dingley's  rooms  at  the  Hamilton  house  and  perfected  the 
first  draft  of  the  measure.  The  basis  of  it  was  the  war  revenue  bill 
passed  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  civil  war.  With  his  usual  pa 
tience  and  skill,  Mr.  Dingley  carefully  mapped  out  every  section, 
constructing  it  step  by  step  with  the  accuracy  of  a  trained  hand. 
The  rapidity  with  which  Mr.  Dingley  worked  and  grasped  the  de 
tails  of  the  situation,  was  a  marvel  to  his  associates ;  and  when  on 
the  23rd,  after  a  conference  with  the  president  and  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  he  introduced  his  bill  in  the  house,  he  was  then 
complete  master  of  its  provisions,  and  the  probable  amount  of 
revenue  to  be  raised.  Promptness  in  the  preparation  and  intro 
duction  of  the  bill  was  necessary,  for  the  23rd  was  the  day  of  the 
expiration  of  the  president's  ultimatum  to  Spain.  The  bill  was  re 
ferred  to  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  which  considered  the 
measure  two  days ;  and  on  the  26th  it  was  reported  to  the  house 
and  referred  to  the  committee  of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the 
union.  Mr.  Dingley  immediately  gave  notice  that  he  would  call 
up  the  bill  the  following  day  and  ask  for  a  final  vote  April  29.  It 
was  a  matter  of  public  comment  that  few  men  could  have  the  con 
fidence  of  the  house  as  did  Mr.  Dingley  in  this  great  crisis.  It  was 
fortunate  for  the  country  that  such  a  man  was  at  the  helm. 

The  bill  was  based  on  the  estimates  of  the  officials  of  the  war 
and  navy  departments,  that  the  war  would  cost  about  fifty  million 
dollars  per  month.  "It  was  thought  desirable,"  wrote  Mr.  Dingley 
later,  "not  only  as  a  measure  of  precaution  but  as  a  potent  factor 
in  creating  the  impression  in  Spain  and  Europe  that  this  country 
had  the  ability  and  disposition  to  push  the  war  with  the  utmost 
energy,  to  provide  the  means  for  carrying  it  on  for  at  least  one 
year,  in  case  it  should  continue  that  length  of  time ;  and  to  impose 
such  additional  internal  taxes  as  would  strengthen  the  credit  of 
the  government  by  providing  means  for  paying  the  interest  and 
gradually  extinguishing  the  principal  of  the  necessary  loans.  To 
provide  whatever  additional  means  might  be  required  to  prosecute 
the  war,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  was  authorized  to  borrow 
on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  whatever  amount  should  be  re 
quired,  not  to  exceed  five  hundred  millions,  and  to  issue  therefor 
ten-twenty  3  per  cent  bonds,  to  be  offered  at  par  as  a  popular  loan. 
An  important  section  was  added,  not  as  a  war  revenue  measure  but 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  463 

as  a  permanent  provision  to  guard  against  any  temporary  defi 
ciency  of  revenue  in  the  future,  authorizing  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury  to  issue  one-year  3  per  cent  certificates  of  indebtedness, 
not  exceeding  one  hundred  millions  to  be  outstanding  at  any  one 
time — the  object  being  to  provide  means  to  meet  any  temporary 
inefficiency  of  revenue  to  pay  current  expenditures,  and  thus  avoid 
either  bankruptcy  or  the  necessity  of  using  for  this  purpose  the 
greenback  redemption  fund." 

The  report  accompanying  the  bill,  written  by  Mr.  Dingley, 
stated  that  "there  is  no  doubt  that  if  peace  conditions  had  con 
tinued  the  estimate  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  that  the  revenue 
for  the  next  fiscal  year  would  reach  three  hundred  and  ninety  mil 
lion  dollars,  exclusive  of  postal  receipts,  sixty-three  million  dollars 
in  excess  of  the  revenue  for  the  fiscal  year  1897,  would  have  been 
more  than  realized."  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  already 
the  expenses  for  defense  had  been  going  on  for  nearly  two  months 
at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  million  dollars  per  month,  and  that  the 
expenses  would  soon  be  much  more.  He  added:  "Your  com 
mittee  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  necessities  of  the  country  as  well 
as  the  early  successful  conclusion  of  the  war,  call  for  such  ample 
provisions  both  by  taxation  and  authority  to  make  loans  for  means 
to  carry  on  naval  and  military  operations  as  will  impress  the  great 
powers  of  Europe  as  well  as  Spain  with  the  conviction  that  the 
people  of  the  United  States  are  united  in  the  determination  to 
prosecute  the  war  on  a  scale  and  with  a  vigor  that  makes  prolong 
ation  of  hostilities  useless." 

Mr.  Dingley's  speech  l  April  27,  opening  the  discussion  of  the 
war  revenue  bill,  was  listened  to  with  marked  attention  by  both 
sides  of  the  house.  He  made  a  thorough  explanation  of  the  bill, 
analyzing  its  provisions  minutely.  There  were  frequent  interrup 
tions  from  Democrats  indicating  opposition  to  the  measure.  Mr. 
Dingley  closed  his  speech  with  these  words :  "On  Monday  last  by 
unanimous  vote,  we  declared  war.  I  trust  that,  having  taken  the 
responsibility  of  declaring  war,  having  called  out  troops,  having 
sent  out  armed  vessels  upon  the  broad  waters  to  maintain  the 
honor  and  dignity  of  the  government,  we  shall  now  have  patriotism 
rising  to  the  height  of  the  situation  and  having  regard  to  the  inter 
ests  of  the  country,  and  that  we  shall  have  no  more  pettifogging 
over  old  controversies  revived,  at  least  until  the  actual  needs  of 
the  country  in  the  present  exigency  have  been  provided  for." 

The  main  point  of  attack  was  the  section  authorizing  the  sec 

1— See  Appendix. 


464  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

retary  of  the  treasury  to  borrow  whatever  amounts  might  be  re 
quired,  outside  of  the  revenue  from  war  taxes,  to  meet  the  expen 
ditures  of  the  war.  An  income  tax  was  proposed  instead  of  a  bond 
feature ;  but  Mr.  Dingley  replied  that  such  a  proposition  would  de 
prive  the  government  in  time  of  war  of  the  means  to  raise  money 
to  meet  expenditures,  and  substitute  a  tax  which  had  already  been 
declared  unconstitutional.  Then  it  was  proposed  by  the  Demo 
crats  that  the  so  called  "seigniorage"  of  the  silver  bullion  of  the 
treasury,  estimated  to  amount  to  forty-two  million  dollars,  should 
be  utilized  by  using  that  amount  of  silver  certificates  against  it. 
Mr.  Dingley  pointed  out  the  danger  of  such  a  proposition,  and  it 
was  voted  down.  Then  it  was  proposed  by  the  Democrats  to  issue 
one  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars  in  greenbacks  or  "fiat"  money. 
This  also  was  voted  down.  The  debate  on  the  bill  April  29,  was 
long  and  sharp.  The  Democrats  and  Populists  exhausted  every 
expediency  to  defeat  the  bond  section,  and  they  were  aided  by  not 
a  few  Republicans  who  criticised  the  bill,  and  attempted  to  have  it 
recommitted.  But  a  majority  stood  loyally  by  Mr.  Dingley  in  this 
trying  hour.  At  four  o'clock,  when  the  time  limit  for  debate  was 
reached,  Mr.  Dingley  had  no  opportunity  to  offer  any  of  the  im 
portant  amendments  agreed  upon  by  the  committee  on  ways  and 
means;  but  the  watchful  chairman  was  equal  to  the  emergency, 
He  introduced  an  entirely  new  bill  as  a  substitute,  embodying  the 
committee  amendments.  The  minority  objected  to  this  move,  but 
the  speaker  sustained  his  lieutenant  on  the  floor.  Then  amid  great 
excitement  and  confusion,  the  bill  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  181  to 

131- 

The  Republican  newspapers  of  the  country  agreed  that  Mr. 

Dingley  never  showed  to  better  advantage  than  when  he  piloted 
this  war  revenue  bill  through  the  shoals  and  rocks  in  the  house. 
He  displayed  rare  qualities  of  leadership  and  won  for  himself  added 
renown.  The  administration  and  the  country  did  not  err  in  relying 
upon  his  skill  and  judgment. 

The  majority  of  the  senate  committee  on  finance,  composed  of 
six  Democrats  and  one  Populist,  considered  the  bill  eleven  days; 
and  at  the  end  of  that  time  reported  it  back  with  the  bond  and  cer 
tificate  provision  stricken  out,  and  amendments  for  the  issue  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  new  greenbacks  and  the  immedi 
ate  coinage  of  forty-two  millions  of  so-called  seigniorage  from  the 
silver  bullion  in  the  treasury,  and  the  issue  of  silver  certificates 
thereon.  The  five  Republicans  of  the  committee,  composing-  the 
minority,  reported  in  favor  of  the  retention  of  the  house  certificate 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  465 

and  bond  features.  The  bill  finally  passed  the  senate  June  4,  with 
the  certificate  and  bond  features  retained  and  a  modified  seignior 
age  amendment  added.  The  house,  June  6,  promptly  voted  to 
non-concur  in  the  senate  amendments,  and  the  bill  was  sent  to  a 
conference.  The  conferees  were  Senators  Allison,  Aldrich  and 
Jones  of  Arkansas,  and  Representatives  Dingley,  Payne  and  Bailey. 

Washington  was  now  throbbing  with  the  excitement  of  prepa 
rations  for  war.  The  president  had  called  for  volunteers  and  every 
hour  brought  rumors  of  an  impending  clash  of  arms.  The  rush  of 
applicants  for  commissions  in  the  army  was  unprecedented,  Mr. 
Dingley  being  overwhelmed  with  applicants  from  his  own  state. 
The  emergency  war  fund  had  been  exhausted  and  the  president  to 
gether  with  the  secretaries  of  war  and  navy  were  contracting  heavy, 
bills  which  must  be  met.  Still  the  senate  talked;  still  the  confer 
ence  was  prolonged.  To  deprive  the  treasury  of  the  power  to 
borrow  in  this  emergency  would  have  crippled  the  army  and  navy. 
To  have  attempted  to  conduct  the  war  with  fiat  money  would  have 
been  madness.  To  have  coined  the  so-called  seigniorage  would 
have  provided  no  new  sinews  of  war  and  simply  added  to  the  em 
barrassment  of  the  treasury.  The  senate  was  controlled  by  sym 
pathizers  with  the  silver  and  fiat  money  idea.  How  to  deal  with 
this  factor  in  the  problem  caused  Mr.  Dingley  many  anxious  hours. 
He  entered  the  senate  finance  committee  room,  June  6,  weighed 
with  anxiety,  and  fearful  lest  the  exigencies  of  this  occasion  would 
prompt  the  silver  men  to  delay  action  or  force  some  mischievious 
proposition. 

The  Republican  conferees,  led  by  Mr.  Dingley,  skillfully  dis 
posed  of  the  less  important  senate  amendments,  leaving  to  the  last 
the  so-called  seigniorage  proposition.  For  three  days  the  con 
ferees  struggled  with  the  bill.  Mr.  Dingley  scarcely  took  time  for 
his  meals.  When  in  his  study  in  the  Hamilton  house,  he  paced  the 
floor  nervously,  thinking  of  the  war  revenue  bill.  He  pondered 
more  over  the  senate  seigniorage  amendment  than  anything  else. 
He  was  at  the  conferences  for  three  days  and  three  nights,  far  into 
the  night.  It  was  long  after  midnight,  June  8,  when  he  wearily  re 
turned  to  his  sleeping  apartments,  and  threw  himself  on  his  bed. 

"There,"  he  said  wearily,  "we  have  practically  reached  an 
agreement  after  a  three  days  pull," 

The  night  was  warm  and  he  did  not  get  much  sleep.  He  was 
far  from  well,  and  a  distinct  pallor  was  on  his  face.  But,  buoyed 
up  by  the  tremendous  excitement  of  the  hour,  he  returned  to  the 
capitol  the  next  noon  ready  for  the  ordeal. 


466  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

As  soon  as  the  members  of  the  house  learned  that  the  con 
ferees  had  reached  an  agreement,  there  were  frantic  efforts  to  ob 
tain  the  details.  The  corridors  about  the  capitol  were  thronged 
with  people  more  or  less  interested  in  the  war  taxes  to  be  im 
posed  under  the  conference  report.  When  it  was  reported  that 
the  Republican  house  conferees  had  agreed  to  some  sort  of  silver 
coinage,  there  were  manifestations  of  a  revolt  against  the  accept 
ance  of  the  report.  The  Republican  members  of  the  house 
gathered  in  little  knots  and  discussed  the  situation.  Some  were 
outspoken  in  declaring  that  the  house  Republican  conferees  had 
made  a  fatal  blunder — had  misrepresented  the  majority.  All  that 
afternoon,  Mr.  Dingley  was  besieged  with  Republican  members 
and  agents  of  interested  industries.  He  listened  patiently  to  all 
complaints  and  heard  without  a  murmur  the  mutterings  of  revo 
lution  against  his  leadership.  At  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  he  pre 
sented  the  conference  report  to  the  house,  and  the  house  took  a  re 
cess  until  8  in  the  evening.  During  this  short  respite,  many  of  the 
leading  members  of  the  house  told  Mr.  Dingley  that  they  would 
not  accept  the  conference  report  if  it  provided  for  the  coinage  of 
more  silver  dollars.  Said  one  member :  "Governor,  you  can  never 
get  the  conference  report  adopted  by  the  house.  It  is  looked  upon 
as  a  surrender  to  the  silver  men  in  the  senate.  The  eastern  sound 
money  papers  will  denounce  us  if  we  accept  this  silver  proposition 
you  have  agreed  to.  It  is  a  serious  party  mistake." 

On  his  way  to  and  from  dinner,  Mr.  Dingley  was  unusually 
quiet  and  thoughtful.  An  unmistakable  look  of  anxiety  was  in  his 
countenance.  He  realized  the  critical  nature  of  the  case  and  the 
great  importance  of  passing  at  once  some  war  revenue  bill. 

Debate  on  the  conference  report  began  at  8  o'clock  in  the  eve 
ning.  The  house  was  brilliantly  lighted  and  the  galleries  filled  with 
visitors.  Mr.  Dingley  opened  the  discussion  calmly  and  hopefully. 
His  face  was  pale  with  fatigue,  and  his  stoop  was  slightly  more  pro 
nounced  than  usual.  He  had  a  few  figures  and  memoranda  on  his 
desk — nothing  more.  The  members  on  both  sides  moved  nearer 
as  he  proceeded  with  his  words  of  explanation.  In  a  clear  business 
like  way  he  told  of  the  result  of  the  conference,  touching  upon  all 
the  provisions  of  the  conference  report  save  the  most  troublesome 
— the  silver  coinage  provision.  This  Mr.  Dingley  called  one  of  the 
compromises.  Then  he  carefully  reviewed  the  silver  act  of  1890, 
and  the  operations  of  the  treasury  department  under  it.  Speaking 
moderately  and  deliberately,  he  told  of  the  struggles  of  the  house 
conferees  with  the  senate  conferees,  and  the  final  agreement  to 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  467 

coin  at  least  a  million  and  a  half  silver  dollars  out  of  the  silver  bul 
lion  already  in  the  treasury,  and  withdrawing  an  equal  number  of 
demand  notes.  "Let  me  repeat,"  he  said  slowly,  looking  squarely 
at  the  Republicans  who  had  declared  the  conference  report  would 
not  be  adopted,  "there  is  nothing  in  the  provision  we  have  inserted 
here  that  is  not  already  in  the  law  of  1890,  except  this:  There  is 
a  specific  provision  as  to  the  minimum  amount  that  shall  be  coined, 
and  that  minimum  amount  is  based  upon  what  has  been  coined. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  substitute  agreed  to  by  the  conferees,  to 
which  there  ought  to  be  any  objection  from  those  of  us  who  pro 
pose  to  abide  by  the  existing  law  and  maintain  all  our  currency  as 
good  as  gold."  After  Mr.  Dingley's  full  and  convincing  statement 1 
of  the  case  all  threatened  opposition  disappeared.  At  n  130  in  the 
evening  the  conference  report  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  154  to  107. 
This  was  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  instance  of  Mr.  Dingley's 
control  over  the  house  and  the  confidence  the  members  had  in  him. 
The  weary  leader  retired  shortly  after  midnight  and  slept  like  one 
who  had  been  relieved  of  a  heavy  weight  of  responsibility.  The 
eastern  sound  money  papers  the  next  morning  commended  Mr. 
Dingley's  work  and  the  wisdom  of  his  position  on  the  question  of 
silver  coinage.  The  senate  agreed  to  the  conference  report  June 
10,  and  three  days  later  the  bill  became  a  law.  Thus  Mr.  Dingley's 
name  became  linked  with  the  tragic  events  of  the  summer  of  1898. 
He  fulfilled  his  promise  to  President  McKinlev  that  funds  would  be 
forthcoming  when  needed. 

Speaker  Reed  was  opposed  to  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian 
islands  to  the  United  States.  His  power  as  presiding  officer  and  a 
member  of  the  committee  on  rules,  enabled  him  to  retard  the  con 
sideration  of  the  Hawaiian  annexation  resolution.  Mr.  Dingley 
was  not  opposed  to  annexation,  but  felt  that  it  would  be  hazardous 
to  admit  the  Hawaiian  islands  as  a  territory.  However  he  felt  the 
pressure  of  public  opinion  and  of  the  sentiment  in  the  house ;  and  in 
a  note  to  the  speaker  urged  him  to  yield  and  to  permit  the  Ha 
waiian  resolution  to  come  up  for  consideration.  This  Mr.  Reed 
did ;  and  on  the  fifteenth  of  June  the  resolution  passed  the  house 
by  a  vote  of  209  to  91.  The  speaker  was  absent  on  account  of  ill 
ness,  but  requested  the  speaker  pro  tern  to  announce  that  if  he 
were  present  he  would  vote  "no." 

Worn  out  by  his  work  in  Washington  Mr.  Dingley  quietly  re 
turned  to  his  home  and  his  family  on  the  24th  of  June.  Here  he 
was  welcomed  by  his  proud  constituents  who  met  in  Auburn  the 

1— See  Appendix. 


468  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

following  day  and  unanimously  nominated  him  for  representative 
in  congress  for  the  tenth  time.  The  resolutions  declared  that 
"again  presenting  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley  as  the  republican  candi 
date  for  congress,  we  take  pleasure  in  recognizing  the  ability,  fidel 
ity  and  success  with  which  he  has  so  long  represented  the  interests 
of  the  second  district  and  the  state  of  Maine,  but  also  the  interests 
of  the  nation."  This  was  the  first  time  since  his  first  nomination 
in  1882  that  Mr.  Dingley  had  been  present  at  his  district  conven 
tion,  his  public  duties  always  detaining  him  in  Washington.  Such 
remarkable  devotion  and  confidence  was  a  theme  on  this  day  close 
to  his  heart ;  and  in  touching  language  he  addressed  l  the  conven 
tion  at  some  length. 

Two  days  later  he  sought  a  brief  rest  in  the  wilds  of  Rangeley 
lakes.  July  I  found  him  once  more  at  his  summer  home  on  the 
coast  of  Maine.  Here  for  the  last  time,  he  found  that  sweet  repose 
which  the  cool  sea  breezes  and  the  swash  of  the  ocean  gives.  Here 
the  peace  of  Heaven  was  near  at  hand. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 
1898-1899. 

In  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  a  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain,  negotiated  in  May,  1898,  Presi 
dent  McKinley  undertook  the  delicate  task  of  appointing  a  commis 
sion  to  meet  with  a  similar  representation  of  the  British  govern 
ment  and  Canada,  with  a  view  of  arranging  certain  differences  be 
tween  the  countries — many  of  them  long  standing.  Early  in  July 
the  president  wrote  Mr.  Dingley  urging  him  to  accept  a  place  on 
this  commission.  Mr.  Dingley  asked  to  be  excused  but  the  presi 
dent  so  kindly  insisted,  that  the  former  was  reluctantly  compelled 
to  accept.  He  felt  that  his  health  would  not  permit  him  to  under 
take  any  more  laborious  and  exacting  work  for  some  time.  He 
longed  for  rest.  He  and  his  immediate  friends  feared  that  he 
was  overtaxing  himself ;  but  in  response  to  a  sense  of  patriotic  duty 
he  accepted  the  commission.  He  was  appointed  July  19.  The  other 
members  of  the  commission  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  were 
• — Senator  Fairbanks  l  of  Indiana,  Senator  Gray  of  Delaware, 

1 — Hon.  C.  W.  Fairbanks  writes  as  follows: 

"Nelson  Dingley  was  appointed  by  President  McKinley  a  member  of  the 
United  States  and  British  joint  high  commission  for  the  settlement  of  Canadian 
and  Newfoundland  questions.  The  commission  met  at  Quebec  in  August,  1898, 
and  at  Washington  in  the  following  winter. 

"Mr.  Dingley  addressed  himself  to  the  questions  before  the  commission  wit! 
great  earnestness  and  great  ability.  The  questions  were  of  wide  range.  He 
showed  the  very  greatest  familiarity  with  them.  His  views  were  always  ex 
pressed  with  clearness  and  force.  He  was  direct  and  practical  in  his  methods, 
and  possessed  the  very  cordial  respect  of  all  the  members  of  the  commission. 

"In  manner  he  was  always  frank,  affable  and  courteous. 

"He  enjoyed  the  social  functions,  yet  was  rather  reserved.  He  shrank  from 
all  suggestion  of  personal  display.  He  was  everywhere  modest  and  easy  of  ap 
proach.  He  was  an  interesting  conversationalist,  occasionally  given  to  humor, 
but  as  a  rule,  he  preferred  to  deal  with  serious  facts. 


470  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Former  Secretary  of  State  John  W.  Foster,  Former  Minister  Kas- 
son  l  of  Iowa  and  T.  Jefferson  Coolidge  of  Massachusetts.  The 
main  points  in  controversy  related  to  the  Alaskan  boundary,  access 
to  the  Klondike  region,  the  Alaskan  seal  fisheries,  the  northwestern 
fisheries,  the  use  of  the  canals,  relief  to  ship-wrecked  vessels,  etc. 
Mr.  Dingley  said  on  the  day  of  his  appointment,  in  reference  to 
Canada's  discriminating  tariff  against  the  United  States:  "It  is 
plain  that  such  a  discrimination  against  imports  into  Canada  from 
the  United  States  when  the  United  States  makes  no  discrimination 
against  Canada,  if  persisted  in,  will  lead  to  retaliation  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States.  For  this  reason  undoubtedly  the  com 
mercial  relations  between  the  two  countries  will  very  naturally  re 
ceive  the  attention  of  the  commission." 

Mr.  Dingley  was  summoned  to  Washington  July  21,  where  the 
American  commission  was  organized  with  Senator  Fairbanks  as 
chairman.  The  work  was  mapped  out  as  far  as  possible,  and  on  the 
23rd  Mr.  Dingley  returned  to  Maine.  Ten  days  after  the  peace 
protocol  with  Spain  was  signed,  namely  on  the  22nd  of  August,  Mr. 
Dingley  in  company  with  his  wife  and  daughter  started  for  Quebec 
to  attend  the  session  of  the  Anglo-American  commission. 

The  war  with  Spain  was  practically  over;  and  Mr.  Dingley 
joined  in  the  widespread  rejoicing.  But  he  keenly  realized  the 
new  national  responsibilities.  August  14  he  wrote :  "However 
much  we  have  deprecated  the  outcome  of  the  annexation  of  the 
Spanish  insular  possessions,  however  many  of  us  may  shake  our 
heads  at  the  difficulty,  expense  and  danger  involved,  there  is  no  es 
cape  from  the  responsibility;  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
the  events  will  make  it  clear  that  Providence  has  overruled  all  in 
the  interests  of  humanity  and  civilization.  The  Philippine  problem 
is  the  most  serious  one  which  the  war  has  compelled  us  to  face  and 

"He  was  essentially  a  student.  His  long  public  service,  and  many  years  de 
voted  to  the  study  of  public  questions  and  of  history,  as  an  editor,  enabled  him 
to  interest  all  whom  he  chanced  to  meet. 

"He  neither  in  Quebec  nor  in  Washington,  indulged  in  self-exploitation.  His 
own  personality  was  never  offensively  pushed  to  the  front." 

1 — Hon.  John  A.  Kasson,  special  reciprocity  commissioner,  writes:  "Con 
gressman  Dingley's  appointment  on  the  Canadian  commission  was  made  because 
as  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  of  the  house  the  president  had 
great  confidence  in  his  knowledge  of  the  industry  and  commerce  of  the  country, 
etc.  He  was  appointed  with  special  reference  to  the  proposed  negotiation  of  a 
commercial  treaty  with  Canada,  and  was  chairman  of  the  sub-committee  in 
charge  of  this  subject.  His  mind  was  open  to  all  fair  considerations  on  either 
side,  and  he  yielded  on  some  points  with  a  liberality  of  concession  which  was 
unexpected  by  the  Canadians  from  the  author  of  the  tariff  act  of  1897,  and  which 
showed  an  impartial  appreciation  of  the  business  conditions  of  both  countries. 
His  manner  was  always  conciliatory,  and  he  gave  frequent  evidence  of  the 
possession  of  diplomatic  sagacity.  His  relations  with  his  associates  on  bith 
sides  were  dignified  and  friendly  to  the  commission." 


INTERNATIONAL,  COMMISSION, 
QUEBEC,  CANADA,  AUGUST,  1898. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  471 

it  is  by  no  means  clear  as  yet  what  disposition  of  these  islands  will 
prove  wisest  and  best.  Many  difficulties  present  themselves  if  we 
give  them  up,  while  on  the  other  hand  the  Christian  sentiment  of 
the  country  is  already  raising  the  inquiry  as  to  whether  this  nation 
ought  not  to  look  outside  of  its  own  case,  and  sacrifice  something 
in  the  interest  of  humanity,  wherever  oppressed,  even  though  the 
humanity  which  appeals  to  us  is  8,000  miles  from  our  shores.  It  is 
evident  that  this  country  has  already  entered  upon  a  new  phase  of 
its  national  existence  and  that  problems  more  serious  in  some  re 
spects  than  any  we  have  thus  far  had,  are  facing  us.  We  have  faith, 
however,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  and  especially  that  composite 
part  of  it  which  has  established  and  maintained  this  free  govern 
ment  ;  and  we  doubt  not  that  all  of  the  problems  which  seem  now 
to  be  so  serious  will  be  one  by  one  successfully  solved ;  and  that  ulti 
mately  this  republic  will  be  lifted  higher,  and  civilization  and  human 
rights  greatly  advanced."  Early  in  November,  when  it  was  as 
certained  that  the  peace  commissioners  had  practically  decided  to 
retain  the  Philippine  islands,  Mr.  Dingley  wrote :  "That  there  are 
serious  objections  to  assuming  the  responsibility  of  governing  or 
establishing  a  government  in  tropical  islands  so  far  removed  from 
this  country,  and  still  in  a  low  state  of  civilization,  goes  without  say 
ing.  It  does  not  necessarily  follow,  however,  that  even  if  we  take 
the  Philippines  we  are  bound  to  make  them  an  integral  part  of  the 
United  States ;  although  for  the  time  being  we  should  have  to  main 
tain  good  order  there.  We  have  been  in  hopes  that  some  way  would 
appear  by  which  the  United  States  could  simply  take  a  coaling  sta 
tion  and  harbor  of  refuge  in  the  Philippines,  and  the  rest  of  the 
group  be  turned  over  to  the  people  of  the  islands  to  govern  for 
themselves.  It  is  well  understood  that  the  president  desired  such 
a  result.  It  may  be  possible  to  do  this  yet,  but  we  must  admit  that 
the  march  of  events  has  not  been  in  this  line — however  much  our 
burden  would  have  been  alleviated  by  such  a  conclusion." 

Mr.  Dingley's  sojourn  in  Quebec,  attending  the  sessions  of  the 
Anglo-American  commission  was  an  agreeable  mixture  of  official 
and  social  functions.  Accompanied  by  his  wife  and  daughter,  he 
thoroughly  enjoyed  his  stay  in  that  historic  city  from  August  23  to 
September  2.  The  British-Canadian  commissioners  were — Right 
Hon.  Baron  Herschell,  Right  Hon.  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier, l  Hon.  Sir 

1— Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  writes  from  Ottawa,  December  31,  1900,  as  follows: 
"My  relations  with  Mr.  Dingley  as  a  member  of  the  Anglo-American  commis 
sion  were  unfortunately  too  short  to  allow  me  the  privilege  of  an  intimate  ac 
quaintance  with  him,  but  so  far  as  they  went,  I  was  always  impressed  with  thft 
sincerity,  honesty  and  kindness  of  his  character." 


472  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF   . 

Richard  Cartwright,  Hon.  Sir.  Louis  Davies,  Mr.  John  Charlton,  l 
M.  P.,  and  Hon.  Sir  James  Winter.  These  were  distinguished  men 
who  met  during  the  eight  days  with  their  American  brethren,  to 
get  acquainted  and  discuss  the  preliminaries  of  the  negotiations. 
Dinners  and  receptions  consumed  a  large  share  of  the  time,  much 
to  the  enjoyment  of  Mr.  Dingley's  wife  and  daughter.  While  some 
of  Mr.  Dingley's  associates  eclipsed  him  in  doing  the  social  honors 
it  was  said  by  the  Canadian  papers  that  the  "distinguished  man 
from  Maine  was  the  best  equipped  mentally  of  the  visiting  Ameri 
can  commissioners." 

The  practical  results  of  this  sojourn  at  Quebec  were  not  very 
great,  and  after  discussing  the  fishery,  sealing,  Alaskan  boundary 
and  the  reciprocial  question,  the  commission  adjourned  September 
2  until  September  19.  On  the  twentieth  the  commission  again 
met  in  Quebec,  and  for  seventeen  days  divided  the  time  between 
business  and  pleasure.  There  were  dinners  and  balls  and  receptions 
and  lunches.  October  6  the  American  commissioners  gave  a  din 
ner  to  the  Canadian  commissioners,  and  on  the  following  day  the 
commission  decided  to  adjourn  October  10,  to  meet  in  Washington 
November  18.  Mr.  Dingley,  accustomed  to  prompt  legislation, 

1 — In  connection  with  Mr.  Dingley's  services  as  a  member  of  the  joint  high 
commission,  Mr.  Charlton  writes  from  Lynedoch,  Ontario,  as  follows: 

"The  commission,  as  you  are  aware,  met  first  at  Quebec  in  August,  1898,  and 
after  remaining  in  session  in  that  city  for  several  weeks,  adjourned  to  meet  in 
Washington  in  November,  where  it  remained  in  session  till  the  following 
February,  1899. 

"Mr.  Dingley  was  well-known  by  reputation,  to  the  Canadian  members  of 
the  joint  high  commission,  and  their  impression  as  to  his  views  upon  interna 
tional  trade  relations,  was  that  they  would  be  of  the  extremest  American  pro 
tectionist  type,  and  that  the  concessions,  which  Canadian  public  men  deemed 
this  country  entitled  to  from  the  United  States  government  in  tariff  legislation, 
would  not  receive  the  sanction  of  Mr.  Dingley.  This  impression  proved  to  be  to 
a  very  considerable  extent,  an  ill-founded  one.  It  soon  became  evident  to  the 
Canadian  members  of  the  joint  high  commission,  that  Mr.  Ding-ley  had  a  great 
grasp  of  financial  questions,  and  that  he  entered  upon  his  duties,  as  a  member 
of  that  diplomatic  conclave,  with  a  deep  sense  of  the  importance  of  promoting 
friendly  relations  between  the  two  great  nations  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  family. 
He  was  prepared,  beyond  question,  to  go  to  a  greater  length  in  the  matter  of 
fiscal  concessions,  than  the  senate  of  the  United  States  were  at  all  likely  to  ap 
prove  of,  if  a  treaty  embodying  his  views  were  presented  to  that  body  for  ratifi 
cation.  So  deeply  did  Mr.  Dingley  impress  the  Canadian  members  of  the  com 
mission  with  a  sense  of  his  fairness,  and  of  a  desire  to  go  as  far  as  his  sense  of 
obligation  to  his  own  country  would  warrant  him,  in  granting  modifications  of 
the  tariff  system  of  the  United  States,  that  his  death  was  looked  upon  with  ex 
treme  regret,  and  was  considered  a  very  severe  blow  to  the  commission,  and  an 
event  greatly  lessening  the  probabilities  of  a  favorable  and  satisfactory  outcome 
of  its  labors. 

"I  noticed,  at  an  early  stage  in  the  deliberations  of  the  commission,  that  Mr. 
Dingley's  views  with  reference  to  trade  matters,  were  greatly  deferred  to  by  his 
fellow  commissioners  from  the  United  States,  and  his  death  deeply  impressed  me 
with  a  sense  of  the  loss  that  had  been  sustained  in  the  removal  of  the  most 
pronounced  personality  upon  the  commission,  and  the  man  whose  views  would 
not  only  have  commanded  respect,  but  would  have  gone  far  towards  enjoining 
compliance  from  the  legislative  and  executive  branches  of  the  American  govern- 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  473 

found  little  satisfaction  in  this  English-Canadian  style  of  diplomacy 
liberally  seasoned  with  dinners.  He  returned  to  his  home  with  the 
realization  that  thus  far  little  had  been  accomplished.  The  round 
of  social  pleasures  taxed  his  strength  more  than  continuous  work 
in  the  halls  of  congress. 

Of  the  actual  results  of  the  work  in  Quebec,  Mr.  Dingley  said : 
"While  no  definite  agreement  has  as  yet  been  made,  good  pro 
gress  has  been  made  and  favorable  results  are  hoped  for.  No  seri 
ous  difficulty  has  been  met  in  reaching  a  tentative  understanding 
on  a  majority  of  the  twelve  matters  of  difference.  The  four  most 
important  matters — the  reciprocity  question,  the  Alaskan  boun 
dary,  the  Alaskan  seal  fisheries,  and  the  northeastern  fisheries — are 
still  in  abeyance.  The  reciprocity  question  is  still  open.  The  dif 
ficulty  of  an  agreement  is  increased  by  the  preferential  tariff  in 
favor  of  Great  Britain.  The  American  commissioners  are  con 
fined  to  efforts  to  have  at  least  as  much  preference  given 
to  exports  from  the  United  States  to  Canada  as  is  now 
given  to  exports  to  Canada  from  Great  Britain,  and 
also  to  have  all  export  duties  removed  on  articles  ex 
ported  from  Canada  to  the  United  States.  But  of  course  if 
this  be  all  that  Canada  has  to  give  us,  the  concessions  on  Canadian 
exports  to  the  United  States  must  be  very  limited.  If  practicable, 
however,  some  limited  agreement  is  much  better  than  the  commer 
cial  war  which  might  follow  the  Canadian  discrimination  against 

ment  when  the  question  of  the  ratification  of  the  action  of  the  commission  came 
to  be  passed  upon.  One  circumstance  impressed  me,  when  privately  discussing 
international  matters  with  Mr.  Dingley,  and  this  was  the  fact  that  he  declared 
himself  ready  at  any  time  to  favor  a  zollverein  or  commercial  union  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States,  the  only  theoretically  perfect  and  satisfactory 
system  upon  which  free  trade  between  the  two  countries  could  be  established. 
Unfortunately  the  time  had  passed  when  such  a  proposition  could  be  entertainer! 
by  Canada,  and  the  expression  of  his  views  while  tentative  and  theoretical,  gave 
evidence  of  great  breadth  of  view. 

"I  was  brought  into  intimate  relations  with  Mr.  Dingley  during  the  sittings 
of  the  commission,  especially  at  Washington,  where  we  boarded  at  the  same 
hotel,  and  occupied  the  same  table  in  the  dining  room.  I  had  known  him  quite 
intimately  for  some  years  before,  having  made  his  acquaintance  first,  in  the  year 
1886.  I  consider  that  I  was  in  a  good  position  for  forming  an  estimate  of  his 
character,  and  the  conclusion  I  reached  was,  that  he  was  a  public  man,  who  was 
governed  by  his  convictions,  and  that  probity  and  patriotism  were  leading  fea 
tures  of  his  character.  While,  perhaps,  not  endowed  by  nature  with  a  very 
unusual  degree  of  mental  power,  he  had  made  his  way  to  the  front  through  in 
domitable  industry  and  energy.  He  was  a  close  and  diligent  student,  who 
worked  out  his  cases  thoroughly,  mastering  all  questions  with  which  he  had  to 
deal,  and  he  had  secured  for  himself  the  reputation  of  being  an  almost  infallible 
authority  upon  financial  questions.  He  was,  in  my  estimation,  a  most  remark 
able  man,  and  one  belonging  to  that  type  of  statesmen,  who  will  always  act  as 
a  safe-guard  against  popular  recklessness,  and  all  forces  fostering  national  im 
morality,  and  who  will  exercise  an  influence  in  all  cases,  designed  to  promote 
the  good  of  the  community  and  of  the  nation." 


474  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

us."  Owing  to  his  ardent  espousal  of  a  protective  tariff,  Mr.  Ding- 
ley  was  charged  with  being  unfriendly  to  close  trade  relations  with 
Canada.  The  contrary,  however,  was  true.  He  simply  insisted 
that  Canada  should  give  the  United  States  something  in  return  for 
the  admission  of  Canada's  goods  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Dingley  rested  four  weeks  at  his  home  in  Lewiston,  ap 
pearing  in  public  but  twice — lecturing  before  the  students  of  He 
bron  academy  and  delivering  an  address  to  the  students  of  Bates 
college. 

From  early  manhood  to  the  day  of  his  death  Mr.  Dingley  conse 
crated  his  life  to  his  Divine  Master.  He  lost  no  opportunity  to  tell 
in  earnest  words  of  the  sanctifying  power  of  the  gospel.  At  home 
he  was  a  regular  attendant  at  church  and  joined  his  Christian 
brothers  in  prayer.  On  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  Washington 
for  the  last  time,  he  attended  a  service  of  prayer  at  the  Pine  street 
Congregational  church,  and  exhorted  all,  especially  the  young  men 
present,  to  avail  themselves  of  every  opportunity  to  promote  the 
culture  of  their  spiritual  natures  and  thus  build  themselves  up  in 
the  most  holy  faith.  He  then  added :  "If  it  were  my  last  word  to 
you,  I  would  say,  make  it  the  business  of  your  lives  to  build  up  noble 
Christian  characters,  and  you  will  never  regret  it."  Thus  his  life 
was  made  potent  for  good  through  his  love  for  and  faith  in  the 
crucified  Redeemer. 

Mr.  Dingley  was,  as  usual,  re-elected  in  September  by  a  large 
majority.  On  the  ninth  of  November  he  started  for  Washington 
to  again  meet  with  the  joint  high  commission.  November  12  the 
commission  in  a  body  called  on  the  president  at  the  White  House. 
Senator  Fairbanks  formally  introduced  them  to  the  president  and 
the  British  and  Canadian  commissioners,  and  the  executive  received 
all  with  his  usual  ease  and  grace.  On  the  sixteenth,  the  president 
gave  a  dinner  to  the  commission  in  the  state  dining  room  of  the 
White  House.  It  was  a  very  elaborate  and  enjoyable  affair. 

The  commission  secured  quarters  in  the  annex  of  the  Arlington 
hotel,  and  resumed  their  deliberations.  They  met  every  morning 
behind  closed  doors,  and  often  evenings,  when  social  duties  did  not 
interfere.  A  dinner  at  Secretary  Hay's,  another  at  Senator  Fair 
banks'  and  still  another  at  Mr.  Foster's,  deprived  Mr.  Dingley  of 
his  accustomed  rest;  and  before  congress  assembled  December  5, 
he  was  compelled  to  acknowledge  that  his  health  was  somewhat  im 
paired.  Saturday  night,  December  3,  he  attended  a  dinner  given 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  475 

by  the  Gridiron  club.  It  was  a  distinguished  gathering  of  men,  in 
cluding  the  president  and  members  of  his  cabinet,  the  visiting 
British  and  Canadian  commissioners,  General  Garcia  of  Cuban 
fame,  and  the  leading  army  and  naval  heroes  of  the  war  with  Spain, 
including  General  Miles,  General  Shafter,  Admirals  Sampson  and 
Schley.  Mr.  Dingley  sat  between  General  Miles  and  General 
Garcia.  At  midnight  he  retired  visibly  worn  out.  He  looked  care 
worn  and  overtaxed.  His  nearest  friends  expressed  a  fear  that  his 
health  would  give  way. 

Society  was  entirely  foreign  to  Mr.  Dingley's  nature;  and  every 
formal  dinner  he  attended  was  a  severe  tax  on  his  str-r  ngth.  He 
was  modest  and  retiring  by  nature,  and  did  not  enjoy  ti/c  pomp  and 
ceremony  of  formal  social  occasions.  But  social  duties  in  Wash 
ington  are  as  exacting  as  official  duties ;  and  membership  on  a  joint 
high  commission  carries  with  it  social  duties  equivalent  to  those  of 
a  cabinet  officer  or  a  foreign  representative.  Mr.  Dingley  was  not 
accustomed  to  this — in  fact  during  his  long  residence  in  Washing 
ton  he  rarely  attended  formal  dinners  or  receptions. 

The  last  session  of  the  fifty-fifth  congress  assembled  December 
5  under  circumstances  of  unusual  interest.  The  same  congress,  six 
months  before,  had  declared  war  against  Spain ;  and  now  that  the 
war  was  successfully  over,  congress  met  to  confront  for  the  first 
time,  the  grave  questions  developed  by  the  eventful  months  pre 
ceding.  As  usual  all  Washington  turned  its  attention  to  the  capi- 
tol  to  witness  the  opening  scenes.  Long  before  noon  the  corridors 
were  filled  with  surging  crowds  of  people  all  pushing  towards  the 
galleries.  The  scene  on  the  floor  of  the  house  of  representatives 
was  brilliant  and  picturesque.  The  members  greeted  each  other 
with  congratulations  for  victory  or  condolences  for  defeat.  The 
political  world  as  centered  in  congress  is  one  ever-changing 
kaleidescope.  Members  come  and  go ;  the  leaders  of  today  are  for 
gotten  tomorrow. 

When  Mr.  Dingley  entered  the  hall  and  joined  the  crowd  of 
members,  he  received  an  ovation.  He  was  greeted  warmly  by  both 
Republicans  and  Democrats.  All  had  affection  for  him  rarely  dis 
played  in  the  field  of  politics. 

The  president's  message  referred  to  the  fact  that  "notwith 
standing  the  added  burden  of  the  war,  the  people  rejoice  in  the 
steadily  increasing  degree  of  prosperity  evidenced  by  the  largest 
volume  of  business  ever  recorded.  The  finances  of  the  government 
have  been  successfully  administered  and  its  credit  advanced  to  the 


476  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

first  rank."  The  message  brought  into  clear  light  the  splendid  re 
sults  of  the  far-seeing  labors  of  Mr.  Dingley  in  the  halls  of  congress. 
It  was  indeed  a  complete  vindication  of  his  wise  policy. 

The  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  islands  and  the  probable  rati 
fication  of  the  treaty  with  Spain,  annexing  Porto  Rico  and  the 
Philippine  islands,  brought  many  new  problems  in  connection  with 
the  customs  and  revenue  laws.  All  these  questions  presented  them 
selves  to  Mr.  Dingley's  active  and  analytical  mind,  with  intense  ser 
iousness.  He  foresaw  many  of  the  difficulties  that  would  follow  in 
the  wake  of  the  war  with  Spain,  but  hoped  that  the  atmosphere 
would  soon  clear.  The  attitude  of  the  United  States  toward  Cuba 
was  also  a  problem  to  be  solved,  and  the  leaders  of  the  embryo 
Cuban  republic  held  frequent  and  long  conferences  with  him  in  his 
committee  room.  His  clear  comprehension  of  the  questions,  was  a 
marvel  to  all  who  conferred  with  him.  The  room  of  the  committee 
on  ways  and  means  was1  turned  into  a  general  reception  room  every 
day  from  ten  in  the  morning  until  late  at  night.  Mr.  Dingley's  time 
and  strength  were  taxed  by  delegations  and  members  of  congress, 
all  asking  for  information  and  advice.  He  was  sought  after  more 
than  any  man  in  congress.  He  carried  in  his  head  the  figures  of  the 
reports  of  the  treasury  department;  he  held  in  his  mind  the  deci 
sions  of  the  supreme  court,  and  tariff  schedules.  He  discussed  in 
telligently,  questions  of  constitutional  law,  and  matters  pertain 
ing  to  the  joint  high  commission.  He  listened  to  applicants  for 
offices  and  kept  close  watch  of  the  proceedings  of  the  house.  The 
physical  and  mental  strain  was  tremendous.  He  put  his  best 
thought  to  every  question  and  threw  himself  into  his  work  as 
though  his  brain  was  of  steel  and  his  muscles  of  iron. 

To  be  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  and  floor 
leader,  during  great  national  crises,  is  of  itself  enough  to  tax  the 
strength  of  any  man ;  but  to  add  to  this  the  responsibility  of  solving 
wisely  and  well,  great  fiscal  problems  incident  to  a  decided  change 
in  governmental  policy,  and  to  carry  the  burdens  of  the  details  of 
an  international  commission  and  be  largely  responsible  for  the  re 
sults,  is  more  than  one  man  should  undertake.  It  was  this  multi 
plicity  of  cares  and  burdens,  together  with  social  demands  to  which 
he  was  unaccustomed,  that  finally  proved  too  much  for  him  to  bear. 

December  8,  Mr.  Dingley  gave  a  luncheon  in  the  house  to  the 
British  and  Canadian  commissioners  and  their  wives.  Speaker 
Reed  was  an  invited  guest  and  entertained  in  his  inimitable  manner. 
It  was  a  simple  affair,  where  no  wines  whatever  were  s 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  477 

Mr.  Dingley  held  the  laboring  oar  on  the  joint  high  commis 
sion.  It  was  upon  him  that  the  country  and  the  administration 
largely  depended  not  to  permit  a  jug-handle  arrangement.  As  the 
adviser  of  the  American  commissioners  he  was  shrewd  enough  to 
have  a  tentative  settlement  made  of  all  questions  before  taking  up 
the  subject  of  reciprocity.  Outwitted  by  the  American  commis 
sioners,  the  one  hope  of  the  Canadians  was  to  secure  concessions 
from  the  United  States  in  the  matter  of  reciprocity,  of  sufficient 
importance  to  offset  antagonism  to  such  manifest  surrenders  as 
were  involved  in  the  settlement  of  the  north  Atlantic  fisheries  dis 
pute,  the  Behring  sea  seal  fisheries  and  the  question  of  war  ships  on 
the  lakes.  The  Canadians  began  the  conference  having  four  main 
objects  to  secure — free  lumber,  free  lead  ore,  free  agricultural  pro 
ducts  and  free  fish.  Three  of  these  concessions  were  refused,  while 
in  the  matter  of  agricultural  products  the  American  proposals  were 
not  what  Canada  hoped  for.  The  Canadian  commissioners  were 
outmatched  in  diplomacy,  and  were  not  assisted  by  Lord 
Herschell,  the  British  representative,  who  would  not  agree  to  any 
thing  that  imperiled  the  continuance  of  the  good  will  between  Eng 
land  and  the  United  States. 

The  import  duty  of  two  dollars  per  thousand  on  lumber  (al 
though  less  than  the  average  rate  per  cent  carried  in  the  law  of 
1897)  was  attacked  by  a  good  many  American  lumbermen  owning 
stumpage  in  Canada  along  the  shores  of  the  great  lakes.  Great 
pressure  was  brought  to  bear  on  the  American  commissioners  to 
have  this  duty  reduced.  Mr.  Dingley  urged  a  yielding  in  this  mat 
ter,  in  the  hope  that  it  might  lead  to  a  successful  termination  of  the 
negotiations.  But  the  Canadian  commissioners,  discouraged  at  the 
outlook  and  anxious  to  return  to  their  homes,  agreed  to  an  ad 
journment  December  20  until  after  the  holidays.  For  four  weeks 
Mr.  Dingley  attended  the  sessions  of  the  commission  in  Washing 
ton.  His  courteous  manner  and  his  comprehensive  grasp  of  the 
questions  involved,  won  the  love,  respect  and  admiration  of  his  as 
sociate  commissioners.  The  commissioners  separated,  some  of 
them  for  the  last  time,  with  the  warmest  regard  for  each  other  and 
hopeful  that  future  deliberations  might  be  productive  of  more  tan 
gible  results. 

The  activity  and  fertility  of  Mr.  Dingley's  mind  during  these 
weeks  of  tremendous  pressure  and  excitement,  was  a  marvel  to  his 
family  and  friends.  To  members  of  congress  and  representatives  of 
metropolitan  papers,  he  gave  much  time  to  the  discussion  of  the 


478  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

problems  of  the  future.  He  gave  to  a  New  York  paper  1  a  remark 
able  analysis  of  the  probable  fiscal  situation  of  "Greater  United 
States,"  forecasting  with  wonderful  accuracy  the  events  of  the 
future.  He  made  perfectly  clear  the  "open  door"  policy  by  saying : 
"It  means  simply  equality  of  treatment  and  not  free  trade.  As  ap 
plied  to  the  Philippines  it  would  mean  that  imports  from  Great 
Britain  and  all  other  foreign  countries  are  to  be  admitted  at 
the  same  rates  of  duty  as  imports  from  the  United  States.  Of 
course  this  policy  could  not  be  applied  to  the  Philippines  if  they 
should  be  admitted  into  the  union  with  a  territorial  form  of  govern 
ment,  because  the  constitution  provides  that  duties  shall  be  uni 
form  throughout  the  United  States.  Whether  it  would  be  possible 
to  apply  this  policy  to  the  Philippines  after  they  should  become  a 
part  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States  I  am  not  prepared  to  say. 
It  is  noticeable,  however,  that  in  the  resolution  for  the  annexation 
of  Hawaii,  passed  at  the  last  session  of  the  present  congress,  it  was 
provided  that  the  Hawaiian  tariff  shall  continue  in  force  until  con 
gress  shall  otherwise  determine.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  how 
ever,  that  the  present  talk  about  an  open  door  policy  for  the  Philip 
pines  is  intended  to  apply  entirely  to  those  islands  while  under  a 
military  administration,  and  do  not  apply  to  those  islands  after  they 
have  been  formally  recognized  by  congress  as  a  part  of  the  United 
States. 

"Of  course,  it  would  be  competent  for  the  Paris  commissioners 
to  incorporate  in  the  treaty  with  Spain  a  provision  granting  to 
Spanish  imports  into  the  Philippines  equality  of  treatment  with  im 
ports  from  the  United  States  for  a  term  of  years,  and  that  provision 
in  the  treaty,  when  ratified  by  the  senate  and  projected  into  law  by 
congress,  would  be  the  law  of  the  land. 

"In  the  discussion  of  the  'open  door'  policy,  I  notice  that 
many  papers  assume  that  it  is  the  uniform  policy  of  Great  Britain 
in  her  relations  with  her  colonies.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  how 
ever,  that  there  is  a  conspicuous  exception  in  this  in  the  case  of 
Canada,  her  most  important  colony,  which  admits  imports  from 
Great  Britain  at  25  per  cent  less  duty  than  they  are  admitted  from 
the  United  States  and  other  countries.  It  is  undersood  that  this 
policy  was  adopted  by  Canada,  if  not  on  the  suggestion,  at  least 
with  the  approval,  of  Mr.  Chamberlain,  British  secretary  for  the 
colonies,  and  that  he  is  urging  other  colonies  to  give  a  similar 
preference  to  that  country. 

1 — The  New  York  World. 


NELSON_DINGLEY  JR.  479 

"It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  a  very  vital  point  as  to  reve 
nue  is  involved  in  the  possible  admission  of  Porto  Rico,  Cuba  and 
the  Philippines  into  the  union  as  territories  or  states.  These  tropi 
cal  islands  are  capable  of  producing  every  pound  of  sugar  and 
many  other  tropical  products  that  the  United  States  consumes.  If 
they  should  be  admitted  to  the  union  in  such  a  manner  as  to  extend 
our  tariff  over  them  and  thereby  allow  the  free  importation  of  their 
products,  we  would  probably  lose  not  less  than  $60,000,000  of  reve 
nue  annually,  which  would  be  a  very  serious  situation  under  exist 
ing  conditions. 

"All  of  these  difficulties  only  serve  to  emphasize  the  soundness 
of  the  suggestion  that  the  true  policy  for  the  next  year  is  to  con 
tinue  the  military  administration  of  whatever  islands  fall  into  our 
hands,  and  in  the  meantime  make  such  a  thorough  investigation  of 
every  phase  of  the  serious  problems  which  must  be  met,  which 
will  properly  prepare  us  to  meet  them  with  wise  legislation." 

Thus  Mr.  Dingley  outlined  his  position  and  the  wise  policy  for 
the  country  to  pursue,  before  the  treaty  of  Paris  was  ratified;  be 
fore  the  controversy  over  the  Porto  Rican  tariff  had  arisen,  and  be 
fore  the  cry  of  "anti-imperialism"  was  thought  of.  He  was  opposed 
to  free  trade  between  the  new  possessions  and  the  United  States 
proper.  He  was  in  favor  of  governing  them  as  dependencies  under 
the  constitutional  provision  authorizing  congress  "to  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other 
property  of  the  United  States." 

To  a  New  York  paper  l  he  gave  the  following  hopeful  New 
Year's  sentiment  regarding  the  national  and  commercial  outlook : 
"The  year  1899  gives  promise  of  better  times  and  a  larger  degree  of 
happiness  to  the  American  people.  As  we  look  back  over  the  cen 
tury  and  note  our  marvelous  progress,  industrially  and  socially,  we 
renew  our  faith  in  our  future  greatness  and  glory.  We  are  on  the 
threshold  of  a  new  era  into  which  we  have  been  ushered  by  the  re 
sults  of  a  victorious  war.  What  this  new  era  will  bring  no 
body  can  foretell ;  but  as  we  round  out  the  nineteenth  century  and 
look  with  satisfaction  upon  the  past  we  await  the  coming  of  the 
twentieth  century  with  renewed  hope  and  courage.  The  year  1899, 
with  its  new  and  perplexing  problems,  will  again  demonstrate  to 
the  world  the  power  and  possibilities  of  this  great  republic." 

On  the  evening  of  December  13,  Mr.  Dingley  presided  over  a 
Christian  citizenship  convention.  His  brief  address  was  beautiful 

1— New  York  Herald. 


480  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

and  lofty.  On  the  evening  of  the  fifteenth  he  dined  with  Vice 
President  Hobart.  On  the  following  day  he  made  a  short  speech  1 
in  the  house  on  the  bank  bill.  This  was  the  last  speech  he  delivered 
in  the  house.  On  the  evening  of  December  18  at  a  Sabbath  union 
meeting,  in  simple  and  touching  language,  he  again  told  of  his  love 
of  Christ  and  his  faith  in  the  cross.  Those  who  heard  him  were 
moved  to  tears  and  many  thought  later  that  the  great  statesman 
had  some  premonition  of  the  immediate  future.  At  all  events,  it 
was  deeply  significant  that  his  last  public  address  was  on  a  subject 
always  nearest  his  heart  and  ever  the  key  to  his  life — Christian  con 
secration  to  daily  work. 

Congress  adjourned  for  a  brief  holiday  rest  and  Mr.  Dingley 
gladly  took  advantage  of  it.  He  was  tired  mentally  and  bodily. 
The  burden  was  greater  than  he  could  bear.  The  death  of  Senator 
Morrill  of  Vermont  two  days  after  Christmas,  was  an  added  shock 
to  Mr.  Dingley,  for  the  venerable  statesman  was  an  associate  of  and 
co-laborer  with  Mr.  Dingley,  for  years.  They  were  warm  personal 
friends ;  and  few  dreamed  that  these  two  men  whose  names  were  to 
be  forever  linked  with  notable  tariff  laws  and  great  historical 
epochs,  would  soon  be  reunited  on  the  other  shore. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-ninth  of  December,  Mr.  Dingley 
was  first  taken  ill.  He  complained  of  severe  pains  and  troubles  in 
his  head,  but  thought  it  was  only  a  severe  cold.  On  the  thirtieth  he 
was  still  confined  to  his  bed,  but  as  yet  there  were  no  serious  symp 
toms.  He  was  to  have  delivered  an  address  l  at  the  Brooklyn 
museum  of  arts  and  sciences  January  6,  but  dictated  a  letter  ask 
ing  for  a  postponement  of  the  event  to  January  20.  He  had  thrown 
his  whole  heart  and  soul  into  the  preparation  of  this  address  and 
felt  keenly  the  disappointment.  On  the  last  day  of  December 
pneumonia  developed  and  family  and  friends  became  alarmed. 

The  new  year  came  and  with  it  came  more  danger  to  the  suf 
ferer,  and  more  anxiety  for  the  wife  and  daughter  who  kept  cease 
less  vigil  at  his  bedside.  January  3  the  stricken  man  was  mentally 
disturbed  and  never  again  was  completely  rational.  His  mind 
wandered,  and  he  continually  talked  about  public  matters — con 
gress  and  the  commission. 

The  news  of  Mr.  Dingley's  serious  illness  caused  deep  regrei 
among  members  of  congress  who  assembled  again  January  4.  The 
blind  chaplain  in  the  house  in  his  opening  invocation,  referred  feel 
ingly  to  the  critical  illness  of  Mr.  Dingley  and  prayed  fervently 
for  his  speedy  recovery. 

1 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  481 

Two  sons  arrived  at  the  bedside  of  their  devoted  father  January 
7.  They  brought  comfort  to  the  anxious  wife  and  daughter,  but 
could  give  none  to  the  fond  father.  For  five  days  the  statesman's 
life  hung  in  the  balance.  Everything  that  physicians'  skill  could 
suggest  was  done  to  cope  with  the  dread  disease.  But  his  heart 
could  not  stand  the  strain  and  for  four  days  he  was  kept  alive  by 
artificial  means. 

Anxiety  over  Mr.  Dingley's  illness  was  not  confined  to  Wash 
ington  nor  to  Maine.  It  spread  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  land.  The  president,  members  of  the  cabinet,  members  of 
the  supreme  court,  diplomats,  senators  and  representatives,  called 
daily  for  reports  from  his  bedside.  Messages  of  hope  and  sympathy 
came  from  every  quarter.  The  fear  of  his  death  chilled  the  heart  of 
the  nation.  Never  since  Garfield,  stricken  by  an  assassin's  bullet 
and  hovering  for  weeks  in  the  shadow  of  eternity,  had  there  been 
such  widespread  anxiety  over  the  condition  of  a  public  man.  The 
universal  sentiment  was,  that  the  country  could  not  spare  such  a 
man  as  Mr.  Dingley. 

The  fight  which  this  apparently  frail  man  made  against  death 
was  remarkable.  The  anxious  wife  watched  with  aching  heart  the 
slightest  symptom  of  an  abatement  of  the  disease.  Once  the  weak 
ened  patient  seemed  to  have  some  momentary  return  of  conscious 
ness  for  he  slightly  pressed  the  hand  of  his  weeping  wife  and  whis 
pered  her  name.  Sweet  moment !  That  night  was  one  of  ceaseless 
vigil  and  anxiety.  The  worst  was  feared.  At  9  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  January  13,  the  patient  had  a  sinking  spell  and  it  was 
then  feared  that  the  end  was  near.  All  day  long  that  great  brain 
wandered  over  the  wide  field  of  public  events  which  it  had  so  com 
pletely  mastered.  All  day  long  that  tender  heart  struggled  to  do  its 
work.  All  day  long  hope  grew  fainter  and  fainter.  The  sun  went 
down  on  a  land  blessed  by  this  ebbing  life.  The  stars  appeared  as  if 
to  guide  him  to  the  arms  of  the  Almighty.  An  hour  before  mid 
night  his  spirit  departed  to  join  his  sainted  parents.  Death  came 
peacefully  and  he  passed  into  eternity  as  one  asleep.  His  life  work 
was  done. 

Thus  in  the  height  of  his  power;  when  a  grateful  country 
crowned  him  as  its  most  conspicuous  benefactor ;  at  the  dawn  of  a 
new  era  in  our  national  history  requiring  wise  statesmanship,  Mr. 
Dingley  was  called  home.  The  news  of  his  death  cast  a  profound 
gloom  over  the  city  of  Washington,  and  the  whole  nation.  Mes- 


482 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 


sages  1  of  sorrow  came  from  every  state  and  from  abroad.  Presi 
dent  McKinley  sent  the  following  note,  written  with  his  own  hand, 
shortly  before  midnight : 

Executive  Mansion,  Jan.  13. 

"To  Dear  Mrs.  Dingley :  I  have  at  this  moment  learned  of  the 
death  of  your  distinguished  husband  and  write  to  express  the  pro 
found  sorrow  which  both  Mrs.  McKinley  and  myself  feel  for  you  in 
your  great  affliction. 

"We  mourn  with  you  in  this  overwhelming  loss  which  will  be 
deeply  felt  by  the  whole  country.  From  my  long  and  intimate  as- 

1 — Mrs.  Dingley  was  in  receipt  of  the  following  letters  of  condolence:  — 

State  Department,  January  14. 

Dear  Mrs.  Dingley — My  wife  joins  me  in  expressions  of  sincere  sympathy  in 
your  profound  grief.  We  have  lost  a  great  statesman,  endowed  with  eminent 
gifts  of  mind  and  character.  I  hope  it  may  be  some  consolation  in  your  sorrows 
to  know  the  whole  country  is  mourning  with  you.  I  am,  with  heartfelt  sympa 
thy,  sincerely  yours,  JOHN  HAY. 


Navy  Department,  "Washington,  January  14. 

My  Dear  Mrs.  Dingley— I  have  called  several  times  during  Mr.  Dingley's  ill 
ness,  and  again  this  morning,  on  hearing  of  his  death,  to  show  the  profound  in 
terest,  which,  in  common  with  others,  I  have  felt  in  his  behalf.  I  know  that  no 
word  can  relieve  your  sorrow,  but  I  take  the  liberty  to  express  my  sympathy, 
and  also  my  appreciation  of  his  long,  useful  and  distinguished  career.  As  a 
native  of  the  district  he  so  ably  represented,  and  almost  a  neighbor,  I  know  that 
among  his  constituents  the  news  of  his  death  will  be  especially  deplored.  There 
was  no  better  man  in  the  public  service. 

If  I  can  be  of  any  service,  I  trust  you  will  command  me,  and  believe  me, 
sincerely  yours,  JOHN  D.  LONG. 


Treasury  Department,  Washington,  January  14. 

Dear  Madam — While  your  family  weeps,  a  nation  mourns.  The  legendary 
ingratitude  of  republics  is  refuted.  The  character  and  public  service  of  Nelson 
Dingley  are  appreciated,  gratefully  recognized  and  will  not  be  forgotten.  His 
tory  will  faithfully  preserve  the  record  of  his  intelligent  zeal  and  his  loyal  de 
votion  to  the  public  good. 

I  cannot  forbear  to  put  in  evidence  my  testimony  to  his  virtues.  My  relations 
to  him  were  official  rather  than  personal.  Because  of  this,  principally,  I  was  en 
abled  to  comprehend  the  great  reach  of  his  mind,  his  vast  knowledge  of  public 
affairs  as  related  to  questions  of  the  National  revenue  and  the  public  expendi 
ture.  His  accurate  judgment  in  all  questions  of  currency  and  finance  clothed 
him  with  conceded  authority,  while  the  purity  of  his  personal  character  and  the 
uprightness  of  his  motives  won  the  confidence  and  loving  respect  of  all.  Truly 
a  great  man  has  fallen.  Your  personal  bereavement  and  the  grief  of  his  children 
may  be  assuaged — if  any  abatement  can  be  found— in  the  fact  that  your  loss  is 
also  our  loss;  that  many,  many  thousands  of  whom  you  can  never  know,  stand 
in  reverent  but  tender  sympathy,  with  your  affliction.  Sincerely  yours, 

LYMAN  GAGE. 


The  Shoreham,  Washington,  January  14. 

Mr.  Dear  Mrs.  Dingley.  I  wish  to  say  how  much  we  all  have  felt  the  death  of 
your  late  husband.  For  him  I  learned  to  feel  a  sincere  regard.  Our  few  months 
of  association  on  the  joint  high  commission  has  taught  me  to  appreciate  his 
worth  as  a  man  as  well  as  a  statesman.  His  surviving  colleagues  on  the  commis 
sion  will  doubtless  unite  in  some  fitting  tribute  of  regard  and  respect  for  him, 
but  I  thought  I  would  like  to  express  to  you  and  your  daughter  my  own  personal 
•sympathy  in  this,  your  great  affliction,  and  I  know  if  my  wife  was  here  she 
would  like  to  join  her  sympathy  with  mine.  Believe  me  to  be,  yours  faithfully, 

L.  H.  DA  VIES. 


House  of  Representatives,  Washington,  January  14. 

Dear  Mrs.  Dingley: — No  death  has  occurred  in  years  which  has  caused  such 
sincere  and  profound  sorrow  as  that  of  Mr.  Dingley.    No  member  of  the  house 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  483 

sociation  with  him,  it  comes  to  me  as  a  personal  bereavement.  A 
great  consolation  in  this  sad  hour  is  a  recollection  of  Mr.  Dingley's 
exalted  character,  his  domestic  virtues,  his  quiet,  useful,  distin 
guished  life  and  his  long  continued  and  faithful  services  in  behalf 
of  his  fellow  citizens  who  will  always  cherish  his  memory  as  that  of 
a  great  statesman  and  true  patriot. 

"With  sympathy,  believe  me,  always,  sincerely, 

"Wm.  McKinley." 

Speaker  Reed  called  to  express  his  grief  and  sorrow.  The  last 
inducement  for  him  to  remain  in  congress  was  now  gone.  He  de 
clared  that  he  had  never  seen  deeper  solicitude  manifested  for  any 
man.  "Mr.  Dingley's  loss  will  be  deeply  felt,"  he  said.  Other 
members  of  congress,  members  of  the  supreme  court  and  many  offi 
cials  came  to  personally  express  their  profound  sorrow.  Senator 
Hale  said  that  "in  the  present  condition  of  public  affairs,  Mr.  Ding- 
ley's  death  is  a  great  national  loss." 

The  house  met  the  following  day  under  circumstances  of  deep 
and  universal  sorrow.  The  desk  which  Mr.  Dingley  had  occupied 

of  representatives  has  so  thoroughly  impressed  himself  upon  the  country  as  a 
conscientious  and  able  statesman.  Mr.  Dingley  and  myself  entered  the  LXVIIth 
congress  together,  and  his  entire  career  has  been  a  model  for  the  people  of  our 
country  to  follow.  We  have  many  very  excellent  men  in  congress,  but  I  fear  it 
will  be  a  long  time  before  our  country  can  boast  of  a  man  who  has  all  the  ex 
cellent  qualities  of  your  distinguished  husband.  My  family  and  myself  express 
to  you  our  deepest  sympathy.  With  very  high  regards,  truly  your  friend, 

JOSEPH  WHEELER. 


January  15,  1899. 

Dear  Mrs.  Dingley:  I  hardly  dare  intrude  on  you  at  such  a  time,  but  I  can 
not  resist  the  imnulse  to  tell  you  how  heartfealt  is  my  sympathy  with  you  in  the 
terrible  blow  which  has  fallen  upon  you.  It  is  scarcely  six  months  since  I  first 
came  to  know  him  whose  loss  you  are  mourning,  but  the  kindness  and  transpar 
ent  sincerity  of  his  nature  soon  won  my  real  regard,  and  I  feel  that  I  have  to  de 
plore  the  loss  not  of  a  mere  acquaintance  but  of  a  friend.  The  sense  of  personal 
loss  for  the  moment  dominates  all  else.  But  the  members  of  the  international 
commission  who  have  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  his  valued  assistance  will  in 
creasingly  realize  of  how  much  they  have  been  deprived. 

Would  that  I  could  do  anything  to  lighten  your  burden.  Words,  however 
sincere,  seem  on  an  occasion  like  this  so  cold  and  lifeless.  But  the  consolations 
that  are  possible  you  have  in  abundance — the  memory  of  a  life  devoted  not  to 
selfish  aims  but  to  public  good,  and  the  consciousness  that  multitudes  are  in 
their  measure  sharing  your  sorrow  and  honoring  that  memory.  Believe  me 
with  deepest  sympathy,  very  sincerely  yours,  HERSCHELL. 


Indianapolis,  January  17,  1899. 

Mrs.  Dingley:  I  watched  with  the  most  solicitous  anxiety  the  daily  reports 
from  your  husband's  bedside  and  received  the  news  of  his  death  with  a  deep 
sense  of  loss  and  sorrow.  He  was  so  wise  and  true  and  so  much  trusted  that  I 
could  not  believe  he  would  be  taken  from  us  in  the  hour  when  the  country  most 
needed  him.  It  will  give  you,  after  a  while,  comfort  to  know  how  he  was  es 
teemed  and  honored,  but  in  the  present,  you  will  find  that  God's  good  promises 
and  His  grace  are  your  only  refuge.  Will  you  please  accept  the  sympathy  of, 
your  friend,  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


Mr.  Dear  Mrs.  Dingley:  I  cannot  express  my  full  sense  of  sorrow  over  the 
death  of  your  distinguished  husband.  It  is  an  irreparable  loss  to  the  nation  and 
to  every  one  of  its  citizens  and  as  such  lamented  throughout  the  whole  land. 
Very  sincerely  your  friend,  GARRETT  A.  HOBART. 


484 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 


as  floor  leader  of  the  house,  in  the  center  of  the  republican  side  of 
the  chamber,  was  heavily  draped  in  crepe  1  while  on  top  was  a  pro 
fusion  of  flowers.  As  the  speaker  entered  the  chamber  a  hush  fell 
upon  the  members  as  they  rose  and  with  bowed  heads  listened  to 
the  tender  tribute  from  the  chaplain  who  said  of  the  departed :  ''He 
leaves  behind  a  record  of  distinguished  services  and  of  unblemished 

1 — Congressman  Champ  Clark  of  Missouri,  looked  over  from  his  seat  on  the 
Democratic  side  at  the  black  draped  desk  of  Mr.  Dingley,  banked  with  beautiful 
flowers,  says  the  St.  Louis  Globe  Democrat.  A  faint  shadow — the  suggestion 
which  strong  men  give  of  stifled  tears — crossed  his  powerful,  clean  cut  face.  It 
was  gone  with  the  instant,  and  then,  as  he  settled  back  in  his  chair,  his  counte 
nance  was  lighted  with  a  gentle  smile  born  of  pleasant  recollections. 

"It  is  rather  peculiar,"  he  said,  "how  I  came  to  know  Gov.  Dingley  as  he 
really  was.  When  I  came  here  to  the  forty-third  congress  I  at  once  began  to 
study  character  in  the  house.  The  study  of  character  is  a  fad  of  mine.  I  have 
always  been  an  observer  of  men,  and,  I  flatter  myself,  I  can  size  them  up  most 
as  well  as  any  man  living.  After  I  had  been  studying  the  big  men  of  congress 
for  two  years  I  began  to  write  about  them  for  the  public  press.  One  of  the  first 
sketches  I  wrote  was  that  of  Gov.  Dingley.  I  had  sat  in  my  seat  for  two  years 
watching  him,  listening  to  everything  he  said,  taking  in  all  of  his  peculiarities, 
hearing  what  other  people  had  to  say  about  him,  and  I  fancied  I  knew  him.  The 
sketch  which  I  wrote  was  a  cold-blooded  analysis.  There  was  nothing  abusive  in 
it — I  meant  to  be  entirely  fair — but  it  depicted  him  in  colors  as  somber  as  his 
public  manner.  His  personality,  according  to  my  picture,  was  cold,  intolerant, 
unkindly.  So  much  for  what  I  then  thought  of  him. 

"When  I  came  back  to  this  congress  I  was  suffering  from  an  affliction  of  the 
throat.  Some  one  in  the  house  recommended  an  old  Dutch  doctor  here  who  is 
a  specialist  on  throat  diseases.  I  found  out  Dingley  was  going  to  this  doctor  for 
a  similar  affliction  to  mine.  I  asked  him  about  the  doctor,  and  he  told  me  he  had 
done  him  a  lot  of  good.  So  I  went  to  him  myself. 

"One  day  when  Gov.  Dingle>  and  I  met  in  the  doctor's  offlce  a  severe  storm 
came  up,  and  the  doctor  cautioned  us  against  going  out  until  it  was  over.  There 
we  were,  stuck  for  an  hour  or  more.  I  had  read  everything  on  the  table,  so  there 
was  nothing  left  for  me  to  do  but  to  talk  to  Dingley.  I  may  say  that  conversa 
tion  was  one  of  the  most  interesting  I  have  ever  held  with  any  man  in  my  life. 
At  its  conclusion  Gov.  Dingley  appeared  to  me  in  an  entirely  new  light.  I  didn't 
know  just  what  to  talk  to  him  about,  and  so  I  thought  I  would  learn  something 
from  his  vast  experience. 

"  'Governor,'  I  said  to  him,  'suppose  you  knew  a  young  man  who  had  come  to 
congress  with  great  ambition  to  succeed  in  public  life,  and  who  had  a  reason 
able  assurance  that  he  could  stay  there  for  a  long  time,  what  advice  would  you 
give  him?' 

"The  philosophy  of  his  reply  was  worthy  of  Bacon.  'Of  course,'  he  said,  'I 
need  not  tell  you  that  there  are  just  four  great  committees  in  the  house— the 
ways  and  means,  the  appropriations,  the  judiciary  and  foreign  affairs.'  He  then 
went  on  to  tell  me  the  advantages  of  each,  and  the  information  he  gave  me 
showed  a  wonderful  comprehension  of  all  the  possibilities.  Then  he  said — and 
this  is  where  the  philosophy  comes  in: 

"  'In  order  to  make  a  great  name  for  himself  in  congress  a  man  must  be  a 
specialist.  I  have  been  in  congress  for  many  years  and  I  have  watched  and 
studied  men  as  they  have  come  and  gone.  It  is  safe  to  say,  barring  a  few  acci 
dents,  that  every  man  elected  to  congress  has  a  superficial  knowledge  of  nearly 
every  subject  within  the  range  of  political  affairs.  I  always  listen  to  the  first 
speech  of  a  new  member.  When  I  have  listened  to  him  for  ten  minutes  I  can  tell 
whether  he  possesses  any  special  knowledge  on  the  subject  upon  which  he  is 
talking.  If  I  am  satisfied  that  he  has  not,  I  never  listen  to  him  again.  On  the 
contrary,  if  he  show  a  mastery  of  his  subject,  if  he  demonstrates  that  the 
knowledge  he  has  is  not  the  knowledge  every  other  member  has  or  could  obtain 
by  superficial  inquiry,  but  that  comprehension  which  comes  from  laborious  and 
intelligent  research,  then  I  hear  him  out,  and  always  listen  to  him  thereafter. 
If  a  man  be  a  specialist  on  a  subject,  if  he  knows  more  than  the  ordinary  con 
gressman  knows  or  can  hope  to  learn  by  mere  dabbling,  then  he  can  compel  con 
gress  to  listen  to  him,  and  he  rises  to  be  a  power.  That  is  the  secret  of  success 
here.'  , 

"He  then  went  on  to  tell  me  how  he  became  a  protectionist.  'I  know  you  are 
a  free  trader,'  he  said.  'So  was  I  when  I  came  out  of  college.'  This  astonished 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  485 

personal  worth  that  becomes  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  country." 
After  a  brief  and  feeling  announcement  by  Mr.  Boutelle,  the  house 
adjourned  as  a  further  mark  of  respect.  The  senate  also  adjourned 
at  the  same  hour. 

The  tribute  paid  the  memory  of  this  modest  man  on  the  six 
teenth  of  January,  in  the  house  of  representatives,  where  he  had  so 
long  been  such  a  commanding  figure,  was  almost  majestic  in  im- 
pressiveness.  The  president,  his  cabinet,  diplomats,  members  of 
the  supreme  court,  senate  and  house,  and  distinguished  men  in 
military  and  civil  life,  delegations  from  the  business  centers,  were 
arranged  about  the  bier  on  the  floor  of  the  hall, l  while  the  galleries 
were  occupied  by  the  families  of  those  upon  the  floor.  Never  be 
fore  was  such  an  honor  accorded  a  member  of  the  house.  For  an 
hour  before  the  exercises  began,  thousands  of  people  streamed 
through  the  main  doors,  and  gazed  upon  the  calm,  serene  features 

me  greatly.  'What  made  you  a  protectionist?'  I  asked  him.  His  story  was  that 
when  he  came  out  of  college  he  returned  to  his  home  some  place  up  in  Maine,  and 
it  was  the  transformation  he  saw  worked  out  there  under  the  Morrill  tariff  which 
converted  him.  The  valley  in  which  he  lived — I  can't  think  of  the  name — was 
rather  a  poor  country  agriculturally,  was  sparsely  settled,  and  seemed  to  have  no 
future.  At  that  time  we  had  the  Walker  tariff  in  this  country,  which  was  practi 
cally  free  trade.  When  the  Walker  tariff  was  repealed  and  the  Morrill  law  went 
into  effect,  some  manufacturers  desirious  of  taking  advantage  of  the  new  order 
came  up  into  Mr.  Dingley's  country  looking  for  a  site  for  a  factory..  It  happened 
that  in  this  valley  was  an  abundant  water  supply  and  the  manufacturers  con 
cluded  that  they  could  do  no  better  than  locate  there.  The  factory  was  built. 
It  gave  employment  to  a  large  number  of  men.  They  built  their  homes  close  by; 
they  became  consumers  of  the  products  which  the  farmers  in  that  section  could 
raise.  To  use  Mr.  Dingley's  words:  'Where  had  been  a  desolate  valley  and  a 
miserable  people  became  a  land  smiling  with  peace  and  plenty,  a  population 
prosperous  and  happy.'  This,  he  said,  had  led  him  to  revise  his  views,  and  the 
more  he  studied  the  subject  of  protection  and  free  trade  from  that  time  the  more 
firmly  did  he  become  convinced  that  the  greatest  prosperity  would  come  to  the 
country  through  the  policy  of  protection. 

"We  had  been  talking  for  an  hour  or  more  when  the  storm  broke,  and  we 
bundled  up  to  go.  I  always  considered  Gov.  Dingley  in  a  different  light  after  that 
conversation.  I  had  learned  that  when  once  you  knew  him  you  found  a  sincere, 
likable,  kindly  man." 

1— Order  of  service  at  the  funeral  of  Honorable  Nelson  Dingley,  late  a  repre 
sentative  from  the  state  of  Maine.  The  house  of  representatives  will  meet  at 
twelve  o'clock  noon,  January  16,  1899. 

The  body  of  the  late  Representative  Dingley  will  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  the 
house  at  10  a.  m.,  where  it  will  lie  in  state. 

The  president  of  the  United  States  and  his  cabinet,  the  Chief  justice  and  as 
sociate  justices  of  the  supreme  court,  the  diplomatic  corps,  the  major  genera\ 
commanding  the  army,  the  senior  admiral  of  the  navy,  and  the  commissioners 
of  the  District  of  Columbia  have  been  invited  to  attend  the  services. 

The  president  and  cabinet  will  meet  in  the  rooms  of  the  house  committee  on 
naval  affairs. 

The  supreme  court  will  meet  in  the  supreme  court  room. 

The  diplomatic  corps,  the  major  general  commanding  the  army,  the  senior 
admiral  of  the  navy,  and  the  commissioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia  will 
meet  in  the  ways  and  means  committee  room. 

The  pallbearers  and  committee  of  arrangement  will  meet  in  the  house  lobby. 

The  speaker's  room  will  be  reserved  for  the  members  of  the  family  and  the 
officiating  clergy.  » 

Seats  will  be  reserved  for  those  entitled  to  them  upon  the  floor,  to  which  they 
will  be  shown  by  the  doorkeeper. 


486  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

of  the  sleeping  statesman,  almost  lost  in  loving  flowers.  An  air  of 
deep  sadness  pervaded  the  hall  as  the  members  rose  to  listen  to  the 
brief  and  simple  prayer  of  the  chaplain.  Then  a  deep  hush  fell  upon 
the  assemblage.  Suddenly  out  of  the  loft  in  the  rear  of  the  press 
gallery  the  notes  of  an  organ  echoed  through  the  hall  the  first  time 
in  the  history  of  the  house  of  representatives.  Then  as  that  beauti 
ful  anthem  "Crossing  the  Bar" — 

"Sunset  and  evening  star 

And  one  clear  call  for  me — " 

was  sung,  many  were  moved  to  tears.  1  Rev.  S.  M.  Newman,  Mr. 
Dingley's  pastor  in  Washington,  pronounced  a  most  impressive 
eulogy.,2  At  the  request  of  the  family,  Mr.  Dingley's  favorite  hymn 
"Jesus  Lover  of  My  Soul,"  was  sung.  Tenderly  the  form  of  their 
beloved  and  revered  leader  was  borne  by  capitol  police  from  the 
house  of  representatives  to  a  special  train  in  waiting. 

It  was  a  sad  homeward  journey  for  the  devoted  family  and 
friends  of  the  departed  statesman.  The  bells  of  Lewiston  tolled  as 
the  train  entered  the  city.  There,  a  great  concourse  of  people  as- 

The  senate  will  enter  the  chamber  in  a  body  preceded  by  their  officers. 

The  president,  cabinet,  supreme  court,  general  commanding  the  army,  senior 
admiral  of  the  navy,  commissioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  the  family 
of  the  deceased  will  occupy  seats  on  the  floor  of  the  house  assigned  to  them  by 
the  doorkeeper. 

The  diplomatic  corps  will  occupy  seats  on  the  right  of  the  speaker  of  the 
house  and  in  front  of  the  senate  and  back  of  the  president  and  his  cabinet. 

The  senate  will  occupy  seats  on  the  right  of  the  speaker  of  the  house,  the 
house  of  representatives  on  the  left  of  the  speaker  of  the  house. 

Upon  the  announcement  by  the  speaker  of  the  house  the  clergy  will  conduct 
the  funeral  ceremonies,  and  upon  their  conclusion  the  body  will  remain  in  the 
hall  of  the  house  until  escorted  to  the  station. 

1— The  night  before  he  was  stricken  with  his  fatal  illness,  he  sat  in  front  of 
the  open  fire,  complaining  that  he  did  not  feel  well.  His  daughter  sat  at  the 
piano  playing  and  singing  new  songs  she  had  recently  purchased.  Among  them 
was  Neidlingar's  rendition  of  Tennyson's  sublime  poem— "Crossing  the  Bar." 

"Sunset  and  evening  star  and  one  clear  call  for  me 

And  may  there  be  no  moaning  of  the  bar 

When  I  put  out  to  sea. 

But  such  a  tide  as  moving  seems  asleep 

Too  full  for  sound  and  foam 

When  that  which  drew  from  out  the  boundless  deep 

Turns  again  home. 

Twilight  and  evening  bell  and  after  that  the  dark 
And  may  there  be  no  sadness  of  farewell 
When  I  embark. 

For  though  from  out  the  bourne  of  Time  and  Place 
The  flood  may  bear  me  far 
I  hope  to  see  my  pilot  face  to  face 
When  I  cross  the  bar." 

In  deep  silence  Mr.  Dingley  listened  to  the  singing  of  these  beautiful  words. 
Awakening  from  his  reverie  he  said  softly:  "Please  sing  them  again  for  me. 
my  dear.  I  am  so  fond  of  those  words." 

Like  some  soothing,  gentle  hand,  the  words  and  the  music  lulled  him  to  sleep. 
At  Mrs.  Dingley's  request  this  was  sung  at  the  funeral  services  In  the  hou§e 
of  representatives. 

2 — See  Appendix. 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  487 

sembled  with  uncovered  heads  and  weeping  eyes.  Mr.  Dingley 
was  genuinely  loved  in  Washington,  but  he  was  loved  more  in  his 
own  home.  Here  his  form  was  tenderly  borne  to  city  hall  and 
guarded  by  members  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  and  city 
police. 

The  scene  in  city  hall  was  most  impressive.  In  the  center  was 
erected  a  catafalque  beneath  which  the  sleeping  man  rested.  Here 
thousands  viewed  with  moist  eyes  the  face  of  their  friend  and 
benefactor.  One  woman,  plainly  dressed,  on  reaching  the  casket 
fell  on  her  knees,  raised  her  hands  above  her  head  and  exclaimed : 
"God  bless  the  saviour  of  my  husband  and  the  friend  of  my  son." 
The  day  on  which  the  earthly  form  of  Mr.  Dingley  was  placed 
in  the  tomb  dawned  fair  and  bright.  All  places  of  business  were 
closed,  and  the  mills,  shops  and  factories  shut  their  doors.  Bells 
tolled  solemnly  and  flags  were  at  half  mast.  The  people  moved 
about  with  hushed  voices  and  everything  was  still.  After  brief  and 
private  services  at  home  the  casket  was  removed  to  the  Pine 
street  Congregational  church  where  the  final  services  were  held. 
There  were  delegations  from  congress,  from  the  state  government, 
many  state  organizations  and  many  cities.  Rev.  George  M.  Howe, 
Mr.  Dingley's  home  pastor  made  a  touching  and  eloquent  address 
drawn  from  his  own  intercourse  with  his  departed  friend.  He 
closed  with  these  words : 

"We  leave  him  in  the  presence  of  the  glorified  Saviour  whom  he 
loved  so-  devotedly,  and  served  so  faithfully,  and  before  whom  we 
too  shall  stand  at  no  distant  day.  Farewell,  brother  beloved !  The 
world  is  lonelier  and  poorer  for  thy  departure  from  it,  but  Heaven 
is  richer. 

"The  Saviour's  diadem  is  made  resplendent  with  such  jewels  as 
thou  art.  We  did  not  realize  that  the  harvest  season  was  so  near. 
Thou  hast  gathered  thy  sheaves,  and  great  were  the  rejoicings  in 
Heaven  at  thy  coming !  'The  song  that  thou  heardest  was  the  sera- 
phims'  song/  a  song  mingled  with  the  glad  greetings  of  the  loved 
ones  gone  before.  'Blest  are  the  dead  that  die  in  the  Lord.'  " 

Thus  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  lived  and  died.  He  lived  the  life  of  a 
Christian  statesman ;  and — 

"Sustained  and  soothed 

By  an  unfaltering  trust,  approached  his  grave 
Like  one  who  wraps  the  drapery  of  his  couch 
About  him,  and  lies  down  to  pleasant  dreams." 
Fitting  eulogies  were  pronounced  in  local,  state  and  national  or 
ganizations,  state  legislatures  and  institutions  of  learning.     Gov. 


488  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF 

Powers  of  Maine  said  in  his  proclamation :  "Maine  will  never  for 
get  his  devotion  to  his  native  state  and  her  interests,  and  though 
dead  he  will  continue  to  live  in  the  grateful  hearts'  memories  of  all 
her  citizens.  In  the  halls  of  her  legislature  he  began  his  distin 
guished  honors;  they  have  closed  in  the  capitol,  where  he  was  a 
tried  and  trusted  leader  of  his  party  in  the  national  house  of  repre 
sentatives.  His  integrity,  devotion  to  duty,  love  of  right,  and  jus 
tice,  vast  resources,  sound  learning,  thorough  mastery  and  com 
prehension  of  all  questions  relating  to  finance  and  tariff,  com 
manded  for  him  on  all  occasions  an  attentive  hearing  and  made 
him  a  recognized  authority,  not  only  among  his  friends,  but  also  his 
political  opponents." 

The  public  press  l  teemed  with  tributes  to  his  integrity  and  de 
votion  to  duty.  The  universal  sentiment  was  that  the  nation  owed 
his  memory  a  debt  that  could  never  be  paid. 

February  n,  1899,  the  national  house  of  representatives  sus 
pended  business,  and  many  members  in  heartfelt  words,  paid  their 
tributes  l  to  the  memory  of  their  colleague.  March  i,  like  eulogies  * 
were  delivered  in  the  senate.  February  15,  the  Maine  state  legis 
lature  met  to  listen  to  tributes  1  of  a  similar  character. 

Mr.  Dingley's  will,  dated  October  21,  1897,  and  written  with 
his  own  hand,  was  brief  and  beautiful.  At  its  close  he  penned 
these  words :  "In  making  the  foregoing  disposition  of  my  estate 
at  my  decease,  I  have  consulted  what  I  have  reason  to  believe 
would  be  the  wishes  of  my  beloved  wife,  and  my  dear  children  and 
the  best  interests  of  both.  I  have  given  the  bulk  of  my  property 
to  my  beloved  wife  because  I  know  that  all  of  my  dear  children 
would  desire  to  see  their  mother  first  cared  for  in  her  declining 
years,  so  that  she  may  be  able  to  live  in  comfortable  ease  and  main 
tain  the  family  home  as  though  I  was  alive ;  and  because  they  un 
derstand  that  she  will  have  an  interest  in  them  which  none  but 
such  a  mother  can  have  and  will  use  the  means  placed  in  her  hands 
for  their  highest  welfare  as  each  may  require ;  and  that  on  her  de 
cease  all  of  my  estate  that  may  then  remain  will  pass  to  them.  My 
strongest  desire  is  that  my  children  may  maintain  such  a  pure, 
noble  and  Christian  life  and  character  as  will  honor  their  father  and 
make  happy  the  last  days  of  their  mother  and  fit  them  for  the  life 
of  Heaven  where  I  hope  through  Christ's  love  to  meet  our  re 
united  family." 

*  Mr.  Dingley's  fame  rests  upon  the  eternal  rock  of  character  and 
conscientious  industry.    The  record  of  his  life  is  a  spotless  book 

1 — See  Appendix, 


NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.  489 

wherein  one  seeking  truth,  wisdom  and  inspiration  may  find  them 
all.  His  speeches  in  congress  have  a  permanent  value  to  the  stu 
dent  and  historian.  His  public  career  forms  a  conspicuous  part  of 
our  national  history,  and 

" — If  what  we  call 

The  spirit  flash  not  all  at  once  from  out 
This  shadow  into  substance,  then  perhaps 
The  mellowed  murmur  of  the  people's  praise — 
May  yet  ascend  to  him." 


STEAMER  "GOVERNOR  DINGLEY." 
PORTLAND  STEAMSHIP  COMPANY. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES. 


Abbott,  Nehemiah — 51. 

Abbott,  S.  I.— 83. 

Abbott,  Li.  M.— 460-461. 

Adams,   John   Quincy — 22. 

Adams,   Robert,  Jr.— 274-458. 

Aldrich  N.  W.— 332-333-432-433-465. 

Allen,  William— 134. 

Allen,  C.  H.— 288. 

Allen,  J.  M.— 288. 

Allen,  Elisha— 225. 

Allison,    W.     B.— 223-332-415-433-435-436- 

465. 

Ambler,  John— 219. 
Andrews,   (Me.) — 90. 
Angell,  J.  B.— 284-285-291. 
Appleton,  John— 163-165. 
Arthur,    Chester  A.— 180-186-200-203-214- 

219-222-225-229-239-243-251-263. 
Asquitt,  M.  P.— 361. 

B. 

Babcock,  J.  W.— 365-382-383-384-388. 

Bacon,  Rev.  Dr.— 122-123. 

Bacon,  Henry— 294. 

Bailey,  J.  W.— 341-365-388-423-434-436-437- 

438-441-465. 
Baker,  Smith— 130. 
Baker,  A.  R.— 386. 
Balkam,  Rev.  Dr.— 46-88. 
Balfour,  G.  W.— 361. 
Banks,  N.  P.— 87-98-415. 
Barker,  Lewis — 157. 
Barrett,  W.  E.— 389. 
Barrows,  W.  G.  165. 
Bartlett,  Franklin— 397. 
Bayard,      Thomas      F. — 268-269-270-280- 

284-285-291-293-299-389-390. 
Bayne,  Thomas— 263-316-332. 
Bearce,  H.  N.— 59. 
Beecher,    H.    W.— S3-122-123-128-143-245- 

248. 

Belmont,  Perry— 222-263-268. 
Benson,  Samuel  P. — 41. 
Berry,  John  J. — 64. 
Binffham,  H.  J.— 232-263-288-315-341-365. 


Birney,  J.  G.-— 39. 

Black,  Jeremiah  S.— 127. 

Blackburn,  J.  C.  S.— 200-232-254. 

Blaine,  James  G. — 18-52-57-59-60-63-64- 
65-71-73-76-78-85-87-93-95-97-98-101- 
104—113-119-123-124-125-126-127-130- 
134-137-150-155-158-161—162-165-166- 
169-173-176-180-181-186-188-189-194- 
197-199-200-203-204-209-210-214-242- 
243-244-246-247-248-249-250-251-252- 
260-263-264-283-287—300-301-304-312- 
330-331-343-344-345—355-356-357-358- 
359. 

Blair,  Austin— 415. 

Blake,  S.  H.— 60-61-65. 

Bland,  R.  P.— 201-214-215-232-263-288-294- 
328-347-348-351-364-368. 

Blount,  James  H.— 262-287-298-315-341- 
369. 

Boatner,  C.  J.— 415-440. 

Bodwell,  J.  R.— 170-283-278. 

Bond,  S.  R.— 31. 

Boothby,  Rev.  Mr.— 95. 

Boteler,  A.  H.— 219. 

Boutwell,  George  S.— 119  194. 

Boutelle,  C.  A.— 124- 162-219-223-243-247- 
263-287-301-309-315-341-364-388-485. 

Boynton,  Nehemiah — 386. 

Boyd,  David— 130. 

Brackett,  George  E.— 130. 

Bradbury,  James  W.— 91-131-265. 

Bradbury,     Bion— 60-64-65-73-90-173-264. 

Breckenridge,  John  C. — 415. 

Breckinridge,  W.  P.  C.— 262-287-299-311- 
317-322-341. 

Brewer,  D.  J.  397. 

Brewer,  M.  S.— 288. 

Brickett,  Dr.— 89. 

Bristoe,  Benjamin  F.— 126. 

Brown,  S.  G.— 386. 

Brown,  J.  B. — 316. 

Brown,  S.  S.— 157. 

Brown,  J.  M.— 124-168-170. 

Brooks,  Senator — 156. 

Brumm,  C.  N.— 276. 

Bryan,  W.  J.— 341-349-350-365-371-381-407- 
415-445-446. 


492 


INDEX  OF  NAMES. 


Buchanan,  James — 45-49-52-250. 

Buckner,  S.  B.— 221. 

Buffum,  Charles — 117. 

Burchard,  S.  D.— 250. 

Burrows,    J.    C.— 200-201-202-263-288-315- 

316-322-332-341-364-390-415-433. 
Burleigh,  John  H.— 75-113. 
Burleigh,  E.  C.— 309. 
Burnside,  General — 75. 
Butler,  Benjamin— 249. 
Butler,  Mayor— 156. 
Butterworth,  Benjamin— 201-215-223-263- 

288-300-315. 
Bynum,  William  D.— 262-287-303-318-364. 


C. 


t^arleton,  S.  L. — 129. 

Cartwright,  Sir  Richard — 472. 

Gary,  Stephen— 60-61-62. 

Cameron,  Don— 199-201-336. 

Campbell,  J.  E.— 263-288. 

Candler,  J.  W.— 222. 

Cannon,  J.  G.— 200-232-262-287-315-328- 
338-383-453-461. 

Capen,  3.  B.— 386. 

Carlisle,  J.  G.— 200-211-231-232-233-242- 
253-254-257-262-265-279-284-287-289- 
315-316-320-332-340-366-388-392-394- 
395-415. 

Catchings,  T.  C.— 288-341-364-388. 

Chadbourne,  S.  J.  61-100-121. 

Charlton,  John — 472. 

Champlain,  J.  T.— 33. 

Chamberlain,  Daniel  H.— 125. 

Chamberlain,  Joseph— 284-361-478. 

Chamberlain,  Joshua  L,.— 86-87-88-89- 92- 
94-114-165-166-167-168-169-170-171-172- 
173-174-176. 

Chase,  M.  V.  B.— 78. 

Chase,  Mr.— 80. 

Chase,  Solon— 134-135-136-137- 149-150-154- 
183-223-263. 

Chase,  Charles  H.— 157. 

Chase,  F.  A.— 111. 

Chandler,  Zachariah — 155. 

Chandler,   W.   E.— 214. 

Cheney,  O.  B.— 73. 

Choate,  Rev.  Dr.— 386. 

Choate,  Rufus— 28. 

Churchill,   John   Randolph— 362. 

Clark,  E.  L,.— 386. 

Clark,  Champ — 484. 

Clarkson,  J.  S.— 344. 

Clay,  Cassius  M.— 249. 

Clay,  Henry— 39-415. 

Cleaves,  Henry  B.— 112. 

Cleveland,  Grover— 245-248-249-250-253- 
256-257-258-261-262-267-272-276-279- 
280-286-293-296-305-307-309-340-341- 
349-351-353-354-355-359-360-364-365- 
367-368-369-371-373-374-377-378-379- 
381-388-391-397-399-402-403-412. 

Coburn,  Steohen — 54. 

Coburn,  Abner— 11-64-65-67-70-71-156. 

Cobb,  S.  W.— 341-415-440. 

Cobb,  T.  R.— 217. 

Cobb,  Francis — 124. 

Cobb,  Rev.  Dr. — 386. 

Cockran,  W.  B.— 288-371. 

Cockrell,  F.  M.— 374. 

Colfax,  Schuyler— 93. 


Collins,  P.  A.— 254-263. 

Comfort,  L,.  C.— 18. 

Conger,  O.  D.— 222-224. 

Conger,  E.  H.— 327-328. 

Conkling,        Roscoe— 125-126-127-194-195- 

198-199-204-209-210-415. 
Converse,  George  L. — 241. 
Cony,  Samuel— 67-71-73-75-76-78-82. 
Connor,        Selden— 81-120-121- 122- 127- 128- 

134-136-142-146-157-162-247-263-264. 
Cook,  Silas  W.— 177. 
Coolidge,  T.  J.— 470. 
Cornwallis,  Lord — 217. 
Cousins,  R.  G.— 365. 
Coudert,  F.  R.— 397. 

Cox,  S.  S.— 194-201-202-203-207-219-220-222- 
224-225-226-231-232-238-288-294-341-342. 
Coxey,  J.  S.— 375. 
Crapo,   W.  W.— 200-206-214-221. 
Crisp,     Charles     F.— 231-262-287-315-317- 

340-341-364- 388-390- 391. 
Crosby,  William  G.— 26-28-36. 
Crosswell,   Senator— 92. 
Culberson,  D.  B. — 232. 
Cullom,  S.  M.— 374. 
Cummings,  A.  J.— 288-315-341. 
Curtin,   A.   G.— 201-232-263. 
Curtis,  Charles— 389. 
Curtis,  George  W.— 243. 
Curtis,  Jeremiah — 39. 
Cushman,  Ara — 99. 
Cutcheon,  B.  M.— 263-288. 


D. 


Dalzell,         John— 288-315-365-388-390-3D1- 

415-418-419-423-433-434-440-461. 
Danforth,  Charles— 165. 
Daniels,  J.  W.— 263. 
Dana,  John  W. — 11-59. 
Dargan,  G.  W.— 294. 
Dawes,  H.  L,.— 227-415. 
Davies,  Sir  Louis — 472-482. 
Davis,  H.  W.— 415. 
Davis,  C.  K.— 460. 
Davis,  Jefferson — 91. 
Davis,  Woodbury — 42. 
Davis,  C.  H.— 24. 
Davis,      Daniel      F.— 150-155-156-173-174- 

175-176-180-182. 

DeArmond,  D.  A.— 341-364-388. 
Dibble,  Samuel— 238. 
Dickey,  William— 263. 
Dillingham,  W.  A.  P.— 78. 
Dingley,  Frank  L.— 57-391. 
Dingley,    Jeremiah— 83-171. 
Dinsmore,  H.  A. — 461. 
Dockery,    A.    M.— 298-336-341-346-364-374- 

388-401-403-404-428. 
Dodge,  William  E.— 205. 
Dolph,  J.  N.— 266. 
Dolliver,     J.     P.— 315-341-364-388-391-415- 

419-420-423-433. 

Dorsheimer,  William— 253-257. 
Douglas,  Fred— 223. 
Douglas,   Stephen  A.— 39-40-58-59. 
Dow,    Neal— 51-130-131-283. 
Dow,  Fred  N.— 101-195. 
Dresser,  Richard — 43. 
Drew,  F.  N.— 101-190. 
Drummond,  J.  H. — 124-264. 
Drummond,    Rev.   James— 32-42-40. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


493 


Duncan,  C.  C.— 223. 
Dunn,  J.  T.— 266— 270. 
Dunnell,  M.  H.— 201. 
Dyer,  Dr.— 33. 

E. 

Edmunds,  George  F. — 243. 

Eliot,  C.  W.— 199. 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo — 119. 

Emory,  L,.  A.— 157-177. 

Eustis,  W.  T.— 193. 

Evans,  Walter— 388-391-415-423-440. 

Evans,  George — 26. 

Ewing,  Thomas — 143. 

F. 

Fairbanks,  C.  W.— 469  170-474. 

Fairchild,  C.  S.  290. 

Fairchilds,  James  H.— 123. 

Farwell,  N.  A.— 64-66-102-263-264. 

Farrington,  Mr.— 190. 

Farragut,  David  G.— 80. 

Fellows,  John  R.— 341-365. 

Fernald,  John  W.— 13-14-16. 

Fessenden,  T.  A.  D.— 35-36-41-42-44-59- 
65-83-88-90. 

Fessenden,  William  Pitt— 18-26-27-41- 
54-60-73-77-78-79-131. 

Fessenden,  Samuel  C.— 11-36-60. 

Field,  Walbridge  A.— 34. 

Fries,  R.  W.— 5. 

Fillmore,   Millard— 12-415. 

Findlay,  H.  F.— 274. 

Fisher,  S.  O.— 263. 

Fletcher,  Nathan— 375. 

Flower,  R.  P.— 201-318-324-332. 

Flye,  Edwin— 124. 

Fogg,  Jonathan — 111. 

Fogg,   Frank— 143-157. 

Folger,  Charles  J.— 200-214-223-229-231- 
411. 

Foraker,  J.  B.— 461. 

Foster,  John  B.— 157. 

Foster,  Stephen  C.— 51-54-90. 

Foster,  Enoch— 124-190. 

Foster,  Charles— 223. 

Foster,  J.  W.— 345-470-474. 

Frelinghuysen,  Frederick— 204-209. 

Fremont,  John  C.— 45-49. 

French,  Ezra  B. — 54. 

Fry,  James  B.— 194. 

Frye,  William  P.— 36-58-60-65-73-76-82- 
83--87-91-92-94-95--102-113-124-127- 
128-137-142-155-182-187-188-189-190- 
219-233-238-243-247-269-375-386-415. 

Fuller,  Thomas  J.  B.— 41-65. 

G. 

Gage,  Lyman  M.— 439-451-482. 

Gage,  Almon— 128-134. 

Garcelon,   Alonzo— 58- 73-92-95-96-137-142- 

146-150-155-157-158-159-162-163-164- 

165-167-172-173-1 77-179. 
Garcia,  General — 475. 
Garland,  Austin— 219. 
Garfield,    James    A.— 137-151-180-182-185- 

186-188-189-193-194-196-197-199-200- 

204-208-209-213-214-247-249-261-288- 

344-415-481. 

Gary,  James  A.— 439-451. 
Gear,  J.  H.— 315-316. 
Gerry,  Elbridge — 11. 
Gilbert,    Washington— 92-118-193-195-196, 


Gilman,  Charles  J. — 51. 

Gilman,  John  T.— 60. 

Gilman,  Charles— 397. 

Gladden,  Rev.  Dr.  386. 

Gladstone,  W.  E.— 297-358-361. 

Goddard,  Charles — 43-118. 

Goff,  Nathan  J.— 263. 

Goodwin,  John  M. — 60-75. 

Gorman,  A.  P.  340-378. 

Gough,  John  B.— 8. 

Gould,  A.   P.— 60-63-66-118-264. 

Gordon,  Rev.  Dr.— 386. 

Grant,    U.    S.— 71-75-76-80-81-84-86-93-96- 

97-98-198-199-209-259-260. 
Gray,  George — 469. 
Greenhalge,  F.  T. — 326. 
Greeley,   Horace— 94-97-98-125-198. 
Gringle,  William— 117. 
Grinnell,  J.  B.— 211. 
Grosvenor,    Charles   H.— 182-263-365-388- 

391-411-415-423-427-434-461. 
Goss,  Mr.— 190. 
Grove,  E.  H.— 158. 
Grow,  G.  A.— 388. 
Gunsaulus.Dr.  — 386. 
Gunton,  George— 450. 

H. 

Hager,  A.  L.— 439. 
Haines,  William  P.— 118. 
Hale,        Eugene— 89-90-93-95-102-113- 119- 
124-125-127-137-142-150-155-156-166- 
167-171-177-187-188-189-219-243-247- 
278-483. 

Hall,  James  A.— 182-241. 
Hallock,  Dr.— 386. 
Hancock,  W.  S.— 182-184-185. 
Hanson,  James  H. — 15-16. 
Hanson,  E. — 111. 
Hamilton,  Alexander — 374. 
Hamlin,  Elijah  L.— 11-13. 
Hamlin,    Hannibal— 17-18-41-45-46-50-57- 

73-75-76-77-78-79-93-113-117-137-150- 

151-156-162-182-187-189—263-264-265- 

339. 

Hamlin,  Charles— 264. 
Hardenberg,  A.  A.— 206. 
Harter,  M.  D.— 347. 
Hartranft,  James  F. — 126. 
Harris,  Austin— 177. 

Harrison,         Benjamin— 301-308-312-313- 
331-332-333-334-337-341-343-344-345- 

353-355-483. 
Harvey,  W.  H.— 382. 
Hatch,  W.  H.— 156-340-341-364. 
Hawes,  Andrew — 177. 
Hawey,  W.  H.— 382. 
Hawley,  Joseph  R.— 119-125-126-223-305. 
Hawkins,  John  H.  W.— 8. 
Hay,  John— 474-482. 
Hayes,     R.      B.— 127-128-134-135-180-198- 

199-356. 
Hayes,  John  L.— 219. 
Heath,  F.  E.— 162. 
Heatwole,  J.  P.— 461. 
Henderson,     D.     B.— 232-262-287-315-341- 

364-382-384-388. 
Hendricks,  Thomas  A.— 245-261-271. 
Henderson,  Thomas  J.— 200-231-262-341. 
Herbert,  Hilary  A.— 200-231-262-287-315. 
Herschell,   Baron— 471-483. 
Hersey,  Samuel  F.— 78-89-113. 


494 


INDEX  OF  NAMES. 


Hepburn,  W.   P.— 200-232-262-364-388. 
Hewitt,     A.      S.— 201-207-211-215-216-218- 

222-263-271-280. 
Hill,   George  F.— 177. 
Hill,  D.  B.— 260-340. 
Hiscock,  Dr.— 386. 
Hiscock.    Frank— 201-203-218-223-232-261- 

262-332-387. 
Hitt,    R.    R.— 147-227-231-262-287-315-341- 

388-390-456-458. 
Hoar,  E.  Rockwood— 119. 
Hoar,  George  F.— 119-209. 
Hoar,  Sherman — 341. 
Hobart,  G.  A.— 405-480-483. 
Hogan,  Mr.— 190. 
Holman,     William.      S.— 200-219-222-228- 

232-256-262-265-287-315-341-342-347- 

364-374. 

Holland,  Daniel— 72. 
Hopkins,     A.    J.— 262-287-315-341-364-388- 

391-415-423-434. 

Horr,  R.  G.— 201-207-208-219-257. 
Howard,   M.   W.— 402-428. 
Howard,  General  O.  O.— 75-351. 
Howard,  Joseph — 82. 
Howe,  J.  H.— 125. 
Howe,  G.  M.— 339-487. 
Hoyt,  J.  S.— 190-241. 
Hubbard.   John— 12-18-130. 
Hulick,  G.  W.— 367. 
Hull,  J.  A.  T.—  341-388. 
Hunt,   Carlton— 235-255. 
Hurd,  Frank  H.— 232-279. 
Hyde,  T.  W.— 169. 

I. 

Ingalls,  Henry — 177. 
Ingalls,  John  J.— 229. 
Ingersoll,   Governor — 119. 
Ingersoll,  Robert  G.— 126-127, 
J. 

Jameson,  C.  D. — 59-64-65. 

Jefferson,  Thomas— 216-374. 

Jewett,  Mr.— 65. 

Jewell,   Marshall — 194. 

Johnson,  Thomas — 341. 

Johnson,  H.  U.— 349-364. 

Johnson,  M.  N.— 365-391-415-423. 

Johnson,    Andrew— 75-76-82-85-87-90-91. 

Jones,  John  Paul— 299-328-335-434. 

Jones,   James   K.— 200-374-434-465. 

Jordan,  Bben  Jr. — 74. 

Joy,  William  P.— 181-182. 

Joyce,  Mr.— 205. 

K. 
Kasson.      John     A.— 200-201-202-211-223- 

470. 
Keifer,    J.    Warren— 201-202-204-207- 208- 

210-223-231-232. 
Kelley,  W.  D.— 76-201-202-207-232-263-297- 

315-316-341-415. 
Kent,  Edward— 8.-102-118. 
Kenner,  D.  F.— 219. 
Kilpatrick,  General  Judson — 74-98. 
Kimball,  Charles  B.— 98. 
Kimball,   William  J.— 118. 
Kimball,  John  S.— 129. 
Kimball,    Benjamin — 18. 
Kingsbury,   Benjamin — 60-61. 
Knott,  J.  Proctor— 200. 
Knowlton,   Ebenezer— 41. 
Knox,  Henry— 310. 


Lacey,  J.  F.— 315-364-388. 
Ladd,  George  W.— 143-182. 
La  Follette,  Robert— 316. 
Lamson,  James  B. — 166-168. 
Lane,  Thomas — 43. 
Lapham,  E.  G.— 195. 
Laurier,  Sir  Wilfrid — 471. 
Lawson,  Sir  Wilfred— 147. 
Lawson,  Dr.— 386. 
Lee,  Fitzhueh— 457. 
Lee,  R.  E.— 81-85. 
Libby,  Artemus — 165. 

Lincoln,  Abraham — 54-56-57-63-65-66-70- 
71-73-74-75-76-77-78-80-81-82-180- 
202-261. 

Lincoln,   Robert — 361. 
Lindsey,     S.    D.— 127- 143-150-156-157-178- 

182 

Little,  Ed'ward  T.— 74. 
Littlefleld,  Charles— 112-328. 
Lochren,  William  H.— 369. 
Locke,  Joseph  A.— 171-174-175. 
Lodge,  H.  C.— 287-315-341-446. 
Logan,  John  A.— 182-199-201-244-415. 
Long,    John    D.— 155-232-243-256-261-263- 

287-482. 

Lord,  Charles  N.— 177. 
Lowell,  L.  L.— 111. 
Luce,  Enos  T. — 54-83. 
Lyford,  J.  S.— 83. 
Lynch,  J.  R.— 223-244. 
Lynch,  John— 61-74-76-87-93-95. 

M. 

Madigan,  James  C. — 118. 

Manley,  J.  H.— 123. 

Manning,  Daniel — 411-414. 

Mason,  Col.— 74-117. 

Mason,  W.  E.— 156-287-411. 

Mathews,   Stanley— 182-209. 

Mayo,  J.   M.— 124. 

McAdoo,  William— 263. 

McAlvey,  Judge — 397. 

McCall,  S.  W.— 365-388-389. 

McCleary,  J.  T.— 365-388. 

McCreary,   J.   B.— 287-317-341-388. 

McClellen,  George  B. — 77. 

McConnell,  Mr.— 335. 

McDonald,  Moses — 92. 

McDowell,  Alexander — 365. 

McFarland,  Henry — 440. 

McKenny,   Henry — 42. 

McKenna  Josenh— 262-287-316-390-439- 
440. 

McKinley,  Wm.— 155-201-211-232-261-263- 
272-288-296-315-316-318-320-323-324- 
325-326-328-330-332-333-334-352-353- 
368-405-406-408-409-410-411-413-414- 
415-417-420-421-422-424-429-430-431- 
432-439-441-445-448-454-455-456-458- 
461-467-469-482-483. 

McLaurin,  J.  L.— 391-415-423-440. 

McMahon,  W.  H.— 219. 

McMahon,   Mr. — 397. 

McMillin,  Benton— 201-211-232-263-265- 
266-297-315-324-332-340-341-349-365- 
388-391-415-423-434-438-440. 

McLane,  R.  M.— 222. 

Meade,  George  D. — 74. 

Meiklejohn,  George  D.— 365-388. 

Meridith,  Mr.— 386. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


495 


Miles,  N.  A.— 475. 

Miller,   Warner— 222-223-238-266. 

Milliken,     S.     L.— 124-219-223-243-247-262- 

287-315-341-364-388. 
Milliken,  Weston  F.— 99. 
Mills,    R.    Q.— 232-263-265-272-288-298-301- 
302-304-305-308-315-323-324-332-340- 
341-415. 

Money,  H.  D.— 388. 
Morley,   John— 361-362. 
Moody,  Dwight  L.— 123-386. 
Moody,  W.  H.— 452-453. 
Moody,  E.  C.— 155. 
Moore,  John  W.  C.— 66. 
Morgan,  J.  T. — 461. 
Morse,  Leopold— 388. 
Morse,  F.  H.— 51-54. 
Morrill,  H.  K.— 129. 
Morrill,    Lot    M.— 18-43-50-51-53-54-57-60- 

74-76-93-97-113-131-156-162-163-265. 
Morrill,     Anson     P.— 26-32-39-60-118-131- 

156-264. 

Morrill,  Nathum— 35-36-41-42-44-83. 
Morrill,  Paul  S. — 91. 
Morrill,  S.  P.— 92. 
Morrill,  J.  S.— 415-420-480. 
Morrison,     William    R.— 200-232-233-235- 
241-242-245-251-262-265-271-272-273- 
276-278-279-280-296-415. 
Morrow.  W,  W.— 287. 
Mortland,  D.  N.— 99. 
Morton,   L.   P.— 301-308. 
Morton,  Oliver  P.— 125-126. 
Munson,  H.  C.— 128-130. 
Murch,  Thomas— 143-182. 
Murray,  General — 101-120. 

N. 

Nelson,  Knute— 263. 
Newlands,  F.  G.— 401. 
Newman,  S.  M. — 486. 
Nimmo,  Joseph — 290. 
Noble,  Dr.— 386. 
Northrup,  Dr.— 386. 
Nourse,  Amos — 50. 
Nye,  Joshua— 89-129-181-182. 

O. 

Gates,    William    C.— 262-287-315-336-341- 

364. 

Ochiltree,  T.  P.— 232. 
O'Donnell,  James— 263-288-315-341. 
O'Ferrell,  Charles  T. — 306. 
Oliver,  Henry  W.— 219. 
O'Neil,  John  J.— 341. 
O'Neil,  Charles— 341. 
Orth,  G.  S.— 201-207. 
Osgood,  J.  K.— 181. 
Outhwaite,  J.  H.— 298-341-365. 

P. 

Packard,  Dr.— 386. 

Page,  H.  F.— 202-222-225. 

Parker,  James — 222. 

Parris,  V.  D.— 92. 

Patten,  George  F. — 50. 

Patten,   Parvis — 245. 

Payne,  S.  E.— 232-263-316-336-365-388-390- 

391-415-418-419-423-433-434-440-461- 

465. 

Payson,  Mr. — 80. 
Payson,  L.  E.— 262-287. 


Peck,  Bishop— 187. 

Peck,  George  W.— 119. 

Peel,  S.  J.— 336. 

Perkins,  F.  C.— 117. 

Peters,  J.   A.— 65-74-76-87-92-95-165-264. 

Perham,    Sidney— 41-42-65- 76-83-87-92-94- 

95-96-97-98-99-101-133-156-190-283. 
Perry,  J.  J.— 32-41-53-143. 
Phelps,  John  S.— 219. 
Phelps,  W.  W.— 232-263-288-294. 
Phelps,  E.  J.— 280-281. 
Phillips,  Wendell— 34. 
Pierce,  Franklin— 27-39-40-91. 
Pike,   Frederick  A.— 60-76-87-118-157. 
Pike,  Austin  F.— 282. 
Pilsbury,  Eben  F.— 87-88-92-156. 
Plaisted,    H.     M.— 89-181-182-187-189-190- 

223-263. 

Platt,  Thomas  C.— 195. 
Platt,  O.  H.— 433. 
Pleasanton,  A.  J. — 74. 
Plumb,  P.  B.— 223. 
Polk,  James  K.— 415. 
Porter,  Robert  P.— 219-346. 
Porter,  Noah— 122-123. 
Porter,  J.  A. — 439. 
Porter,  Fitz  John— 233. 
Powell,  A.  M.— 205. 
Powers,  Llewellyn— 127-142-150- 4S8. 
Prince,  Job — 43-80. 
Proctor,  Redfleld— 326. 
Pulitzer,  Joseph— 263. 
Pulsifer,  J.  D.— 49-136. 
Putnam,  William— 284-285-291. 


Quint,  Dr.— 386. 


Q. 


R. 


Randall,  S.  J.— 201-202-211-231-232-233- 
241-251-252-263-272-273-279-280-288- 
294. 

Randolph,  John — 415. 

Raum,  Green  B. — 223. 

Ray,  George  W.— 365. 

Reagan,  J.  H.— 232-242-263. 

Record,   Calvin — 44. 

Reid,  Whitelaw— 300-345. 

Reed,  A.  R.— 111. 

Reed,  Isaac — 32. 

Reed,  Franklin— 193-196. 

Reed,  Thomas  B.— 89-113-127-143-150-155- 
156-157-162-182-187-188-200-201-202- 
207-219-223-232-247-253-255-261-262- 
272-275-277-287-298-309-312-315-316- 
319-322-326-330-336-338-339-341-343- 
347-364-371-372-375-388-389-390-391- 
399-401-404-405-406-413-415-422-427- 
428-430-431-432-433-435-439-441-446- 
455-456-457-458-461-467-476-483. 

Rice,  John  H.— 60-76. 

Rice,  William  W.— 263. 

Richards,  F.  E.— 117. 

Richards,  J.  T.— 162. 

Richardson,  J.  D.— 263-288-315-341-365- 
374-388. 

Riddleberger,  H.  H.— 306. 

Roach,  John — 224-239. 

Roberts,  Charles  W.— 95. 

Robeson,  George  M.— 202-207-210-222. 

Robertson,   S.  M. — 423. 

Robertson,  Judge— 194-209. 


496 


INDEX  OF  NAMES. 


Robie,    Frederick—  97-146-219-223-247-263- 

264. 

Robins,  Henry  E.—  118. 
Robinson,  George  D.—  200-232. 
Rogers,  Mr.—  301. 
Rogers,  Grant—  129. 
Rollins,  E.  H.—  223. 
Rosecrans,  W.  S.—  200-231. 
Rowell,  J.  H.—  336. 
Rust,  William  M.—  118. 
Russell,     C.     A.—  287-388-391-415-418-423- 

446. 


Salisbury,  Lord—  397. 

Baiter,  Rev.  Dr.—  123. 

Sampson,  W.  T.  —  475. 

Sanborn,  Edwin  D.  —  31. 

Sankey,  Ira  D.—  123. 

Sayers,  J.  D.—  288-315-341-346-365-374-388. 

Schade,  Mr.—  205-341-365. 

Schley,  W.  S.—  475. 

Schurz,  Carl  —  98. 

Scott,  W.  L.—  288-301. 

Scott,  Winfleld—  39. 

Searles,  J.  E.—  424. 

Seavey,  John  Osborne  —  5. 

Seavey,  J.  L..—  11. 

Sedgewick,  General  —  74. 

Sewell,  George  P.—  60-61-264. 

Sewell,  Arthur  —  407. 

Seward,  W.  H.—  356. 

Seymour,  Mr.  —  92. 

Sexton,  William—  361. 

Shafter,  W.  R.—  475. 

Shaw,  Col.—  101. 

Shaw,  A.  B.—  111. 

Sheldon,  David—  27. 

Sheridan,  Philip—  76-77-80-306. 

Sherman,  W.  T.—  80-83. 

Sherman,  J.  S.—  388. 

Sherman,    John—  151-328-332-366-415. 

Shepherd,  R.  B.—  124. 

Sheppard,  Captain  —  311. 

Shorey,  H.  A.—  130. 

Shoup,  George  L.  —  335. 

Shrively,  B.  F.—  287-341. 

Sickles,  Daniel—  373. 

Simonton,  T.  R.—  312. 

Simpson,  Jerry—  341-  346-  364-430-452. 

Simmons,  Franklin  —  83-84. 

Small,  Joshua  Jr.  —  43. 

Smith,  F.  O.  J.—  68-74. 

Smith,  Charles  E.—  125-126. 

Smith,     Joseph     L,.—  137-142-  143-146-150- 

155-173-174-176-189. 
Slocum,  H.  W.—  232-233-237-238. 
Somes,  D.  E.  —  53. 
Spaulding,  J.  W.—  162-168-190  . 
Speed,  James  —  125. 
Sprague,  Alden  —  162. 
Sprague,  Augusta  —  83. 
Spofford,  Colonel—  285. 
Spring,  E.  C.—  111. 
Springer,  W.  M.—  200-231-257-262-277-287- 

303-315-318-324-340-415. 
Springer,  C.  C.—  177. 
Stanford,  Leland  —  335. 
Stephens,  Alex.  H.—  180-200-204-210. 
Stetson,  E.  W.—  101. 

Stevens,   John  L,.—  65-78-124-130-370-375. 
Stevens,  S.  G.—  7. 


Stevens,  Thaddeus — 82-415. 

Stewart,  W.  M.— 335. 

Steele,    George     W.— 232-262-287-288-391- 

415-419-423-440. 
St  John,  J.  P.— 249-250. 
Strickland,  Lee  S.— 83-177. 
Strickland,  S.  P.— 60. 
Stockbridge,  F.  B.— 381. 
Stone,  J.  M.— 124. 
Stone,  W.  A.— 341-453. 
Stone,  C.  W.— 541. 
Stone,  General— 243. 
Strong,  Rev.  Dr.— 123. 
Strout,    A.    A.— 156-157-177. 
Sturtevant,  President— 123. 
Sturtevant,  Dr. — 386. 
Sulzer,  William— 388. 
Sumner,  Charles— 82-98. 
Swanson,  C.  A. — 365-388-423. 
Swasey,  J.  P.— 190-275. 
Sweat,  L.  D.  M.— 64-65-66. 
Swift,  John  L.— 66. 
Symonds,  Joseph  W.— 165. 

T. 

Talbert,  W.  J.— 399. 

Talbot,  James  R.— 99. 

Talbot,  George  F.— 13-17-32-81-118, 

Talbot,  Joshua  C.— 167. 

Talbot,  C.  J.— 190. 

Talbot,  John  C.— 127-263. 

Tarsney,  J.  C.— 391. 

Tawney,    J.     A.— 365-388-391-415-418-419- 

423-433. 

Taylor,  Zachariah— 11-12-17-39. 
Taylor,  Ezra  B. — 232. 
Taylor,  Joseph  D.— 232-315. 
Teller,  H.  M.— 214-335-406-450. 
Thing,  Daniel  H.— 219. 
Thomas,  Mr.— 80. 
Thomas,  W.  W.— 99-264. 
Thomas,  J.  R.— 207. 
Thurston,  J.  M. — 411. 
Tilden,  S.  J.— 128-245. 
Tillman,  B.  R.— 341. 
Titcomb,  Joseph,  104-114. 
Towne,  C.  A.— 388. 
Townsend,  R.  W. — 202. 
Trumbull,  Mr.— 98. 
Tucker,  W.  J.— 376. 
Tucker,  J.  Randolph— 297. 
Tupper,  Charles — 284. 
Turner,  Oscar — 240. 
Turner,     Henry    G.— 262-341-350-364-388- 

391-415. 
Twitchell,  Rev.  Dr.— 386. 

U. 

Underwood,  John  W.  H. — 219. 
V. 

Van  Buren,  Martin— 39. 

Vance,  Z.  B.— 332. 

Vest,  George  G.— 222-238-266-434. 

Vickery,  Isaiah — 2. 

Vilas,  William— 259. 

Virgin,  Dr.— 386. 

Virgin,  Judge— 158-159. 

Vose,  E.  K.— 7. 

Voorhees,  D.  W.— 143-332. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


497 


w. 

Wadsworth,  J.  W.— 422. 

Wakefleld,  J.  W.— 190. 

Waldron,   William  H.— 32-43-46-51. 

Walker,  Mr.— 90. 

Walker,  Joseph— 328-388. 

Walton,    C.    W.— 58-59-60-65-161-165-170. 

Wallace,  Mr.— 146. 

Ward,  Artemus— 228. 

Ward,  Rev.  Dr.— 386. 

Warner,   A.   J.— 232-257-263. 

Warner,  George — 117. 

Warren,  Rev.  Dr.— 122. 

Washburn,  W.  D.— 335. 

Washburn,   Israel  Jr.— 11-18-41-51-53-54- 

56-57-59-60-61-156-415. 
Washburn,  Ruel— 83. 
Weaver,  J.  B.— 262-287. 
Webster,  John  H. — 43. 
Webster,  Daniel— 26-28-39-208. 
Webb,  Nathan— 74-75-80-90. 
Webb,  Edmund  J.— 98. 
Weed,  W.— 7. 
Weeks,  George  E. — 175. 
Wells,  Samuel— 39-41-42. 
Weller,  L.  H.— 237. 
Wellman,  Walter— 359-409. 
West,  Sackville— 270-284. 
West,  William  H.— 244. 
Wheeler,  F.  W.— 341. 
Wheeler,  William  A.— 219. 


Wheeler,  Joseph— 200-202-203-262-287-315- 
341-364-388-391-415-423-434-440-488. 

White,  Andrew  D.— 397. 

White,  S.  M.— 434. 

Whitehouse,  Hiram — 30. 

Whiting,  William— 263. 

Wilson,   Nathaniel— 263. 

Wilson,  Edward— 78. 

Wilson,  F.  H.— 422. 

Wilson,  Henry— 97. 

Wilson,  James — 439. 

Wilson,  W.  L.— 232-263-288-297-315-341- 
365-371-372-377-378-381-415-440. 

Williams,  Joseph  H.— 50-64-71-75-104-128. 

Williamson,   Henry — 117. 

Williams,  George  F.— 341. 

Williams  ,Rev.  Dr.— 386. 

Winans,  Edwin  B.— 263. 

Windom,  William— 223-252-326-411-414. 

Winter,  Sir  James — 472. 

Winthrop,  R.  C.— 415. 

Wise,  George  D.— 263-341. 

Wolcott,  E.  H.— 335. 

Wood,  John  M.— 41-51. 

Wood,  Judge— 123. 

Wood,  Fernando — 185-211. 

Wood,  Rev.  Mr.— 82. 

Woodbury,  Levi — 285. 

Woodford,  Stewart  L,.— 137-182. 

Woodman,  T.  C.— 88. 

Wright,  J.  S.— 328. 

Wythe,  Judge— 123. 


GENEOLOGY. 


CHAPTER  L 

History  mixed  with  tradition  says  that  the  Northmen  who  dwelt  In  what  is 
now  Denmark,  Sweeden  and  Norway  ten  centuries  ago,  first  sailed  along  the 
shores  of  what  is  now  New  England.  They  found  a  climate  so  mild,  a  region  so 
delightful,  with  fruit  and  vine  so  abundant  that  they  called  it  Vineland.  Cen 
turies  rolled  away  and  Vineland  was  forgotten  until  the  Cabots  in  the  last  dec 
ade  of  the  fifteenth  century  seeking  a  passage  to  India  skirted  the  coasts  of 
Maine  and  Massachusetts. 

The  English  claim  to  North  America  was  based  on  these  discoveries  by 
the  Cabots  in  1497  and  1498,  yet  the  first  Englishmen  who  set  foot  on  its  shores 
were  part  of  the  crew  of  the  "Mary  of  Guilford,"  a  vessel  commanded  by  John 
Rut,  which  with  the  "Sampson"  sailed  from  Plymouth,  England,  June  10,  1527, 
in  search  of  the  north-west  passage.  They  sailed  towards  Newfoundland  where 
a  great  storm  left  the  "Mary  of  Guilford"  to  continue  the  search.  From  New 
foundland  she  sailed  southward  returning  by  the  coast  of  Cape  Breton  and 
Norumbega,  often  entering  the  ports,  landing  men  and  examining  the  country,, 
finally  reaching  England  in  October. 

At  this  time  Norumbega  was  the  name  given  sometimes  to  Maine.     Milton 
immortalized  its  name  in  "Paradise  Lost,"  and  many  fabulous  descriptions  of 
its  capitol,  "The  Lost  City  of  New  England,"  are  given  in  the  stories  of  Ameri-, 
can  history. 

1602  Bartholomew  Gosnold  sailed  along  the  shores  of  Maine  from  Penobscot 
Bay  to  the  Piscataqua  river.  In  1605  the  English,  alarmed  at  the  efforts  of  the 
French  in  this  new  country,  reached  out  for  a  firmer  occupation  of  the  coast. 
George  Weymouth  was  despatched  nominally  to  discover  a  north-west  passage 
but  really  to  watch  the  French  and  occupy  the  territory  for  the  Crown.  Cap 
tain  Weymauth  took  possession  of  the  country  and  began  a  valuable  commerce 
with  the  Indians.  From  his  vessel  "The  Archangel"  Weymouth  first  landed  on 
the  Island  of  Monhegan,  ten  miles  off  the  coast,  and  erecting  a  cross  thereon, 
dedicated  the  land  to  King  James  I  of  England.  Weymouth  visited  and  ex 
plored  many  other  islands  in  this  vicinity,  including  Squirrel  Island,  which, 
over  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  later,  was  the  summer  home  of  Nelson  Dingley 
Jr. 

The  stories  of  this  fair  new  world  told  by  Weymouth  were  of  all-absorbing 
interest  in  England.  Speedily  an  association  of  English  gentlemen  was  formed 
to  plant  colonies  in  this  new  Eden.  There  were  many  Christian  English  gentle 
men  who  desired  to  send  glad  tidings  of  joy  to  the  inhabitants  of  these  new  re 
gions.  The  Plymouth  Co.,  composed  of  intelligent  and  far-seeing  men,  was 
formed,  to  send  to  these  new  shores  the  farmer,  the  carpenter  and  the  school 
master  as  well  as  the  Bible,  the  Christian  teacher  and  the  organized  church. 

The  English  setttlement  of  Maine  antedates  by  more  than  thirteen  years 
that  of  Massachusetts.  May  31st,  1607,  eighteen  days  after  the  sailing  of  the 

<D 


Jamestown  colony,  two  ships,  "The  Gift  of  God"  and  "The  Mary  and  John," 
commanded  by  George  Popham  and  Raleigh  Gilbert,  sailed  from  Plymouth  with 
120  souls  to  found  a  new  colony.  This  colony  was  established  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Kennebec  river  and  was  named  Fort  Popham.  Their  minister,  Richard  Sey 
mour,  an  Episcopalian,  by  prayer  and  sermon  dedicated  the  spot  and  inaugu 
rated  their  government.  They  fortified  the  ground,  erected  a  fort  of  twelve 
guns,  built  a  village  of  fifty  houses,  a  church,  and  a  thirty  ton  vessel,  "The  Vir 
ginia  of  Sagadahoc,"  the  first  ship  built  in  America  by  Europeans.  Disheart 
ened  and  discouraged,  the  colonists  dispersed  and  the  colony  perished.  Popham 
died  broken-hearted.  His  expectations  were  not  realized.  No  friendly  hand 
conveyed  his  remains  to  England.  No  monument  has  ever  been  reared  to  his 
memory.  The  storms  of  winter  and  the  suns  of  summer  beat  upon  this  sandy* 
shore;  and  after  a  lapse  of  over  two  and  a  half  centuries,  this  historical  spot 
where  was  enacted  one  of  the  great  tragedies  of  life,  has  become  a  health-giv 
ing  resort  for  many  people. 

Captain  John  Smith  whose  life  was  saved  by  Pocahontas,  the  daughter  of 
the  Indian  chief,  Powhatan,  visited  the  shores  of  Maine  in  1614  and  entered  upon 
a  traffic  with  the  Indians  between  Sagadahoc  and  the  southern  part  of  Massa 
chusetts. 

November  3,  1620,  a  second  charter  was  given  to  the  Council  of  Plymouth 
formed  in  the  west  of  England,  granting  a  certain  tract  of  land  to  be  known  as 
"New  England  in  America,"  The  name  originated  with  Captain  John  Smith, 
who  from  1605  to  1616,  was  the  greatest  of  American  explorers.  The  name  was 
favored  by  the  English  sovereign  and  has  been  indelibly  stamped  upon  this  sec 
tion  of  America,  of  which  Maine  has  been  an  important  part.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  and  Captain  John  Mason  were  prominent  members  of  the  council  of 
Plymouth.  The  former  was  a  man  of  intellect  and  courage,  a  most  brilliant 
uaval  officer  and  a  leading  spirit  in  many  prominent  historical  events  in  Eng 
land.  His  ambition  was  to  create  a  new  nation  in  the  barbaric  lands  of  Amer 
ica.  A  patent  was  given  by  King  James  to  Gorges  and  Masons  "Of  the  country 
between  the  Merrimac  and  Kennebec  to  the  farthest  head  of  said  rivers  and 
sixty  miles  inland,"  and  all  islands,  etc.,  within  five  leagues  of  the  shore,  which 
the  indenture  says  "They  intend  to  call  the  Province  of  Maine."  During  1622 
and  1623  trading  stations  were  established  at  Piscataqua,  Monhegan  and  Saco. 
At  this  time,  Damariscove  and  Fisherman's  Island,  within  two  miles  and  in 
clear  view  of  Squirrel  Island,  had  a  thrifty  and  enterprising  population.  This 
region  was  more  conspicuous  and  important  than  Plymouth.  Pemiquid  was 
probably  the  busiest  spot  upon  the  New  England  coast.  It  became  the  center 
of  commerce  and  trade.  Sewell,  the  historian,  thus  writes  of  this  historical 
place:  "About  this  devoted  spot  armies  have  gathered  like  eagles  to  the  car 
cass,  and  the  din  of  war,  in  all  its  accumulated  horrors  of  blood  and  carnage, 
has  raged.  The  ships  of  contending  nations  have  tinged  its  waters  with  human 
gore  and  poured  their  iron  hail  in  destructive  broadsides  upon  its  fortified 
places,  till  the  ruthless  storm  has  swept  its  streets  and  crushed  out  at  once  the 
lives  and  energies  of  its  defenders.  Here  the  red  man  with  a  howl  of  defiance, 
and  the  white  man  with  the  subdued  voice  of  prayer,  have  bitten  the  dust  to 
gether,  amid  the  shrieks  of  forlorn  women  and  helpless  children." 

A  description  of  this  region  is  interesting  from  the  fact  that  Nelson  Dingley 
Jr.,  over  two  hundred  and  sixty  years  later,  with  a  few  associates,  purchased 
Squirrel  Island  in  the  center  of  this  historical  spot,  and  made  it  their  summer 
home.  The  cottage  erected  thereon  by  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  was  occupied  by  him 
and  his  family  every  summer  from  1871  to  1898;  and  here  Mr.  Dingley  sought 
complete  rest  from  his  arduous  and  exacting  public  duties.  On  this  historic 
island,  surrounded  by  his  wife,  his  children  and  his  grand-children,  he  loved  to 
listen  to  the  stories  of  the  ancient  dominions  of  Maine. 

From  1622  to  1632,  Gorges  and  his  associates  secured  other  patents  of  land 
in  the  territory,  now  the  state  of  Maine.  In  1631  "The  Pejypscot"  patent  of  1,500 
acres  on  the  north  side  of  the  Androscoggin  river  was  granted  to  one  Richard 
Bradshaw,  to  include  "Lands  not  formerly  granted  to  any  other."  On  the 
Pejypscot  or  Pejepscot  (now  the  Androscoggin)  river  and  in  the  territory  cov 
ered  'by  the  Pejypscot  patent,  Thomas  Purchase  settled  about  1628.  In  the  course 
of  time  the  Pejepscot  company  came  into  possession  of  the  land,  and  at  the  in 
stigation  of  the  company,  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  sought  to  settle 

(2) 


disputes  between  it  and  the  early  settlers,  who  were  of  the  opinion  that  the 
lands  they  occupied  were  government  property.  Many  of  these  settlers  had 
bought  their  farms  of  former  occupants  and  supposed  their  titles  were  valid; 
but  in  numerous  cases  they  were  obliged  to  pay  the  Pejepscot  proprietors,  or 
surrender  their  land.  Exasperated  at  the  course  of  the  general  court  at  Boston 
they  committed  many  acts  of  violence  on  the  proprietors,  frequently  destroying 
their  property.  These  manifestations  of  violence  culminated  in  a  riot  in  Lewis- 
ton  in  the  autumn  of  1800.  The  disputes  were  finally  settled  by  a  commission 
appointed  by  the  governor  and  about  twenty  thousand  acres  of  land  were  con 
veyed  to  the  settlers  by  virtue  of  the  conditions  stipulated.  Thus  ended  a  con 
troversy  extending  over  nearly  a  century  and  participated  in  by  three  genera 
tions.  Substantial  peace  followed. 

During  this  period  (1700  to  1800)  there  was  a  steady  emigration  to  the  wild 
lands  of  the  district  of  Maine,  and  the  valley  of  the  Androscoggin  received  its 
share.  Sewell  says:  "The  colonization  and  settlement  of  Maine  was  rather  a 
commercial  and  patriotic  movement,  than  the  result  of  a  religious  exodus.  The 
first  settlers  within  the  ancient  dominions  were  not  refugees  from  religious  in- 
tolerence,  and  of  course  were  neither  enthusiasts  not  bigots,  to  one  of  which  ex 
tremes  unbridled  religious  excitement  ever  leads.  No  traces  of  the  blood-red 
hand  of  persecution  have  ever  been  found  on  the  early  colonial  records  of  our 
state.  The  fact  that  the  colonial  enterprises  for  the  settlement  of  Maine  were 
the  developments  of  a  commercial,  rather  than  a  religious  element  may  account 
for  this  pleasing  feature  in  the  earlier  character  of  our  plantation  contrasted 
with  those  sterner,  darker  and  more  doubtful  shades  of  the  colonial  history  of 
Massachusetts." 

In  the  closing  years  of  the  17th  century  and  the  first  half  of  the  18th  century 
(1690  to  1750)  several  settlements  were  undertaken  on  both  sides  of  the  Andros 
coggin  river.  Brunswick  and  Topsham  advanced  the  most  and  were  the  centers 
of  trade  and  civilization.  Then  followed  (1750  to  1800)  the  settlements  of  Turner, 
Greene,  Poland,  Lewiston,  Port  Royal  (Livermore),  Thompsonborough  (Lis 
bon),  Littleborough  (Leeds)  and  Pejepscot  (Danville).  Among  these  settlements 
was  Royalsborough,  established  in  1760  and  incorporated  as  Durham  in  1789'. 
This  was  the  birth  place  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr. 


(3) 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  earliest  mention  of  any  Dingleys  is  in  connection  with  the  Parish  of 
Dingley  in  Northamptonshire,  England.  In  Whalley's  history  of  that  country 
mention  is  made  of  about  seven  generations  from  Alured  de  Dinglai,  A.  D.  1197, 
to  Thomas  de  Dyngele,  Rector  Ecclesiae  de  Dyngele,  circa  1400,  A.  D.  A  precep- 
tory  of  the  order  of  Knights  Hospitallers  had  been  founded,  (it  is  not  known  by 
whom)  in  the  parish  of  Dingley  in  King  Stephen's  reign,  1135-1154.  Soon  after 
(1269)  the  Hospitallers  possessed  one  manor  in  the  parish,  and  the  family  of 
Dingley  the  other.  At  the  time  of  the  death  of  Thomas  the  Rector,  the  whole 
property  in  the  parish  seems  to  have  passed  to  the  order.  There  was  a  member 
of  the  family — a  John  Dingley — a  Knight  Hospitaller.  There  is  mention  of  him 
in  the  chronicles  of  Henry  of  Knighton  (1363),  and  the  archives  of  the  order  now 
preserved  in  Malta  have  been  searched  (by  the  courtesy  of  Sir  Adrian  Dingli, 
Chief  Justice  of  Malta)  and  a  letter  1  has  been  found  addressed  to  Brother  John 
Dingley,  preceptor  of  Dalby,  from  the  then  head  of  the  Order  of  Rhodes,  bear 
ing  date  20th  of  February,  1365. 

Whether  the  modern  Dingleys  descended  from  the  Northamptonshire  family 
is  still  an  open  question;  but  all  the  Dingleys,  Dineleys,  and  Dyneleys  (for  the 
name  is  thus  variously  spelled  even  now)  now  existing  are  the  off-spring  of 
Henry  de  Dyneley  of  Cliriger  in  Lancashire,  who  lived  in  the  time  of  Henry  III, 
1216-1272;  but  whether  he  was  an  off -shoot  of  the  Northamptonshire  family  and 
gave  his  name  to  a  village  now  called  Dinnley  (then  Dyneley)  or  whether  the 
place  was  so  called  before  and  he  took  his  name  from  it,  cannot  at  present  bs 
decided  with  certainty. 

Habington,  the  Worcestershire  historian,  who  lived  about  1650,  was  of  the 
opinion  that  the  Worcestershire  Dineleys,  or  Dingleys,  were  originally  from 
Dingley  in  Northants,  and  says  that  Mr.  Henry  Dingley  of  Hanley  castle,  "A 
gentleman  expert  in  armory  and  the  deviser  of  his  brother's  tomb  in  Crop- 
thorne  church"  was  of  the  same  opinion.  Some  later  writers  have  disputed  this, 
as  a  letter  has  been  discovered  from  Henry  Dingley  to  Sir  Simon  Archer  in 
which  he  says  that  the  Worcestershire  Dingleys  came  from  Dounham  in  Lan 
cashire.  So  they  did,  no  doubt.  But  that  is  no  reason  that  the  families  did  not 
originally  spring  from  the  Northamptonshire  line  which  is  traced  back  at  least 
two  generations  further.  The  Dyneleys  of  Cliriger  became  extinct  in  six  gener 
ations — about  1420.  The  Dyneleys  of  Dounham  remained  there  until  about  1550, 
but  before  this  one  or  perhaps  more  members  migrated  to  Yorkshire — one,  Rich 
ard,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III  to  Charlton  in  Worcestershire;  and  either  a  son 
of  his  or  more  probably  a  younger  brother,  into  Kent;  and  his  early  decendants 

1 — The  earliest  Dingley  relic  yet  discovered  is  a  letter  to  John  Dingley,  a 
Knight  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  (otherwise  called  Knights  Hospitallers,  and 
later  Knights  of  Malta)  from  Raymond  Berenger,  the  then  head  of  the  Order  at 
Rhodes,  20th  of  February,  1365.  The  search  which  found  this  letter  was  instituted 
by  Sir  Adrian  Dingli,  G.  C.  M.  G.  and  LL.  D.,  Chief  Justice  of  Malta,  where  the 
records  of  the  order  are  now  preserved. 

(4) 


ROBERTI  DINGLEI.     R.  DINGLEY,  ESQ. 
TOMB  OF  FRANCIS  DINGLEY  AND  WIFE. 


in  Richard  II's  reign  (1377-1379),  became  possessed  by  marriage  of  Wolverton  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight. 

The  Yorkshire  family  was  divided  into  several  branches,  who  distinguished 
themselves  from  each  other  either  by  differencing  the  original  coat  of  arms  or 
by  assuming  different  crests.  The  only  branches  found  named  are  those  of 
Melbourne,  Suillington,  and  Branhope;  but  there  were  others.  At  Melbourne 
they  have  gone  and  left  no  trace  behind  them,  either  in  the  parish  registries  or  in 
monuments  in  the  church.  No  information  can  be  obtained  from  the  Suillington 
branch,  and  the  Branhope  branch  is  only  just  extinct.  The  last,  Robert  Dingley, 
died  in  1861.  His  sister's  son,  born  in  Chamberlain,  took  the  name  of  Dingley 
by  royal  license,  and  now  (1896)  his  only  son  lately  died  childless,  and  his  widow 
is  living  somewhere  near  Dover. 

Another  of  the  Yorkshire  branches  was  represented  a  few  years  ago  by  the 
late  Major  General  Henry  Ellenborough  Dyneley.  He  was  born  in  1829.  He  died 
about  1893.  The  only  clue  as  to  which  branch  he  belonged  to  is  that  the  crest 
he  used  is  the  dragon's  head  based  on  a  wreath,  not  out  of  a  coronet,  as  the 
Southern  Dingleys  have  it.  He  had  a  sister,  an  old  lady,  and  she  was  still  living 
in  London  in  1896,  in  a  sort  of  sisterhood. 

From  the  visitation  of  1569  many  interesting  facts  concerning  the  Dingleys 
of  Charlton  in  Worcestershire  are  gathered.  Some  time  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
III  (1327-1377)  a  Richard  Dingley  whose  decendants  claimed  that  he  came  from 
the  family  at  Dounham,  came  into  Worcestershire  and  married  Eleanor,  daugh 
ter  and  heiress  of  Sir  Symon  Hondesacre,  or  Hansacre,  of  Charlton,  and  with 
her  inherited  Charlton  house  and  estate.  (Charlton  is  a  hamlet  in  the  parish  of 
Cropthorne,  Worcestershire).  From  Richard  Dingley  who  lived  in  the  time  of 
Edward  III  to  Francis  Dingley,  so  called  both  on  his  monument  and  his  will,  are 
eighteen  generations.  He  died  1  in  1614.  There  were  three  generations  more  of 
male  Dingleys  after  him  and  then  Charlton  passed,  with  another  Eleanor,  the 
daughter  of  Sir  Edward  Dingley,  Knight,  to  the  Goodyeres  in  1682,  thencefor 
ward  known  as  Dingley-Goodyeres.  2  A  terrible  tragedy  took  place  a  genera 
tion  later  when  one  Goodyere  brother  killed  the  other  and  was  hung  for  it;  and 
the  Charlton  estate  was  sold.  The  last  (till  lately)  known  Goodyere  was  the  son 
of  the  murderer,  a  highly  eccentric  chevalier  of  the  last  century,  who  called 
himself  Sir  John  Dineley,  dropping  the  Goodyere.  He  was  one  of  the  "Poor 
Knights  of  Windsor."  He  died  unmarried  in  1808. 

The  tomb  3  of  Francis  Dingley  in  Cropthorne  church  is  still  well  preserved. 
He  and  his  wife  are  on  an  altar  and  his  nineteen  children  kneel  around  him 

1 — Abstract  of  the  will  of  Francis  Dineley  of  Charlton  County,  Worcester, 
Esq.  This  is  described  in  the  Prerogative  court  of  Canterbury,  now  lodged  in 
Somerset  House,  London.  The  reference  to  it  is  P.  C.  C.  100  Byrde. 

First.    I  bequeath  my  soul  to  God,  etc.,  etc. 

My  bodie  to  be  buried  in  Chopthorne  church,  where  my  seal  now  is.  As  for 
my  goods  I  bequeath  them  in  manner  and  for  following:  I  give  my  geldinge  to 
Philip  Dingley  my  son,  and  to  Anthony  my  son  £200.  All  the  rest  of  my  goods  I 
give  Elizabeth  my  wife,  whom  I  make  sole  executrix. 

Francis  Dyneley. 

3rd  November,  1623. 

18th  June,  1664,  administration  of  the  goods  of  Francis  Dyneley,  left  undis 
turbed  by  Elizabeth  the  relict,  was  granted  to  the  niece,  Elizabeth  Bearcroft. 

2 — Marriage  license  in  the  registry  of  the  vicar-general  of  Canterbury, 
granted  to  the  last  Dingley  of  Charlton,  and  showing  that  though  her  decend 
ants  were  called  Dingley-Goodyeres,  yet  Dingley  was  the  official  spelling. 

Goodyere,  Edward  (Goodyere)  of  Burhope,  Colleford,  gentleman,  bachelor, 
about  22,  and  Miss  Helen  Dingley  of  Charlton,  County  Worcester,  spinster,  about 

18,  with  consent  of  her  father,  Dingley,  of  the  same  esquire  at  Bodenham, 

county  Hereford,  21  January,  1679. 

3— The  inscription  on  the  tomb  of  Francis  Dingley  who  died  in  1642,  is  sup 
posed  to  have  been  written  and  the  tomb  designed  by  Henry  Dingley,  of  Hanley 
Castle,  his  brother  younger  by  three  years  than  himself,  but  surviving  him  six 
teen  years,  dying  in  1640.  It  is  as  follows:  "To  the  during  memory  of  Francis 
Dingley,  Esq.,  nobly  descended  on  both  sides,  deriving  his  masculine  line  from 
the  ancient  family  of  the  Dineleys  or  Dingleys  of  Lancashire,  which  was  since 
yet  more  ennobled  by  many  honorable  and  worshipful  matches  as  of  Hansacre, 
deduced  from  the  ancient  kings  of  Scotland,  Throgmorton,  Rous  of  Ragley, 

(5) 


Three  are  in  small  cradles  level  with  the  heads  of  the  others;  they  can  hardly 
be  discerned.  The  nine  sons  were: 

Henry,  eldest  son,  born  1581. 

William,  probably  second  son. 

Thomas,  third  son,  born  1587. 

Giles,  born  1590. 

Francis, 

Edward, 

John,  born  1594. 

Antony,  baptised  1595. 

Philip,  born  1603. 

The  seven  daughters  were: 

(1)  Eleanor,  who  married  Francis  Egione;  (2) Mary,  married  Francis  Eaton; 

(3)  Elizabeth,  married  Hazelwood;  (4)  Ann,  married  Richard  Skinner; 

and  Magdalen  and  Katherine,  married,  the  one  Richard  Millington  and  the 
other  Samuel  Bigge,  but  which  was  which  is  not  now  known. 

Of  the  nine  sons,  four  only  are  mentioned  in  the  visitation  of  1682,  viz.: 
Henry,  who  though  dead,  was  the  parent  of  the  next  generation  in  the  direct 
line;  William,  who  married  Dorothy  Kelley,  and  left  sons  and  daughters;  Antony 
and  Philip,  also  married,  with  a  family;  Edward,  died  before  1632,  but  is  men 
tioned  in  his  mother's  will;  Thomas,  who  was  an  Oxford  man  took  the  degree  of 
B.  C.  L.,  and  the  peculiar  B.  C.  L.  gown  on  the  third  son  can  be  seen  on  the 
monument.  He  was  rector  of  Monks  Resborough  in  Buckinghamshire.  Of  the 
remaining  three  sons,  Giles,  Francis  and  John,  it  can  be  stated  with  reasonable 
accuracy  that  the  latter,  John,  is  the  one  who  emigrated  to  America  and  from 
whom  the  Dingleys  in  America  are  descended. 

In  1682  and  just  after,  the  Worcestershire  Dingleys  were  a  most  extensive 
family.  George  Gifford  Dineley,  a  London  barrister  was  descended  from  Francis 
Dingley.  One  of  his  ancestors  was  Mark  Dingley,  the  grandson  of  Henry,  the 
eldest  son  of  Francis.  An  extract  from  the  will  1  of  said  Mark  Dingley  dated  in 
1682  shows  the  acknowledged  relationship  between  the  Dingleys  of  Worcester 
shire  and  those  of  Wolverton  and  those  of  Yorkshire. 

There  were  about  twenty  families  of  Dingleys  living  in  Birmingham,  Eng 
land,  and  its  neighborhood.  None  of  them  know  anything  of  their  ancestry; 
but  there  is  little  doubt  that  they  sprang  from  the  Dingleys  of  Charlton.  In 
Thomas  Dingley's  "History  from  Marble,"  a  curious  book  left  in  manuscript 
by  a  certain  T.  D.  of  the  Wolverton  branch  who  lived  about 
1680,  is  a  description  and  picture  of  Charlton  Manor  house.  2  This  Thomas  Ding- 

Tracey,  Hardevieke,  St.  Nicolas,  Neville,  and  Bigge.  By  his  feminine  line  from 
his  mother  Mary,  daughter  of  Sir  Edward  Neville,  lineally  descended  from  Joan 
de  Arces,  daughter  of  King  Edward  I.  From  Joan,  daughter  of  John  of  Gaunt, 
Duke  of  Lancaster,  fourth  son  of  King  Edward  III,  and  Constance,  daughter  of 
Edward  Langley,  duke  of  Tork,  fifth  son  of  King  Edward  III.  Her  mother  was 
Eleanor,  daughter  of  Andrew,  Lord  Windsor. 

"He  hanpily  matched  with  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Thomas  Bugge,  Esq.,  (de 
scended  from  his  mother's  side  from  the  noble  family  of  Gruges,  Galway,  Bracey 
alias  Brace)  and  Magdalen  Hoby  his  wife,  by  whom  he  had  issue  eleven  sons  and 
eight  daughters,  and  with  whom,  having  spent  the  space  of  fifty  years  in  com 
fortable  wedlock,  he  died  in  peace,  leaving  behind  him  the  precious  memory  of  a 
zealous  patriot,  a  worthy  justicer,  a  true  friend  to  true  religion,  and  a  great 
example  of  valour  and  wisdom. 

"Elizabeth,  his  late  consort,  hath  consecrated  this  mean  monument  of  her 
love  and  his  merits." 

1 — Extract  from  the  will  of  Mark  Dineley,  great-grandson  of  Francis  Ding- 
ley,  proved  1682,  in  the  probate  court  at  Worcester: 

After  bequeathing  his  property  to  his  nephew,  Josiah  Dingley,  who  did  suc 
ceed  him,  and  failing  him,  to  one  or  two  other  near  relations,  and  failing  them 
to  the  eldest  male  heir  of  my  grandfather,  Henry  Dingley.  Failing  him,  to  the 
eldest  heir  male  of  my  great-grandfather,  Francis  Dingley.  Failing  all  these  to 
the  eldest  issue  male  of  the  eldest  family  of  the  Dyneleys  or  Dingleyes  of  the 
Isle  of  Wight.  Failing  any  of  these,  to  the  eldest  issue  male  of  the  eldest  branch 
of  the  Dyneleyes  or  Dingleyes  in  the  County  of  York.  And  in  default  of  such  is 
sue,  to  our  sovereign  Lord,  King  Charles  the  Second." 

2— Thomas  Dingley's  "History  from  Marble"  contains  a  very  interesting 
sketch  of  Charlton,  the  old  Manor  house  of  the  Dingleys,  in  the  parish  of 

(6) 


CCCXV1 


TOMB  OF  FRANCIS  DINGLEY  AND  HIS  WIFE. 


ley  was  an  antiquary  and  a  traveler  and  left  behind  him  six  manuscript  volumes. 
The  Camden  society  some  years  ago  published  this  "History  from  Marble." 

Soon  after  the  Goodyere  tragedy,  when  Charlton  was  sold,  it  was  occupied 
by  a  family  of  Dingleys  as  tenant  farmers,  and  three  generations  of  them  lived 
there  until  about  1850,  when  it  was  again  sold  and  they  were  turned  out.  An 
old  Mr.  William  Dingley,  who  with  his  daughter  lived  (1896)  at  Ledbury  in  Here 
fordshire,  was  born  in  the  old  house.  They  have  lost  their  record  but  claim  to 
be  descended  from  one  of  the  eight  sons  of  Henry,  the  son  of  Francis  Dingley, 
but  they  cannot  say  which. 

The  Dingleys  of  Wolverton  have  always  been  regarded  by  historians  as  a 
younger  branch  from  Charlton,  and  they  bear  the  same  arms  and  crest  precisely, 
but  they  go  back  so  far  as  to  be  almost  if  not  quite  coeval  with  them.  The  first 
Robert  Dynley  mentioned  may  have  been  the  son  of  Richard  of  Charlton,  but 
as  among  the  many  other  coat  of  arms  they  are  not  entitled  to  quarter,  those  of 
Hansacre  of  Charlton  are  not  claimed  by  them,  and  a  son  of  Richard's  would 
certainly  quarter  those  coats.  It  may  be  that  they  descend  from  a  younger 
brother  of  Richard's.  A  picture  is  given  of  a  brass  1  in  Standford  Dingley 
church  in  Berkshire,  of  Margaret,  the  wife  of  William  Dyneley,  who  died  on  the  • 
7th  of  August,  1444. 

A  great-grandson  of  Sir  John  Dingley  of  Wolverton  was  Robert  Dingley,  a 
rich  merchant  of  London,  a  governor  of  the  Bank  of  England,  a  Fellow  of  the 
Royal  Society  (F.  R.  S.)  and  the  principal  founder  of  the  great  charity,  the 
Magdalen  hospital.  A  portrait  of  Robert  Dingley  is  now  preserved  in  the  board 
room  of  the  Magdalen.  He  had  one  son  and  four  grandsons,  who  must  have 
either  died  sonless,  or  emigrated  as  no  trace  of  them  whatsoever  can  be  found. 

The  Cornish  Dingleys  all  sprang  from  a  William  Dingley,  who  came  into  the 
country  and  married  a  Cornish  wife  in  1575.  Whether  he  was  the  son  of  James 
or  Richard,  the  sons  of  Mark  Dingley,  is  not  clear,  but  the  Southampton  Ding- 
leys  now  extend  descent  from  the  one  and  the  Cornish  Dingleys  from  the  other. 
The  Cornish  family,  about  1700  divided  into  two  branches.  The  elder  branch 
was  a  hundred  years  ago  extensive,  but  after  the  manner  of  the  family 
dwindled,  and  it  has  now,  1896,  only  one  male  representative;  he  had  uncles  and 
cousins  but  they  have  utterly  disappeared. 

In  the  year  1637  when  the  first  Dingley  is  known  to  have  emigrated  from 
England  to  America,  there  were  Dingleys  in  Yorkshire,  Worcestershire,  Hamp 
shire,  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  in  Cornwall.  The  John  Dingley  who  went  to  Amer 
ica  did  not  come  from  the  Cornwall  Dingleys  because  he  was  a  High  Church 

Cropthorne.  About  one  half  of  the  principal  structure  was  in  1867,  standing,  hav 
ing  been  remodeled  both  without  and  within  early  in  the  last  century.  The  orig 
inal  hall,  of  which  the  tall  window  is  seen  in  the  appending  view,  is  gone,  and 
the  ancient  gate-house  which  occupied  the  center  of  the  area  has  been  removed. 
The  less  ancient  boundry  wall  in  front  with  its  two  pilliard  gate-ways  is  still 
standing.  So  are  the  adjoining  porter's  lodge,  of  timber  and  brick,  and  the  dove 
cote  behind  it,  which  is  of  stone.  This  mansion,  which  had  been  relinquished  to 
farmers  from  about  1780,  is  now  (1867)  undergoing  the  process  of  renovation  with 
more  than  usual  regard  to  its  old  features,  at  the  hands  of  Henry  Workman, 
Esq.,  late  of  Everham,  by  whom  the  Charlton  estate  was  purchased  in  1864 
The  Workmans  subsequently  sold  the  estate  to  other  parties. 

1 — The  brass  of  Margaret  Dyneley,  in  Standford  Dingley  church  is  the  oldest 
Dingley  monument  known.    The  inscription  without  contractions,  Is  as  follows: 
Subjacet  hoc  lapide  Margaret  Dyneley  tumulata 
Quondam  Willmi  Dyneley  conjux  vocitata 
Armegeri  Regio.    Modo  vevnulus  esca  pavata 
M  Domina  C  quater  X  quater  L,  cadel  ilia 
Romana  festo.    Jesus  ergo  sui  memor  esto. 
The  translation: 

Beneath  this  stone  lies  buried  Margart  Dyneley 

Formerly  entitled  wife  of  William  Dyneley 

Esquire  of  the  King.    But  now  food  ready  for  worms. 

She  dies  in  (the  year)  of  our  Lord  MCCCCXXXXIIII  (1444) 

On  the  feast  of  St.  Romanus   (9th  of  August).      Jesus    therefore 

have  mercy  on  her. 

The  feast  of  S.  Romanus  (9th  of  August)  occurs  within  the  octave  of  the 
greater  festival  of  "The  Name  of  Jesus,"  the  7th  of  August,  and  this  explains 
the  special  invocation  of  the  Holy  Name. 

(7) 


clergyman,  and  suffered  much  for  his  opinions,  and  would  by  no  chance  have 
joined  the  Puritans;  furthermore  there  are  records  of  this  John  Dingley  sub 
sequent  to  1638.  The  John  Dingley  of  the  Wolverton  branch  on  the  Isle  of 
Wight  was  born  in  1590,  knighted  in  1614,  and  was  deputy  governor  of  the  Island 
in  1642,  so  that  he  could  not  have  emigrated.  There  was,  however,  a  John  Ding- 
ley  missing  from  the  Dingleys  of  Charlton  in  Worcestershire,  and  this  in  all 
probability  is  the  John  Dingley  who  emigrated  to  America  in  1637.  This  John 
Dingley  was  a  son  of  Francis  whose  children  have  already  been  mentioned. 
From  their  surroundings  and  relationship  this  family  of  Francis  Dingley,  it  is 
lair  to  judge,  were  Royalists  and  Churchmen,  centainly  anti-Puritan;  but  Col. 
William  Dingley,  1  nephew  of  Francis  and  first  cousin  of  John  was  a  distin 
guished  soldier  in  the  service  of  the  parliament  and  therefore  not  a  Royalist,  so 
it  is  quite  possible  that  some  of  his  cousins  might  have  been  the  same.  2 

The  will  of  Francis  Dingley  is  very  short.  He  only  mentions  two  of  his  sons, 
and  leaves  everything  else  to  his  wife.  The  inference,  therefore,  is  that  he  had 
provided  for  all  the  others  in  his  lifetime,  and  that  they  were  Independent  and 
could  do  as  they  liked.  3 

1— The  epitaph  of  Col.  William  Dingley  in  Hanley  Castle  church  speaks  of  his 
noble  nature  to  his  endeared  country  and  adds:  "Neither  was  he  wanting  to  the 
Civil  government,  being  enrolled  a  Justice  of  Peace  and  quorum  for  this  county, 
of  which  in  peace  and  war  he  was  most  highly  esteemed."  Col.  William  Dingley 
died  May  5th,  anno  1653. 

2 — From  the  fact  that  the  family  of  Francis  Dingley  were  Royalists,  it  does 
not  follow  that  they  were  anti-Puritans.  There  was  a  great  difference  between 
the  Pilgrims  and  the  Puritans.  The  Pilgrims  fled  from  England  to  escape  relig 
ious  persecution.  They  first  went  to  Holland  and  thence  to  America,  settling  in 
Plymouth  in  1620.  The  Puritans  founded  the  Massachusetts  Bay  colony  in  1628- 
30.  They  had  the  approval  of  the  English  throne  and  were  a  large  and  well- 
equipped  company.  They  were  actuated  largely  by  a  religious  motive.  Yet  pri 
marily,  theirs  was  a  commercial  colony,  and  they  did  not  seem  to  disavow  the 
state  church.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  John  Dingley,  who  came  to  America 
in  1637  was  one  of  the  Puritans  and  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
colony.  He  was  a  royalist  and  a  churchman,  it  is  true,  and  he  must  also  have 
been  a  Puritan.  Rev.  Samuel  Dingley  evidently  assumed  that  because  John 
Dingley  was  a  royalist  and  churchman,  he  must  have  been  anti- Puritan.  But 
such  was  not  the  case. 

3 — The  first  Dingley  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  the  University  of  Oxford  is: 
Dingley,  Roger,  B.  A.  (Supplicated  24  June)  1506.     Fellow  of  All  Souls  Coll., 

1511.    M.  A.,  29,  November,  1513.    Guardian  of  the  Ruthberry  Chest  in  summer 

1514.    Proctor,  1518.    B.  D.,  16  June,  1533.    D.  D.,  11  June,  1586. 
Elsewhere  he  is  said  to  have  been  chaplain  to  Henry  VIII. 

3 — Most  of  the  information  contained  in  this  chapter  relative  to  the  early 
history  of  the  Dingley  family  in  England  was  obtained  through  the  industry  and 
courtesy  of  Rev.  Samuel  Richard  Dingley,  a  retired  clergyman  living  in  1896  at 
Hampton-on- Severn,  Gloucester,  England,  who  wrote  to  Hon.  Nelson  Dingley 
Jr.  as  follows: 

The  Denhalls, 
Hampton-on-  Severn, 

Gloucester,  Eng. 

Stonehouse, 
Gloucester,  Eng. 
December  27,  1895. 
My  Dear  Sir: 

I  have  just  seen  your  name  on  the  enclosed  newspaper  slip.  I,  too,  am  a  Ding- 
ley,  but  I  did  not  know  that  there  were  any  of  our  family  in  America,  though  I 
was  aware  of  some  who  had  gone  to  Australia.  Would  you  mind  telling  me  what 
you  know  of  your  ancestors,  and  when  they  left  England?  There  have  been 
Dyneleys  or  Dingleys  of  Yorkshire,  Dinleys  or  Dingleys  of  Charlton  in  Wor 
cestershire — claiming  by  various  marriages  three  royal  descents — Dingleys  of 
Wolverton,  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  who  have  the  blood  of  Charlemange,  all  having 
a,  common  ancestor  in  Henry  de  Dyneley  of  Cliriger  in  Lancashire,  who  lived 
circa  1250  A.  D..  I  come  of  an  offshoot  of  one  of  these  which  has  been  in  Corn 
wall  since  about  1600,  A.  D.  Of  these  Cornish  Dingleys  I  know  nearly  everything. 
Of  the  other  branches  I  know  a  good  deal,  and  should  much  like  to  find  your 
place  in  the  family  tree. 

(8) 


Franrfe  DtttTe   06.  Oct 


CREST  OP  FRANCIS  DINGLEY. 


CHAPTER  III. 

John  Dingley,  the  ancestor  of  the  Dingley  family  in  the  United  States,  was 
born  about  1608  and  died  in  1658.  He  came  over  from  Lynn,  England,  to  Lynn, 
Massachusetts,  with  a  company  of  emigrants  in  1637.  Lynn  was  then  a  portion 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  colony,  settled  by  the  Puritans  in  1628-1630.  Although 
the  members  of  the  company  were  Puritans,  adherents  to  the  established  church 
of  England  and  probably  Royalists,  circumstances  were  too  much  for  them; 
and  as  they  learned  of  the  religious  freedom  of  the  colony  at  Plymouth  and  ap 
preciated  the  fitness  of  the  latter's  religion  and  customs  for  their  social  condi 
tion,  they  gradually  adopted  both.  In  1640  the  company  at  Lynn  removed  to 
Sandwich  (Cape  Cod)  and  became  practically  a  portion  of  the  Plymouth  colony. 
In  1692  the  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts  Bay  colonies  became  actually  one. 

Thus  John  Dingley,  while  not  a  Pilgrim  and  a  member  of  the  original  Ply 
mouth  colony,  was  a  Puritan  and  a  Plymouth  Pilgrim  by  adoption.  The  origi 
nal  Lynn  company  was  at  Lynn  only  three  years,  and  there  are  few  if  anyj 
records  of  it  in  the  history  of  that  period.  The  real  history  of  the  Dingleys  in 
America  begins  in  the  town  of  Marshfield,  Massachusetts,  whence  John  Dingley 
with  two  associates  came  from  Sandwich  in  1640.  This  was  soon  after  Marsh- 
field  and  Duxbury  were  erected  out  of  parts  of  old  Plymouth.  John  Dingley  was 
a  blacksmith  by  trade,  but  united  with  his  trade  the  cultivation  of  the  soil — a 
lot  of  land  having  been  granted  him  by  the  town.  This  farm  in  Marshfleld 
has  ever  been  known  as  the  Dingley  homestead,  and  the  old  house  was  occupied 
until  recently,  by  the  only  survivor  of  the  family  in  that  region,  an  aged  wo 
man.  John  Dingley  is  named  on  the  first  book  of  the  Marshfield  records  as  pay 
ing  rates  or  taxes,  in  1643,  and  was  styled  "Goodman  Dingley."  He  was  some 
thing  of  a  politician  or  village  statesman,  for  he  is  mentioned  as  being  often 
chosen  to  fill  responsible  offices  in  the  town.  He  died  in  1658  about  fifty  years 
old.  His  wife's  name  was  Sarah,  but  her  maiden  name,  and  the  dates  of  her 
'birth,  marriage  and  death  are  missing.  Although  many  old  tombstones  in  the 

If  you  care  about  these  things  I  could  tell  you  much  of  great  interest,  and 
should  be  much  pleased  to  do  so.  I,  myself,  am  a  priest  of  the  Church  of  Eng 
land — old,  slightly  crippled,  retired  from  active  service,  married  but  with  no 
children.  I  have  a  small  but  sufficient  income,  so  that  I  want  nothing  of  anyone. 
The  occupation  of  my  old  age  and  leisure  time  is  family  history,  and  whenever 
I  hear  of  a  sticinge  Dingley  I  want  to  know  who  he  is.  I  trust  you  will  pardon 
my  intrusion  and  also  any  informality  in  the  address  of  my  letter.  I  have  no 
idea  of  your  Christian  name,  nor  do  I  know  what  style  or  title  may  be  your  due. 
Hoping  to  hear  from  you,  believe  me,  yours  very  truly, 

Samuel  Richard  Dingley. 

To  this  letter  Congressman  Dingley  replied  with  cordial  thanks,  also  convey 
ing  to  his  kind  English  family-friend  all  the  information  in  his  possession  touch 
ing  the  Dingley  family  in  America.  Replying  to  Mr.  Dingley's  letter  the  English 
rector,  February  17,  1896,  sent  a  second  letter  to  Congressman  Dingley  contain 
ing  much  of  the  information  which  is  given  in  these  pages.  The  editor  of  this 
work  is  therefore  deeply  indebted  to  this  English  rector  for  valuable  informa 
tion  concerning  the  early  history  of  the  Dingley  family. 

(9) 


Marshfleld  churchyard  dating  back  to  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  century, 
bear  the  name  of  Dingley,  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  the  maiden  name  of  John's 
wife  or  the  date  of  their  marriage. 

John  and  Sarah  Dingley  had  five  children — two  sons  and  three  daughters: 
John  Jr.,  who  died  in  boyhood,  in  1655;  Mary,  who  died  in  1655;  Sarah,  who  mar 
ried  William  Ford  and  who  died  in  1727;  and  Hannah,  who  married  Josias  Keen. 

It  is  of  historical  interest  both  to  the  Dingleys  and  to  all  New  England, 
to  know  that  Mary  Dingley,  daughter  of  John  Dingley,  played  an  important 
part  in  the  early  history  of  the  Plymouth  colony.  There  are  no  more  sweet  and 
tender  stories  of  the  early  Pilgrim  days  than  appear  in  Jane  Austin's  "Betty 
Alden,"  called  the  first  born  daughter  of  the  Pilgrims. 

Miles  Standish,  one  of  the  heroes  of  that  period,  had  lost  his  beloved  daugh 
ter  Lora;  and  Betty  Alden  was  chosen  to  comfort  the  wounded  soldier;  and  to 
Myles  she  recounted  in  tender  language  the  last  words  of  Lora,  which  were: 

"  'Tis  Mary  and  not  Sally  that  will  comfort  him  best.  She'll  be  a  daughter 
to  him  in  a  place  next  to  mine.  Tell  him  so." 

Myles  covered  his  face  again,  and  for  some  moments  Betty  sat  in  respect 
ful  silence,  then,  moving  nearer,  laid  a  light  touch  upon  the  shoulder  heaving 
under  its  mighty  struggle  for  self-control. 

"Not  in  Lora's  place,  dear  sir,"  said  she  softly.  "No  one  can  take  that  e'en 
if  she  would,  and  Mary  Dingley  would  not  if  she  could.  I  know  her  well,  and  a 
milder,  gentler,  sweeter  maid  no  longer  lives  on  earth.  She  is  one  who  will 
ever  bear  your  grief  in  mind,  yet  never  speak  of  it;  one  who  will  give  you  a 
daughter's  duty  and  tendance,  yet  never  press  you  for  a  daughter's  freedom; 
one  who  will  love  you  as  much  as  you  will  let  her,  yet  never  be  nettled  at 
thought  you  do  not  love  her  as  you  might.  She  is  as  fond  of  Josiah  as  woman 
can  be  of  man,  yet  modest  and  meek  and  shamefast  as  a  maid  should  ever  be. 
Oh,  sir,  she  is  a  girl  among  a  thousand  I  do  assure  you,  and  if  you  will  open 
house  and  heart  to  her  you  shall  never,  never  repent  of  it." 

The  stern  Myles  had  forbidden  his  son  Josiah  to  bring  his  sweetheart,  Mary 
Dingley,  home,  but  his  iron  will  and  heart  were  softened  by  the  tender  words  of 
Betty,  and  the  love-match  between  Josiah  Standish  and  Mary  Dingley  was 
agreed  to  and  blessed. 

The  following  from  the  pen  of  Jane  Austin  beautifully  describes  the  scene  of 
this  early  romance  in  which  Mary  Dingley  became  the  bride  of  Josiah  Standish, 
uniting  the  families  of  Standish  and  Dingley: 

"The  lime  tree  has  shed  not  only  flowers  but  fruit,  and  the  bees  are  adding 
to  their  clover  and  clethra  honey  a  last  deposit  from  the  latest  hollyhocks  and 
golden  rod.  The  apples  lie  in  fragrant  piles  beneath  the  orchard  trees,  or  in  a 
less  worthy  heap  beside  the  cider  mill;  the  maize  and  the  pumpkins  gleam  in 
merry  gold,  exulting  over  the  withered  foliage  that  in  their  non-age  flaunted 
above  their  heads;  the  barns  are  bursting,  and  the  cattle  sleek  with  plenteous 
corn;  it  is  the  jocund  time  of  year  when  mother  earth  spreads  an  abundant 
board  and  calls  her  children  to  eat  and  give  thanks  to  their  creator  and  hers. 

"The  waters  of  Duxbury  Bay,  placid  and  gleaming  with  the  hazy  sunlight 
of  the  Indian  summer,  reflects  the  sails  of  a  dozen  or  more  boats  lazily  gliding 
in  from  Plymouth,  from  Marshfield,  from  Scituate,  and  even  from  Barnstable 
and  Sandwich,  for  the  children  of  the  Pilgrims  have  not  yet  outgrown  the  fam 
ily  love  and  interest  that  bound  their  fathers  in  so  close  a  tie,  and  the  Robin 
sons,  children  of  the  good  pastor,  who  so  loved  and  so  cruelly  misjudged  our 
Captain,  have  come  from  the  Cape  to  the  wedding  of  his  son,  bringing  with 
them  little  Mercy,  to  whom  Standish  left  '£3  to  her  whom  I  tenderly  love  for  her 
grandfathers  sake.' 

"Yes  this  is  the  wedding  day  of  Josiah  Standish  and  Mary  Dingley,  whose 
parents  have  generously  consented  to  bring  their  daughter  to  Duxbury  and  let 
the  marriage  take  place  in  her  future  home  as  the  captain  had  requested; 
and  now  that  he  has  given  his  consent,  the  old  man  gives  his  heart  to  the  plan, 
and  sends  his  boat  with  John  Haward  or  Hobomok,  laden  with  Invitations  to  the 
old  friends  whom  in  these  latter  days  he  has  almost  churlishly  avoided." 

(10) 


. 

"Rrws-raobolmri&tts;  tfca  paiafa 
Om ;  -c-  quato-quate  *•  nualtr  •  j-  taint  ilia  I 
ftfto-Jrfns  frao  fiw  mnaor  rffo  > " 


RESIDENCE  OF  REV.   SAMUEL,  DINGLEY,  GLOUCESTER,   ENGLAND. 

BRASS  OF  MARGARET  DYNELEY. 

SEAT  OF  DINGLEY  FAMILY  IN  ENGLAND— MAIN  ENTRANCE. 
CORNER  OF  TOWER. 


Then  Jane  Austin  tells  of  the  simple  ceremony: 

"The  brief  and  bald  civil  service  soon  was  said,  the  hearty  salutes  bestowed, 
and  the  sturdy  hand-shaking  over;  then  Governor  Bradford,  with  an  air  at  once 
paternal  and  courtly,  led  the  bride  to  the  head  of  the  principal  table  and  the 
feast,  upon  which  the  skill  of  a  select  committee  of  old  friends  has  expended 
itself,  began. 

"But  at  last  all  was  over;  the  hunter's  moon  whose  culmination  had  fixed 
the  date  of  the  wedding,  hung  glorious  in  Heaven,  shedding  almost  the  light  of 
day;  the  neighbor's  horses  were  saddled  and  pillioned,  and  the  boats  of  those 
who  came  from  farther  afield  were  manned  and  ready,"  etc. 

Thus  Mary  Dingley  and  Josiah,  son  of  Captain  Myles  Standish,  were  mar 
ried,  but  the  joy  of  that  day  was  turned  into  sorrow.  Mary  (Dingley)  Stan- 
dish  died  seven  months  after  her  wedding  day;  and  it  Is  she  who  is  the  dear 
daughter-in-law,  beside  whose  body,  together  with  that  of  his  dear  daughter 
Lora,  Captain  Myles  Standish  directed  in  his  will  he  should  be  buried.  1 

Jacob  Dingley,  of  Marshfield,  only  son  of  John  living  to  manhood  (born 
in  1642  and  died  in  1691)  succeeded  to  the  occupancy  of  the  homestead,  having 
married  Elizabeth  Newton.  They  had  eight  children — two  sons  and  six  daugh 
ters;  Mary,  born  in  1667,  who  died  unmarried;  Joseph,  born  in  1672,  who  left  no 
sons;  Hannah,  born  in  1675,  who  married  Michael  Ford;  Alice,  born  in  1678,  who 
married  Joseph  Adams;  Elizabeth,  born  in  1681,  who  married  Philip  Delana; 
Sarah,  born  in  1684,  who  married  Elnathan  Fish;  Abigail,  born  in  1687,  who  mar 
ried  Robert  Waterman;  and  John,  born  in  1670,  who  is  the  common  ancestor  of 
all  the  Dingleys  in  the  United  States. 

John  Dingley,  second  son  of  Jacob  and  grandson  of  the  first  John  (born  in 
1670,  died  in  1763),  married  Sarah  Porter  January  27,  1702,  she  having  been  born 
in  1680.  They  had  six  children — two  sons  and  four  daughters:  Jacob,  born  Octo 
ber  31st,  1703;  John,  born  August  13th,  1706;  who  married  Keziah  Thomas;  Sarah, 
born  in  1709,  who  married  Joseph  Hewett;  Martha,  born  in  1713;  Ann,  born  in 
1716,  who  married  Jacob  Pillsbury;  and  Elizabeth,  born  in  1723,  who  married  John 
Sherman. 

John  Dingley,  the  father,  died  December  12,  1763,  age  almost  ninety-four,  his 
wife,  Sarah,  having  died  March  3,  1741,  aged  sixty-one. 

John  Dingley,  the  son,  remained  on  the  ancestral  homestead  and  married 
Keziah  Thomas.  He  died  in  1779,  and  his  wife  a  year  earlier.  They  had  six 
children,  three  daughters  and  three  sons:  John,  who  died  young;  Thomas,  born 
in  1731;  and  Jaboz,  born  in  1736.  Jabez  settled  on  the  homestead  where  his 
grandson,  Isaac  S.  Dingley,  resided  for  many  years.  Thomas  removed  to  Hal- 
lowell,  Maine. 

Jacob  Dingley  of  Duxbury,  the  oldest  son  of  John  and  Sarah  Porter  Dingley 
(born  in  1703,  died  in  1792),  married  Mary  Holmes,  and  settled  in  the  northern 
part  of  Duxbury,  near  the  Marshfield  line.  They  had  six  children,  three  sons 
and  three  daughters:  Abner,  born  January  21,  1732,  who  married  Ruth  Bryant; 
Mary,  born  in  1735,  who  married  Simeon  Cook;  Sarah,  born  in  1742,  Abigail,  born 
in  1745;  Jacob,  born  February  25,  1727;  and  Joseph,  born  November  28,  1729. 

Jacob  Dingley  died  December  4,  1792,  at  the  age  of  89,  and  his  wife,  Mary,  in 
1797,  at  the  age  of  ninety-seven. 

Abner  Dingley,  son  of  Jacob,  had  a  son,  Amasa,  born  in  1760,  and  graduated 
at  Harvard  college  in  1785,  who  settled  as  a  physician  in  New  York  City,  and 

1— There  were  two  families  of  Standish— Standish  of  Standish,  and  Standish 
of  Duxbury— both  originally  from  the  same  stock,  and  both  in  Lancashire.  Such 
families  as  the  Standishes  of  Duxbury  and  the  Dingleys  of  Charlton  were  apart 
from  the  common  run  of  men,  and  would  be  more  or  less  in  communication  with 
each  other  all  over  the  country.  If  they  did  not  know  each  other  personally  be 
fore  they  went  to  America  they  knew  of  each  other.  They  would  be  so  in  touch 
with  each  other  that  I  have  no  doubt  the  projects  of  Miles  Standish  were  heard 
of  at  Charlton. 

The  marriage  of  Standish  of  Duxbury  and  the  daughter  of  a  Dingley  of 
Charlton  would  be  distinctly  fitting.  That  John  Dingley  was  a  farmer  and  a 
blacksmith  was  no  more  than  saying  he  was  an  emigrant.  Even  now  many  well 
born  men  qualify  themselves  for  emigration  by  learning  a  handcraft  or  two.— 
[Rev.  Samuel  R.  Dingley.] 

(ID 


died  of  yellow  fever;  and  also  a  son  Abner,  born  in  1761;  Nathanial  B.,  born  in 
1764;  and  Charles.  The  son  Abner  removed  to  Weston,  New  York  with  his  sons, 
Mason,  Warren  and  Amasa;  and  Abner  and  Nathanial  B.  removed  to  Winslow, 
Maine.  Joseph,  son  of  Jacob,  had  two  sons,  Abner  and  Joseph. 

Jacob  Dingley  2nd,  of  Duxbury,  son  of  Jacob  and  Mary  Holmes  Dingley  (born 
in  1727  and  died  probably  about  1770),  married  first  Desire  Phillips  by  whom  he 
had  William,  born  in  1749  and  several  other  children.  His  second  wife  was 
Susannah  Fuller,  by  whom  he  had  Elkanah,  who  died  at  sea;  Levi,  who  married 
Hannah  Peterson,  and  removed  to  Harpswell,  Maine,  probably  about  1758; 
Jacob;  Desire;  Susannah;  Ezra;  John,  who  married  Lydia  Peterson  and  re 
moved  to  Bowdoin,  Maine;  and  Mary.  Jacob  Dingley 's  third  wife  was  Alethea 
Fullerton  Ford,  by  whom  he  had  Joseph  and  Abner.  Abner  died  early  and 
Joseph  had  three  children,  Joseph,  Hannah  and  Esther. 

William  Dingley,  son  of  Jacob  and  Desire  Phillips  Dingley  (born  in  1749, 
died  in  1812),  married  Sarah  Jordan. 


(12) 


CHAPTER  IV. 

William  Dingley,  the  first  of  the  family  to  locate  in  Maine,  and  the  great 
grandfather  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  moved  from  Duxbury,  Massachusetts,  to 
Cape  Elizabeth,  Maine,  about  1773.  The  town  of  Cape  Elizabeth  was  only  eight 
years  old,  having  been  set  off  from  Falmouth  (now  Portland)  in  1765.  He  was 
only  twenty-four  years  old  when  he  located  here.  He  had  inherited  from  his 
ancestors  and  acquired  through  experience  a  hatred  of  England  and  a  love  for 
the  new  republic  that  was  struggling  for  existence.  The  very  year  he  moved 
from  Duxbury,  Massachusetts,  to  the  new  Maine  colony  of  Cape  Elizabeth,  the 
famous  "Boston  Tea-party"  was  held.  Two  years  later,  when  William  was 
twenty-six,  "The  midnight  ride  of  Paul  Revere,"  immortalized  by  the  poet 
Longfellow  (a  native  of  Portland,  Maine)  had  fired  his  patriotic  heart. 

The  battle  of  Lexington  sounded  the  note  of  alarm  throughout  the  colony. 
News  of  this  conflict  reached  Falmouth  and  Cape  Elizabeth  on  the  20th  of  April; 
and  on  the  21st,  these  towns  sent  out  a  strong  company.  Every  man  was  ready 
to  pledge  his  life,  his  fortune,  and  his  sacred  honor,  in  defense  of  the  liberties 
of  America. 

William  Dingley  took  part  in  these  patriotic  proceedings,  and  helplessly 
witnessed  the  burning  of  Falmouth  by  the  British  October  17th,  1775.  Promptly 
at  nine  o'clock  the  signal  of  attack  was  given  and  the  red  flag  of  British  ven 
geance  was  unfurled.  It  was  a  beautiful  autumnal  morning,  with  a  cloudless 
sky,  a  gentle  breeze  and  an  invigorating  atmosphere.  Falmouth  was  beauti 
fully  situated  on  the  southern  slope  of  a  hill  facing  the  bay.  It  was  the  largest 
and  richest  town  in  the  state.  There  were  four  hundred  dwelling  houses,  each 
with  its  garden.  There  were  churches,  a  library,  and  several  public  buildings. 
For  nine  hours  the  British  stormed  and  shelled  the  doomed  city.  The  torch  was 
applied  and  the  place  became  a  roaring  volcano.  It  was  an  awful  spectacle. 
Four  hundred  and  fourteen  buildings  were  destroyed  and  the  city  laid  in  ashes. 
It  was  a  most  atrocious  crime  committed  to  punish  the  inhabitants  of  Fal 
mouth  for  daring  to  thwart  the  British  monopoly  of  manufactures  and  trade. 

Thus  William  Dingley  could  not  help  being  an  ardent  patriot.  He  was  a 
loyal  supporter  of  George  Washington;  and  when  a  call  was  made  for  troops  to 
defend  the  coast  of  Maine,  companies  were  raised  at  Falmouth,  Elizabeth  and 
Boothbay.  The  dreadful  conflict  continued.  The  unfortunate  settlers  in  the 
towns  along  the  shore  were  tortured  and  killed  by  the  British.  The  coast  was 
ravaged  by  the  cruel  and  blood  thirsty  red-coats.  This  led  many  settlers  to 
push  further  back  into  the  wilderness,  and  the  interior  towns  of  Maine  were 
established.  Lord  Cornwallis,  on  the  27th  of  October,  1781,  surrendered  at  York- 
town  and  the  revolution  was  over. 

William  Dingley  was  then  thirty-two  years  old.  He  had  taken  an  active  and 
honorable  part  in  the  struggle  for  freedom;  and  with  a  stout  heart  and  strong 
hand  he  started  out  to  make  his  own  way  in  this  new  republic  of  which  he  was 
an  humble  but  loyal  citizen.  He  was  married  at  Cape  Elizabeth  to  Sarah  Jor 
dan,  and  to  them  were  born  eight  children;  Jeremiah,  born  at  Cape  Elizabeth, 
January  14,  1779;  William,  born  in  1776;  Abigail,  who  married  James  Jordan  of 

(13) 


Lewiston;  Polly,  who  married  Samuel  Wagg  of  Danville,  one  of  the  earliest 
settlers  in  that  section;  Lucy,  who  married  John  Penley,  a  descendant  of  Cap 
tain  John  Penley  and  for  several  years  a  selectman  of  Danville;  Esther,  who 
married  David  Crockett  of  Danville;  and  Sarah  and  Susannah,  who  successively 
married  Matthias  Vickery  Jr.,  of  Danville.  (Matthias  Vickery  Sr.,  is  remem 
bered  as  a  very  religious  man,  and  in  1803  he  was  appointed  on  a  committee  of 
three  in  the  town  of  Danville  "to  expend  $60  voted  by  the  town  for  the  support 
of  gospel  preachers").  Matthias  Jr.,  married  Sarah  Dingley  who  bore  him  eight 
children.  Of  the  two  sons,  only  one,  Jeremiah,  lived  to  perpetuate  the  family 
name. 

Sarah  Jordan,  the  good  and  faithful  wife  of  William  Dingley,  came  from  a 
family  of  patriots.  They  originally  settled  on  Cape  Elizabeth  opposite  Fal- 
mouth.  Humphrey  Jordan  served  honorably  in  the  war  of  the  revolution  and  in 
the  war  of  1812  James  Jordan,  brother  of  Humphrey,  married  Polly,  daughter 
of  William  and  Sarah  Jordan  Dingley. 

William  Dingley  lived  on  Cape  Elizabeth  ten  years  after  the  treaty  of  Paris 
was  signed  and  the  revolutionary  army  was  disbanded.  In  1793  at  the  age  of 
forty-four  he  moved  his  family  to  the  town  of  Danville  (now  Auburn,  Andros- 
coggin,  then  Cumberland  county),  and  took  up  a  farm  in  the  southeasterly  part 
of  that  town. 

When  William  Dingley  moved  to  Danville  or  what  was  formerly  known  as 
Pejepscot,  the  prolonged  litigation  over  boundaries  was  not  settled;  in  fact  the 
town  of  Pejepscot  was  not  incorporated  by  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
until  1814,  two  years  after  William  died;  and  the  name  was  not  changed  to 
Danville  until  1819,  seven  years  after  his  death. 

The  early  records  of  this  town  relate  almost  exclusively  to  the  making  of 
highways.  In  1802,  nine  years  after  William  located  in  Danville  the  first  com 
mittees  were  appointed  to  lay  out  roads.  In  the  building  and  repairing  of  these 
roads  home  labor  was  employed;  and  in  this  work  of  internal  improvement  Wil 
liam  was  very  active. 

The  Province  of  Maine  had  been  a  county  of  Massachusetts  since  1652  under 
the  name  of  Yorkshire.  Two  delegates  were  sent  to  the  general  court.  The  peo 
ple  of  the  province  had  consented  to  this  in  order  that  they  might  obtain  better 
protection  against  the  Indians.  But  now  that  the  Indian  wars  were  over, 
movements  were  set  on  foot  for  a  separation.  These  movements  were  carried 
on  intermittently  for  more  than  a  score  of  years;  but  the  citizens  of  Pejepscot 
took  a  rather  languid  interest,  if  we  may  judge  of  the  number  of  them  who 
came  out  to  vote  on  this  question.  In  1807  no  votes  were  cast  in  favor  of 
separation.  On  another  occasion  thirty  votes,  and  on  still  another  sixty-seven 
votes  were  cast  for  separation. 

The  citizens  of  this  town  first  took  part  in  national  affairs  in  1808,  fifteen 
years  after  William  Dingley  located  there.  He  was  fifty-nine  years  old  and  be 
ing  an  ardent  Federalist,  was  opposed  to  the  administration  of  President  Jef 
ferson.  The  town  was  agitated  over  the  embargo,  and  Squire  Giddings  wrote  in 
his  diary:  "The  curse  of  non-intercourse  and  embargo  measures  are  felt  in 
every  family  and  continue  in  prospect  with  other  calamities.  May  God  in  His 
mercy  cause  what  is  best  to  take  place." 

William  died  in  September,  1812,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three,  three  months 
after  war  had  been  declared  with  England,  and  two  months  before  the  people 
of  his  town  had  elected  a  Democrat  to  the  .general  court  of  Massachusetts  by  a 
majority  of  six  and  approved  of  the  war. 


DINGLEY  HOMESTEAD,  DURHAM,   MAINE 
MR.  DINGLEY'S  MOTHER.     MR.  DINGLEY'S  FATHER. 

LAMBERT  HOMESTEAD,  DURHAM,  MAINE,  WHERE  NELSON  DINGLEY 

JR.   WAS   BORN. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  story  of  the  early  settlement  of  what  is  now  the  state  of  Maine,  is  one 
of  suffering  and  hardship.  Hostile  Indians  and  malaria  from  the  White  Pine 
Swamps  were  foes  difficult  to  overcome.  But  these  pioneers  were  made  of 
hardy  stuff;  and  as  the  years  rolled  by  tliey  partook  more  and  more  of  the 
rugged  qualities  of  the  land  and  climate.  The  rivers  were  the  highways.  Not 
even  a  line  of  spotted  trees  indicated  a  land-tract.  On  the  banks  and  margins 
of  the  watercourses  were  found  the  pioneer  homes — simple  structures  of  logs 
reared  from  the  butts  of  ancient  trees  fallen  by  the  pioneer's  axe  on  the  spot 
where  they  were  cut  down  for  a  clearing.  The  walls  were  covered  with  bark  or 
thatched.  The  inclosed  earth  was  excavated  for  a  cellar.  The  excavation  was 
then  planked  over  with  riven  logs  of  pine;  and  a  trap- door  in  the  center  of  the 
flooring  led  to  the  cellar,  while  a  primative  ladder  afforded  the  ascent  to  the 
garret  above.  In  one  corner  of  the  log-walled  room  was  an  immense  fireplace. 
The  back  and  one  side  was  built  of  stone,  while  a  wooden  post  set  the  opposite 
jamb,  supporting  a  horizontal  beam  for  a  mantelpiece.  On  the  hearth  was  an 
ample  store  of  wood,  while  a  blazing  fire  illuminated  the  whole  interior.  Here 
the  sturdy  pioneers  reared  their  families  and  laid  the  foundation  of  a  grand  and 
noble  state. 

The  lumber  and  fur  trades  were  valuable  and  largely  extended.  Money  was 
scarce;  commerce  was  barter.  The  cotton  and  linen  goods  used  were  largely, 
if  not  wholly,  the  productions  of  the  mothers  and  daughters  at  the  home  fire- 
Bide,  while  the  tanned  hides  of  the  deer,  moose,  etc.,  formed  an  important  factor 
in  making  the  clothing  of  the  men.  Industry,  temperance  and  economy  were 
the  leading  characteristics  of  this  generation.  In  those  rough  pioneer  homes 
dwelt  a  virtuous  and  Godly  people.  They  trusted  in  an  all- wise  Providence. 
Trials  and  unlocked  for  calamities  overtook  them  but  their  sublime  faith  wa» 
not  shaken.  In  1785  a  freshet  swept  away  all  their  bridges.  In  1791  they  were 
visited  by  an  incursion  of  grasshoppers  that  ate  the  corn  and  potatoes  to  the 
ground.  In  many  fields  not  one  bushel  of  potatoes  was  raised.  The  winters 
were  long  and  severe.  But  year  after  year  these  pioneers  toiled  on. 

Among  the  early  settlers  was  William  Dingley  who,  as  has  already  been 
stated,  moved  from  Cape  Elizabeth  to  Danville  (now  Auburn),  Maine,  in  1793. 
He  took  up  his  abode  on  a  farm  in  the  southeasterly  part  of  that  town,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Androscoggin  river  at  a  point  still  known  as  Dingley's  Ferry.  Dan 
ville  at  that  time  had  few  settlers.  John  Merrill  located  in  the  westerly  part  in 
1778;  True  Woodbury  a  few  years  later;  and  James  Wagg  was  living  in  1780  on 
the  farm  on  the  river  road  still  occupied  by  his  descendants.  William  Dingley 
took  up  the  life  of  a  pioneer,  and  joined  with  his  neighbors  (the  nearest  prob 
ably  five  miles)  in  clearing  the  forests,  tilling  the  soil  and  educating  his  child 
ren.  They  all  lived  in  log  cabins  and  suffered  the  handships  incident  to  trans 
forming  the  forest  into  farms.  Plows  could  not  be  used  because  of  stumps 
and  logs.  The  implement  most  frequently  used  was  a  rude  hoe  of  great  weight 
made  by  the  nearest  blacksmith.  They  had  no  carts.  Manure  when  used  was 
handled  with  wooden  shovels  and  carried  to  the  fields  in  hods. 

(15) 


Hay  and  other  crops  were  dragged  to  the  farms  on  ox-sleds  or  else  "poled 
in"  by  hand.  Their  heavy  scythes  were  fastened  to  straight  sticks  or  perhaps 
to  a  crooked  alder  cut  in  the  swamp.  Indian  corn  was  their  staple  food.  Their 
meet  was  the  flesh  of  the  deer  and  moose,  then  abundant.  Other  wild  animals 
of  less  desirable  character  were  not  uncommon.  Bears  weighing  two  hundred 
pounds  were  frequently  killed  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  log  cabin.  Besides 
Indian  corn  their  food  was  bean  porridge,  bannocks  and  salt  pork.  There  were 
no  table  cloths,  knives  or  forks,  cups  or  saucers.  Wooden  bowls  and  wooden 
spoons  were,  besides  fingers,  the  prevailing  eating  utensils.  Settles  were  used  in 
place  of  chairs.  But  William  Dingley  of  Danville,  Maine,  was  a  sturdy  char 
acter.  He  came  of  sturdy  stock. 

He  was  of  the  sixth  generation  of  Dingleys,  resident  in  this  country;  and  he 
doubtless  moved  to  Maine  from  the  old  homestead  in  Duxbury,  Massachusets,  to 
occupy  the  land  he  had  taken  in  settlement  of  government  paper  paid  out  to 
revolutionary  soldiers.  This  paper  had  depreciated  so  much  that  "a  bushel  of 
it  would  not  buy  a  breakfast."  The  only  means  of  giving  an  equivalent  was  in 
the  unappropriated  lands  in  the  several  commonwealths.  Massachusetts  had 
plenty  of  wild  lands  in  the  district  of  Maine  and  to  her  surviving  soldiers  she 
gave  this  opportunity  of  settling  "State  Lands"  where  they  could  establish 
homes  of  their  own. 

Life  in  Danville  from  1793  to  1812,  was  primitive  and  yet  wholesome  and 
healthful.  Both  the  men  and  women  possessed  great  strength  of  body  as  well 
as  of  mind.  They  were  fitting  progenitors  of  the  noble  sons  and  daughters  who 
in  subsequent  years  made  Maine  famous  in  history.  The  men  of  Danville  wore 
trousers  of  tow  cloth  in  summer,  and  woolen  cloth,  deer  or  moose  hide  in  the 
colder  weather.  Their  coats  were  of  similar  material;  while  for  shirts  linen 
was  the  staple  article.  Wool  was  rare  for  a  long  time,  because  the  bears  and 
wolves  killed  the  sheep;  but  flax  grew  freely,  and  thus  linen  was  plentiful.  The 
women  had  learned  to  weave  on  the  great  hand  looms,  and  so  they  wove  their 
coarse  tow  and  the  finer  flax  into  thick  cloths  for  the  wear  of  men  and  boys  and 
into  sheets  and  towels  for  family  use,  while  they  produced  a  finer  cloth  woven 
in  colored  checks  for  their  own  and  their  daughters'  wear  on  Sundays  and  so 
cial  occasions.  "Spinning  bees"  and  "wool  breakings"  were  held  for  spinning 
and  carding.  When  the  work  was  done  the  men,  both  young  and  old,  came  in; 
and  the  affair  usually  closed  with  simple  dances  and  merry  plays. 

The  dress  of  the  women  was  largely  of  home-made  materials  of  finer  quality 
and  finish  than  that  of  the  men. 

The  constant  strain  of  effort  in  clearing  up  this  new  country,  affected  in 
a  marked  degree  the  social  life  of  the  people.  Holidays  of  other  than  religious 
observance,  were  practically  unknown.  Festivals  of  any  sort  were  rare  indeed. 
However  neighborhood  gatherings  for  social  intercourse,  were  frequent.  "Rais 
ing  bees,"  "Quilting  bees,"  and  "Husking  bees"  were  especially  popular.  These 
were  usually  held  moonlight  evenings,  and  the  tender  and  loving  hearts  of 
the  youths  and  maidens  were  frequently  given  to  each  other  on  these  romantic 
occasions.  Perhaps  the  comely  daughters  of  William  Dingley — Abigail,  Polly. 
Lucy,  Esther,  Sarah  and  Susannah,  lost  their  hearts  and  found  their  happiness 
at  some  of  these  bees. 

Informal  social  visits  of  neighbor  upon  neighbor  were  not  infrequent;  and 
the  good  wives  would  spend  an  afternoon  with  each  other  and  stay  to  tea,  car 
rying  perhaps  with  them  their  own  cups  and  saucers,  and  their  wheels  and  dis- 
staffs  or  other  implements,  that  the  hours  might  be  improved;   for  these  good 
women  were  never  idle.  The  town  story-tellers  spun  their  yarns  and  at  nine 
o'clock  sharp,  good-nights  were  said,  for  in  those  days  the  rule  was: 
Early  to  bed  and  early  to  rise 
Make  a  man  healthy,  wealthy  and  wise. 

Such  was  the  life  prevailing  at  Danville  when  William  Dingley  lived  there 
with  his  good  wife  Sarah.  Their  lives  were  full  of  toil  and  hardship;  but  the 
earnestness  and  persistency  of  purpose  which  helped  them  conquer  the  wilder 
ness,  descended  to  their  children  and  their  children's  children  and  gave  to  them 
the  qualities  that  make  noble  men  and  women.  From  these  hard  conditions 
came  the  physical,  mental  and  moral  sturdiness  and  the  self-reliance  that  char 
acterized  the  life  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr. 

William  Dingley  and  his  wife  Sarah  lie  buried  on  the  banks  of  the  Andros- 

(16) 


coggin  river,  near  the  site  of  their  old  home.  Their  six  daughters  married  hap 
pily  and  well,  and  lived  near  by.  Their  second  son,  Jeremiah,  perpetuated  tha 
family  name. 


(17) 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Jeremiah,  otherwise  known  as  "Squire"  Dingley,  the  second  and  only  sur 
viving  son  of  William  Dingley,  was  twenty-six  years  old  when  he  took  unto 
himself  a  wife.  May  12,  1805,  he  married  Lucy  Garcelon,  and  settled  on  the  old 
homestead  at  the  Ferry  on  the  banks  of  the  Androscoggin  river.  Andrew  R. 
Giddings,  Job  Lane  and  Benning  Wentworth  were  the  selectment  of  the  town. 
(John  Jordan,  a  relative  of  Sarah  Jordan,  wife  of  William  Dingley,  was  a  select 
man  at  Danville  several  years,  first  in  1804.)  Benning  Wentworth  was  clerk. 
The  state  of  Maine,  which  had  developed  wonderfully  for  ten  years,  now  had  a 
population  of  about  155,000.  Waterville,  where  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  spent  much 
of  his  student  life  forty-five  years  later,  had  been  incorporated  two  years  be 
fore.  Lewiston,  where  Jeremiah  Dingley  Sr.  found  his  first  wife  Lucy,  was  ten 
years  old.  In  this  year  Oxford  county,  the  home  of  many  of  Maine's  most  dis 
tinguished  sons,  was  organized.  Jeremiah  was  thirty-three  years  old  when  war 
was  declared  against  Great  Britain  in  June,  1812.  He,  like  his  honored  father, 
was  an  ardent  patriot,  a  stern  gentleman  of  the  old  school  and  a  conservative 
but  public-spirited  citizen.  He  was  deeply  interested  in  the  development  of  the 
country  and  took  an  active  part  in  politics.  The  war  of  1812  over,  Danville  took 
part  in  the  great  demonstrations  of  joy  that  swept  over  the  whole  country.  The 
great  political  question  of  the  hour  was  the  proposition  to  separate  Maine  from 
Massachusetts.  After  several  trials,  in  1819,  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
formally  declared  the  district  of  Maine  ready  to  assume  the  duties  and  respon 
sibilities  of  statehood.  March  3,  1820,  the  district  of  Maine  became  the  state  of 
Maine;  and  two  years  later  Jeremiah  Dingley  was  first  elected  to  the  board  of 
selectment  of  Danville.  He  was  forty-three  years  old  and  reckoned  one  of  the 
shrewdest  and  soundest  men  in  that  section.  He  was  thus  honored  by  his  fel 
low-townsmen  for  eight  years  successively. 

Squire  Dingley  was  a  blacksmith,  and  like  all  his  neighbors,  and  ancestors, 
a  farmer.  Of  the  148  heads  of  families  in  1820,  145  were  farmers.  The  men  and 
the  women  toiled  from  sunrise  to  sunset.  They  journeyed  on  horseback;  the 
pillions  for  ladies'  seats. 

Lucy,  the  first  wife  of  Jeremiah,  was  the  daughter  of  Rev.  James  Garcelon  of 
Lewiston,  one  of  the  selectmen  of  that  town  in  its  early  days.  They  lived  hap 
pily  on  the  old  homestead  at  the  ferry  and  had  ten  children — five  sons  and  five 
daughters — Jordan,  born  April  2,  1806,  who  married  Jane  Gilpatrick;  Julia  A., 
born  July  16,  1807,  who  married  Socrates  Dow;  Nelson,  born  November,  15,  1809, 
who  married  Jane  Lambert;  James,  born  January  7,  1811,  who  married  Betsey 
Blethen  as  his  first  wife,  and  widow  Howard  as  his  second;  William,  born 
March  27,  1814,  who  married  Maria  Blethen;  Nancy,  born  June  13,  1816,  who  mar 
ried  William  Brewster;  Lucy,  born  August  18,  1819,  who  married  Isaac  Lambert; 
Jeremiah  Jr.,  born  April  13,  1822,  who  married  Minerva  Williams  as  his  first  wife 
and  Ruth  P.  McKenney  as  his  second  wife;  Sarah  Elizabeth,  born  August  9, 
1824,  and  Susan  G.,  born  April  3,  1828,  who  married  Cornelius  Stackpole. 

Their  third  child  (born  November  15,  1809)  was  named  Nelson  and  was  the 
father  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  All  the  sons  married  well  and  happily,  and  lived 

(18) 


MRS.  SALOME  DINGLEY.  WIFE  OF  NELSON  DINGLBY  JR. 


to  be  honored  and  respected  citizens.  James  was  a  selectman  in  1843  and  later. 
Jeremiah  Jr.,  subsequently  lived  in  Auburn,  became  prominent  in  politics  and 
business,  was  a  loyal  and  ardent  supported  of  his  nephew,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
and  in  February,  1899,  one  month  after  the  death  of  his  honored  relative, 
passed  from  this  life  leaving  a  good  name  and  a  large  fortune.  The  daughters 
of  Jeremiah  Sr.  all  but  Sarah  Elizabeth,  married  well  and  left  their  mark  ort 
the  history  of  this  community. 

Squire  Dingley  spent  the  most  useful  years  of  his  life  (1820-1850)  during  an 
interesting  period  of  Maine's  history.  The  state  was  developing  rapidly;  the 
capitol  was  located  at  Augusta  in  1832;  the  government  was  being  formed,  and 
trade  and  commerce  were  extending. 

The  Aroostook  war  to  settle  the  boundary  between  Maine  and  Canada, 
aroused  the  people  of  Danville.  Politics  ran  high;  and  on  all  national  ques 
tions  Squire  Dingley  and  his  sons  were  always  against  the  extension  of  slavery 
and  in  favor  of  a  strong  central  government.  Wendell  Phillips,  William  Lloyd 
Garrison  and  Henry  Clay  were  the  idols  of  Squire  Dingley. 

He  was  a  blacksmith  and  a  farmer,  as  were  also  nearly  all  of  his  ancestors. 
He  resided  on  the  ferry  homestead  till  his  marriage  to  the  Widow  Jordan  in 
1837,  his  first  wife  Lucy  Garcelon  having  died  August  6,  1831.  With  his  second 
wife  he  removed  to  Durham,  the  adjoining  town  south  on  the  banks  of  the  An- 
droscoggin  river.  Here  he  lived  for  many  years,  finally  removing  to  Auburn, 
Maine,  opposite  Lewiston,  where  he  died  February  14,  1869,  at  the  age  of  ninety 
years. 

Nelson  Dingley,  the  third  child  of  Squire  Dingley,  was  born  at  the  old  home 
stead  in  Danville.  He  was  brought  up  by  his  good  mother  Lucy  as  all  children 
were  then  brought  up — to  work.  He  received  a  baptismal  name  of  Nelson 
from  England's  great  naval  hero,  who  had  but  recently  lost  his  life  in  the  bat 
tle  of  Trafalgar.  His  mother  died  while  he  was  young;  but  her  noble  and  am 
bitious  soul  had  inspired  Nelson  to  acquire  all  the  advantages  the  times  af- 
xorded.  He  was  reared  on  the  farm  with  only  the  usual  opportunities  for 
schooling  afforded  by  the  country  schools.  He  was  the  architect  of  his  own  for 
tune,  beginning  life,  as  he  has  so  often  said,  with  a  capital  of  50c,  and,  as  the 
long  life  and  consistent  proof  of  industry  showed,  won  his  way  to  success  in 
every  enterprise  in  life  which  he  undertook.  His  first  venture  of  his  own  was 
at  the  age  of  nineteen,  when,  a  mere  boy  off  the  farm,  he  traveled  with  a  stock 
of  goods,  by  team,  over  a  large  part  of  the  state  of  Maine,  making  his  venture 
profitable,  both  in  experience  and  in  money.  He  was  a  typical  Yankee,  sharp 
in  a  trade  and  self-reliant. 

In  1831,  when  he  was  twenty- two  years  old,  he  married  Jane  Lambert,  daugh 
ter  of  Isaac  and  Mary  Strout  Lambert  of  Durham. 

Jane  Lambert  was  also  twenty- two  years  of  age.  She  was  a  smart,  active 
girl,  with  dark  brown  hair  and  keen  eyes.  She  devoted  her  summers  to  teach 
ing  school.  She  had  a  strong  character  and  was  energetic  and  ambitious  and 
educated  far  beyond  her  day.  She  came  of  good  old  Revolutionary  stock,  her 
grandfather  being  Captain  Joshua  Strout,  a  native  of  Cape  Elizabeth  and  a 
pioneer  in  Royalsborough  (Durham)  since  1771.  Her  mother,  Mary,  a  daughter 
of  the  Knightly  Captain,  married  Isaac  Lambert  an  early  settler  in  Durham, 
one  of  the  devout  Christians  of  the  town,  one  of  the  founders  of  the  first  Baptist 
church  in  that  place,  and  chosen  and  ordained  its  first  deacon. 

In  1852,  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  in  his  diary  thus  wrote  of  his  grandfather 
Lambert: 

"My  grandfather  Lambert  was  one  of  those  stern  old  Puritans  who  settled 
in  the  country  when  it  was  an  almost  unbroken  wilderness.  By  his  own  hands 
he  had  acquired  a  respectable  property,  and  in  the  language  of  the  world  was 
well-to-do.  Brought  up  in  all  the  rigidity  of  early  New  England  customs,  he  had 
an  honest  horror  of  everything  pertaining  to  fashion  and  luxuries.  His  Bible  was 
his  guide  and  rule  of  action;  and  a  living  honestly  acquired  was  his  ultima  thule 
of  happiness." 

Thus  in  Jane  Lambert  was  united  the  sturdy  and  aggressive  qualities  of  a 
soldier  and  the  sweet  and  lofty  attributes  of  a  devout  follower  of  the  Nazarine. 

Jane  Lambert  was  a  remarkable  woman  and  many  stories  are  even  now  told 
in  Durham  of  her  exceptional  qualities. 

(19) 


The  devoted  young  couple,  Nelson  Dingley  and  Jane  Lambert  Dingley,  took 
up  their  abode  in  the  town  of  Durham  in  1831,  in  the  old  Lambert  homestead,  and 
gave  to  each  other  that  sweet  mutual  support  and  confidence  that  marked  their 
entire  wedded  life.  She  was  a  loving  wife  and  a  devoted  mother;  he  was  a  lov 
ing  husband  and  a  proud  father. 

Of  his  parents  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  wrote  in  1852  thus: 

"Under  the  staid  Puritanic  rule  my  mother  lived,  early  taught  that  each  one 
was  required  to  labor  with  his  own  hands;  that  industry  was  the  indispensable 
requisite  for  this  world,  she  had  always  done  whatever  was  to  be  done.  She  had 
spent  no  time  in  the  fashionable  frivolities  of  this  day,  but  practically  qualified 
herself  to  enter  on  life's  sea.  Labor  was  no  disgrace  to  her  mind  but  an  enjoy 
ment  for  our  natures.  With  few  advantages  she  had  stored  her  mind  with 
knowledge,  rather  above  the  average  for  those  days.  She  drank  deep  enough  of 
the  fountain  to  feel  its  value,  to  encourage  her  children.  Her  life  passed 
smoothly,  with  no  angry  waves;  in  the  same  spirit  she  had  linked  her  destiny 
with  another — the  spirit  of  self-reliance.  Under  about  the  same  influence  my 
father  was  educated.  Work  was  an  element  of  every  day  lesson.  Under  the  In 
fluence  of  God-fearing  parents  his  mind  was  formed.  Of  a  stern,  persevering 
nature,  he  triumphed  over  the  difficulties  of  life,  and  sailed  smoothly  over  the 
waste  of  waters.  By  his  own  exertions  he  rapidly  rose  both  in  the  estimation  of 
his  neighbors  and  in  property.  Kind  and  affectionate  almost  to  a  fault  he  was 
respected  by  all,  lived  happy,  surrounded  by  all  the  blessings  of  life,  and  I  trust 
will  die  happy  and  be  gathered  at  the  right  hand  of  God." 

In  1832  Durham,  Maine,  was  a  thriving  town.  The  tide  of  business  seemed  to 
flow  in  that  direction,  and  many  thought  it  would  sometime  be  a  large  city.  As 
a  manufacturing  town  it  ranked  with  the  leading  communities  in  the  state.  Saw 
and  grist  mills  were  on  every  stream.  A  steam  saw  mill,  a  tannery,  a  chair  fac 
tory,  a  shipyard,  made  the  town  lively  and  interesting  and  gave  premise  of  a 
great  future. 

To  this  place  Nelson  Dingley  Sr.  moved.  He  abandoned  farming  and  set  up 
a  general  store.  This  was  popularly  known  as  "Dingley's  Store,"  and  here 
gathered  all  the  local  politicians  and  farmers  to  discuss  the  latest  questions  of 
the  day  and  spin  yarns  more  or  less  truthful.  It  was  a  typical  country  store, 
with  an  old  red-hot  stove  blazing  in  the  winter  and  a  number  of  barrels  and 
boxes  utilized  as  resting  places  for  loafers  and  flies,  in  the  summer  time.  Na 
tional,  state  and  local  politics,  as  well  as  temperance  were  discussed.  Nelson 
Dingley  Sr.,  was  an  ardent  Whig  and  a  strong  defender  of  the  Maine  liquor  law. 
Durham  and  Dingley's  store  were  famous  for  miles  around. 

Here  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  was  born  February  15,  1832.  The  leading  men  of  the 
town  were  James  Strout,  Jonathan  Strout,  Jacob  Strout,  (all  relatives  of  Jane 
Lambert  Dingley,  wife  of  Nelson  Dingley  Sr.),  James  Newell,  Jacob  Herrick, 
David  Douglass,  and  William  Newell  Jr.  The  Dingleys  and  the  Lamberts  were 
Baptists  at  this  time;  and  in  1838,  seven  years  after  Nelson  Dingley  Sr.  moved 
away  from  Durham,  the  first  Baptist  church  was  organized  there.  Some  of  the 
men  and  women  on  the  first  roll  of  membership  were:  Isaac  Lambert  (father 
of  Jane  Lambert  Dingley),  Jeremiah  Dingley  (father  of  Nelson  Dingley  Sr.), 
William  Dingley,  brother  of  Jeremiah  Dingley;  Isaac  Lambert  Jr.,  Mary  Lam 
bert,  Lucy  Lambert  and  Maria  Dingley.  In  1851,  this  church  was  at  the  height 
of  its  prosperity;  but  soon  after  began  to  decline.  Of  the  last  four  deacons,  two 
were  Isaac  Lambert  and  William  Dingley,  while  William  Dingley  was  superin 
tendent  of  the  Sunday  school. 

Durham  probably  takes  its  name  from  the  county  of  that  name  in  England, 
once  the  residence  of  the  royal  family.  The  name  Roylsborough  was  given  to  this 
new  township  laid  out  in  1768,  because  Col.  Isaac  Royall  who  emigrated  from 
England  in  1781  and  settled  in  Medford,  Massachussets,  was  one  of  the  proprie 
tors.  The  town  is  located  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Androscoggin  river.  The 
surface  of  the  land  is  undulating,  with  a  slope  in  the  north  towards  the  river. 
In  the  early  days  before  the  white  man  trod  these  shores  the  wigwams  of  the 
Indians  dotted  the  banks  of  the  Androscoggin.  The  Anasagunticooks,  or  An 
droscoggin  Indians,  as  they  were  subsequently  called,  had  an  encampment  at 
Brunswick,  a  few  miles  below  Durham.  During  King  Philip's  war  in  1675  and  '76 
they  frequently  met  here  to  plan  their  cruel  and  barbarous  attacks.  King  Wil 
liam's  war  followed  and  the  natives  of  the  Androscoggin  exhibited  so  much 

(20) 


FRANK  L.  DINGLEY.  BROTHER  OF  NELSON  DINGLEY  JR. 


ferocity,  that  the  government  of  Massachusetts  sent  out  Major  Church  to  cap 
ture  or  kill  Worombee,  the  Sagamore  who  succeeded  the  cruel  Tarumkin. 
Worumbee's  fort  was  on  the  upper  Androscoggin.  Church  says  in  his  history  of 
this  campaign  that  "we  marched  that  day  above  the  middle  falls  (Lisbon  Falls) 
about  twenty  miles."  His  route  must  have  been  directly  through  what  is  now 
the  site  of  Durham. 

Many  years  have  passed  since  the  last  wandering  Anasagunticook  occupied 
the  valley  of  this  river  where  they  were  once  so  numerous,  and  the  name  is  now 
known  only  in  history. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  of  1812  intemperance  increased  alarmingly  in  the 
district  of  Maine.  It  was  no  uncommon  thing  to  see  all  the  members  of  a  re- , 
spectable  family  more  or  less  under  the  influence  of  liquor.  After  the  state  was 
organized  in  1820  the  people  took  alarm,  and  steps  were  taken  to  check  the  grow 
ing  evil.  In  nearly  every  town  itinerant  preachers  talked  on  the  curse  of  rum. 
Temperance  revivals  were  held  and  temperance  societies  with  the  motto  "Tem 
perance,  Humanity  and  Progress,"  were  formed  in  every  town.  The  town  of 
Durham  took  an  active  part  in  this  movement,  and  here  Nelson  Dingley  and 
Jane  Lambert  Dingley  instilled  into  their  children  the  foundation  principles  of 
temperance.  The  proud  wife  and  mother,  inspired  by  this  wave  of  temperance, 
made  her  sons  valiant  knights  in  the  long  fight  against  this  great  evil.  The 
movement  resulted,  in  1846,  in  the  first  law  prohibiting  the  manufacture  and  sale 
of  intoxicating  liquors.  The  part  Jane  Lambert  Dingley's  eldest  son  took  in  this 
great  drama,  is  told  elsewhere  in  this  work. 

Two  sons  were  born  to  Nelson  and  Jane  Lambert  Dingley — Nelson  Jr.,  born 
in  Durham,  Maine,  February  15,  1832;  and  Frank  L.,  born  in  Unity,  Maine,  Feb 
ruary  7,  1840. 

Jane  Lambert  Dingley,  the  loving  and  devoted  mother  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr., 
the  distinguished  statesman,  departed  this  life  December  2,  1871,  age  sixty-two 
years.  Of  this  event  Congressman  Dingley  penned  the  following,  which  was  pub 
lished  in  the  Lewiston  Journal  of  December  3,  1871: 

"Thanksgiving  day  her  children  and  her  grandchildren,  as  were  their  cus 
tom,  assembled  at  the  parental  home  which  was  ever  made  sweet  and  attrac 
tive  by  her  presence.  Gathered  around  the  Thanksgiving  table  which  she  had 
so  bountifully  supplied,  all  united  in  thanks  to  the  Giver  of  all  good,  and  par 
ticipated  with  her  in  all  the  enjoyment  of  the  family  reunion.  Not  one  of  us 
thought  as  we  separated  on  that  night  that  it  was  the  last  time  we  should  all 
ever  meet  again  on  earth." 

After  describing  the  scene  of  her  death  he  continues: 

"Her  children  had  been  summoned,  but  when  we  arrived  our  mother  was 
dead.  Her  face  wore  the  same  pleasing  expression  it  was  wont  to  wear  in  life 
and  it  was  not  till  we  kissed  the  lips  whose  touch  from  infant  years  had  ever 
been  so  sweet  to  ours,  that  we  could  believe  our  blessed  mother  was  no  longer 
here. 

"Dearest  mother,  no  more  shall  we  meet  thee  on  earth.  When  our  life  work  is 
done  we  hope  to  meet  thee  in  that  blessed  land  of  which  you  so  often  spoke,  and 
in  the  presence  of  that  Saviour  in  whom  you  trusted.  Till  then,  we,  thy  children, 
and  our  dear  father,  who  deeply  mourns  the  loss  of  a  loving  and  devoted  wife, 
have  the  precious  legacy  of  thy  sainted  memory.  The  memory  of  thy  tender 
love  and  unwearied  care,  thy  uncounted  deeds  of  affection,  thy  ever  faithful 
counsel,  thy  kind  remembrance  of  those  in  affliction,  and  thy  deeds  of  charity 
and  sympathy — crowds  upon  us  with  its  wonted  smile.  You  will  be  missed  in 
the  circle  in  which  you  moved,  but  above  all  in  that  home  which  for  so  many 
years  your  presence  made  radiant  with  joy,  and  most  of  all  by  the  bereaved  hus 
band  and  children. 

"Dearest  mother,  farewell,  till  we,  too,  are  called." 

Nelson  Dingley  Sr.  lived  an  active  and  honorable  life.  In  1833  he  moved  with 
his  wife  and  infant  child  to  Parkman  in  Picataquis  county,  Maine.  A  little 
farm;  afterwards  a  store  and  a  hotel;  a  few  acres  extending  into  more;  patient 
days  full  of  hard  work  often  extending  late  into  the  evening  hours;  the  zealous 
consecrated  labor  for  his  little  family  and  the  ambition  to  get  on  in  the  world — 
these  repeat  the  biography  of  this  New  Englander,  zealous  chiefly  because  he 
desired  his  children  to  have  a  larger  life  than  his  own  could  ever  be. 

Here  they  lived  until  the  autumn  of  1838,  when  he  removed  to  Unity  in 
Waldo  county,  Maine.  Here  he  opened  a  general  store  and  also  engaged  in 

(21) 


farming1  until  1854  when  he  removed  to  Auburn,  Maine.  In  1853  he  was  elected 
to  the  state  senate  as  a  Whig  in  a  strongly  Democratic  county. 

In  Auburn  Nelson  Dingley's  life  was  all  that  the  life  of  any  active  man  of 
position,  character  and  business  reputation  should  be.  He  was  never  idle  for  a 
single  hour.  He  was  a  man  of  keen  judgment  and  rare  integrity.  He  was 
active,  honest,  industrious,  sagacious,  helpful,  thoughtful,  considerate  and  kind. 
Endowed  with  the  kindliest  of  humor,  noted  for  his  jest  and  joke,  he  never  in 
jured  the  feelings  of  others. 

He  took  a  keen  and  active  interest  in  passing  events  until  the  last,  and  was 
proud  of  the  accomplishments  of  his  distinguished  son.  His  home  life  was 
singularly  calm  and  peaceful.  He  viewed  all  things  from  the  high  level  of  a 
*  Christian  manhood. 

He  passed  from  life  August  3,  1897,  at  the  home  of  his  second  son,  Prank  L. 
Dingley,  in  Aiiburn,  Maine.  He  lies  buried  on  the  bank  of  the  Androscoggin 
river  beside  his  devoted  wife  and  his  distinguished  son. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  came  of  exceptionally  good 
stock,  hie  ancestors  dating  back  to  the  12th  century  when  the  family  name  first 
appears  in  the  parish  of  Dingley  in  Northamptonshire,  England.  The  Dingleys 
in  England  and  America  appear  to  have  been  honest,  sturdy  people.  They  have 
in  each  generation  played  an  important  part  in  history;  but  under  the  divine  dis 
pensation  of  God,  it  was  left  for  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.  seven  hundred  years  after 
the  earliest  recorded  history  of  the  Dingley  family  name,  to  make  the  name  of 
Dingley  famous  throughout  the  civilized  world.  1 

1 — Much  of  the  biographical  matter  in  these  chapters  relating  to  the  Ding- 
leys  in  America  is  obtained  from  an  autobiography  of  Nelson  Dingley  Jr.,  writ 
ten  and  published  by  him  in  1874.  The  dedication  of  this  little  volume  on  its 
title  page  is  as  follows: 

"To  my  Dear  Father,  whose  life  is  still  graciously  spared,  and  the  memory 
of  my  Dear  Mother,  who  has  passed  to  that  better  land  where  I  hope  to  join  her 
when  my  life-work  is  done." 

Miss  M.  A.  Thomas  of  Marshfleld,  Massachusetts,  furnished  Congressman 
Dingley  at  that  time  with  some  interesting  data  concerning  his  family,  much  of 
-which  is  given  in  these  pages. 


"(22) 


GARCELON'S  FERRY,   ANDROSCOGGIN  RIVER. 

LAST  RESTING  PLACE  OF  NELSON  DINGLEY  JR.,  AUBURN. 

OLD  DINGLEY  BURYING  GROUND,  DURHAM. 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED   BELOW 


RENEWED  BOOKS  ARE  SUBJECT  TO  IMMEDIATE 
RECALL 


LIBRARY,  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  DAVIS 

Book  Slip-70w-9,'65(F7151s4)458 


N2  429439 

E664 
Dingley,  E.N.  D58 

The  life  and  times       D5 
of  Nelson  Dingley,  jr. 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


